Sverige rankas ofta som ett av världens mest jämställda länder och år 2015 uttalade den socialdemokratiska regeringen, med Margot Wallström i spetsen, sina utrikespolitiska ambitioner med avsikt att föra den feministiska kampen framåt. Regeringen menade nämligen att den svenska jämställdhetsmodellen, med dess verktyg för jämställdhetsintegrering, borde vara tongivande också på den internationella arenan. Studien har därmed ämnat att undersöka det feministiska utrikespolitiska fältet, där syftet varit att studera hur utrikesförvaltningen och regeringskansliet positionerar Sverige i en internationell kontext. Hur beskrivs svensk jämställdhetspolitik och vad innebär den feministiska utrikespolitiken i praktiken? Genom ett diskursanalytiskt angreppssätt i kombination med intersektionella- och postkloniala teoretiska ramverk, har materialet brutits ned och kritiskt granskats, för att framhäva vilka sanningsregimer och attityder som ligger latent inskrivna i regeringens språkbruk. Detta för att få förståelse för vilka motsättningar och målkonflikter som påverkar implementeringen av de 'universella jämställdhet' som proklameras. Vilka individer avser regeringen hjälpa?

The purpose of the following thesis is to critically analyse the ideational content of the current Swedish security policy. The thesis examines ideational content present in the Swedish governments foreign policy declarations of 2019, 2020, and 2021 as well as the government bill for the total defence in the period 2021-2025. Through idea criticism this thesis scrutinise the logical rigour of statements. Coherent ideational content can be as a requirement on all political content, and especially concerning security policy dealing with high-risk values. Incoherence of ideas can be seen as an invalid policy. The two texts are read and the ideas are sorted into statements of values, descriptions and prescriptions. The statements are then compared to theoretical ideal types of international relations theory. Concord of ideal types can be seen as a coherent policy whilst discrepancy can be seen as incoherence. The study finds that value-statements, descriptive statements and prescriptive statements all corresponded to two ideal types. Swedish security policy can therefore be seen as incoherent.

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This study uses a neoclassical framework aiming to explain why different changes in foreign policy towards Cuba has occurred under the Trump-era. The main research question of the study is therefore: To what extent can neo-classical realism explain US policy changes towards Cuba during Trump's 2017-2021 term? The study identified three major changes that occured during the set time period that has been analysed through a neoclassical realist perspective. The material consists of a wide range from government documentation, reports, remarks, newspaper articles, academic work, tweets and more, to get a complete picture as possible. Three intervening variables grounded in neoclassical theory has been set up to analyse and find the material. The analysis concluded that domestic politics can have broad effect on foreign policy, which the neoclassical realism theory can identify.

This is a qualitative study about feminist foreign policy that will take a closer look at Sweden and Denmark's foreign policy. The purpose of the study is to see if there are elements of feminism in documents regarding developmemnt and aid work as a reflection of foreign policy. By comparing the two states with a qualitative content analysis method the study´s question will be answered and discussed. The question formulation is: How feminist really was Sweden's feminist foreign policy? This is a continuation of previous studies on feminist foreign policy. The presence of feminism in foreign policy exists in a few states, but Sweden that was the first country to instate a feminist foreign policy is now changing and is in the process of removing the feminist direction in their foreign policy. Therefore it is interesting to see if Sweden's foreign policy ever was feminist and if so in what way.

This study analyses the Actorness Cohesion (AC) of the EU’s foreign policy in the United Nations General Assembly First Committee by comparing the EU Delegation foreign policy-maker’s role conceptions to those made by the EU Member State (EU MS) Delegations on the same topic clusters. The concept of AC is developed from actorness and role theory as an ideational, constructivist measure of vertical policy coherence. AC represents the absence of ‘vertical conflicts’ between the EU and EU MS Delegation’s expressed role conceptions along four dimensions; Identity Cohesion, Goal Cohesion and Function Cohesion and Worldview Cohesion. This is studied by interpreting the role stability in the role-set; whether the contents are consistent, the EU role conception is central or whether the EU MS Delegations complement and/or are compatible to the EU role conception. Statements on topic clusters: ‘Disarmament Machinery’, ‘Conventional Weapons’ and ‘Outer Space (disarmament aspects)’ are analysed in order to determine the AC. The study concludes that whilst there is little evidence of the EU Delegation’s role conception being central to the EU MS Delegations, there is considerable consistency of contents. There are also indications of an emerging AC due to the EU MS Delegation’s role conceptions being complementary to that of the EU Delegation. The study calls for more research that will complement this plausibility-probe study and the concept of AC.

The aim of this paper is to describe which view the Chinese government in connection with the Olympics wants to display for the natural world and analyze if this view coincide with China’s foreign-policy goals. A qualitative content analysis is used. By using the theory of rational choice and a model with three different political approaches I want to examine whether or not the foreign-policy goals of the Chinese regime comport with the view that displays in two major newspapers in China. Since the runoff voting in Moscow in 2001 for the 2008 Olympics the Chinese government has been able to act rational and to compose different strategies to use the Games in Beijing for political propaganda. The analysis show that the governing in China make use of domestic media to put across their political message and some of the most important foreign-policy goals also occur in articles that handle the Olympic Games of 2008.

The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the behavior among political parties in the Swedish parliament in the debates on foreign policy from year 2000 to year 2015. The aim is to find out if and how much the parties have politicized the topic of Sweden’s standpoint towards the military non-alignment that has characterized the country’s foreign politics throughout the years. The aim was also to see if turbulence in the international sphere has led to a tendency among the parties to keep a more unanimous debate about Sweden’s military non-alignment for reasons that stem from the interest of maintaining national security. The analysis did not show that parties politicized this political area to a greater extent during this period, but rather kept a low profile in these matters. However, this analyze indicates that parties tend to bring up the topic to a higher degree right after a conflict in Sweden’s surrounding area has occurred. There are therefore reasons to reevaluate the theory that says that parties tend to stick together when international turbulence occurs, as the result of this analyze rather shows a higher level of politicization in the debates on foreign policy during these times.

In this study I examine the decisions to sign and later terminate the so called Saudi agreement, a military memorandum of understanding (MoU) between Sweden and Saudi Arabia, understood as a gateway agreement for future arms deals as well as exchange of defense technology knowledge. Comparing statements from the Social Democratic Party (SAP), who held government both in 2005 when the agreement was signed as well as in 2015 when it was terminated unilaterally by Sweden, I examine the ideological preferences of Swedish foreign policy. Could the shift in policy be explained by ideology?

In 2005 the Swedish social democratic government settled a defense treaty with Saudi Arabia. Ten years later, a new Social democratic government ends the treaty. This thesis will study the Social democratic party’s motives behind their actions regarding the treaty. Kjell Goldmanns theory regarding the three fields of interest concerning state’s foreign policy, security policy, economy and international values, will serve as the theory and operationalization of this thesis. The thesis will operate an analysis of motives to study the main motives of the party’s actions during four events. After examining the actions of the Social democrats in media and the parliament, the thesis found that the party had changed their main motives between 2005 and 2015. Their main motives in 2005 were economical and in 2015 were their main motives international values, which reaches the conclusion that the Social democrats have changed their motives regarding the treaty.