La présente thèse dit ce qu’est le Président de la République Portugaise, elle le nomme. Pour ce faire, elle montre comment la figure présidentielle s’est construite depuis 1986, depuis que la démocratie portugaise n’est plus « à l’ombre des épées ». A cette fin, la thèse examine d’abord la légitimité particulière du Chef de l’Etat lusitain, directe mais apartisane. Celle-ci doit être comprise à la lumière de l’histoire politique et constitutionnelle du Portugal qui a connu le parlementarisme éclaté et la dictature personnelle. Elle examine ensuite la position du Président de la République au sein de l’architecture constitutionnelle portugaise au moyen de ses pouvoirs et de ses relations avec le Gouvernement en tant que fonction et en tant qu’organe. Si la présidence portugaise ne détermine pas la politique générale du pays, les différents titulaires de la charge présidentielle ont su participer à la formation de la volonté politique de l’Etat grâce au développement d’une magistrature qui leur est propre. Leurs prises de parole et leurs actions de terrain ont permis au Président de la République d’avoir une réalité par-delà le dispositif constitutionnel. De ces différents éléments, la thèse infère enfin la qualification du régime politique portugais et se clôt sur la dénomination de la figure présidentielle portugaise, telle qu’elle a été et s’est construite. / This doctoral dissertation tells what the President of the Portuguese Republic is and gives it a name. To this end, it shows how the Portuguese presidential figure has built itself since 1986, since the Portuguese democracy has no more been under the “shadow of swords”. To reach this goal, the dissertation begins by focusing on the president’s legitimacy, direct but unpartisan. Its particular legitimacy cannot be understood without referring to Portugal’s political and constitutional history which went through fragmented parliamentarism and personal dictatorship. Then it considers the presidential position within the Portuguese constitutional framework using its powers and looking into its relations with the Government as a function and as an organ. If the Portuguese presidency does not fix the country general policy, it does take part in the State’s will formation due to the emergence of a proper magistracy. Speech and field acts have given a reality to the President beyond the constitutional purview. Finally, this doctoral dissertation infers the qualification of the Portuguese political regime and ends by naming the Portuguese presidential figure, as it has been built and as it has been built itself.

Le principal reproche qui est adressé au droit international est la faiblesse de ses mécanismes de sanctions. Pour cette raison, plusieurs penseurs juridiques ont conclu que le droit international n'existait pas. Le présent mémoire vise donc à étudier la rhétorique derrière cette affirmation et à examiner sa validité. Pour ce faire, nous analysons dans un premier temps la relation entre la sanction et le droit à travers le cadre positiviste du XIXe siècle. Nous étudions tour à tour les soi-disant critères constitutifs de la sanction. Nous les comparons avec d'autres ordres non juridiques pour ensuite rejeter le postulat positiviste qui fait de la contrainte et de la centralisation des pouvoirs les éléments essentiels de la sanction. Nous étudions ensuite le cadre d'adoption des sanctions économiques du Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies. Cette étape nous permet d'expliquer les principales faiblesses et limitations du droit international. Parmi celles-ci, le manque de coopération internationale, le droit de veto et le principe de la souveraineté nationale sont les éléments qui freinent l'adoption des sanctions coopération internationale. Nous examinons ensuite les objectifs derrière l'imposition des sanctions ainsi que leur efficacité. Finalement, nous étudions les embargos en général et les embargos sur les armes. Cette étude nous permet d'une part de démontrer les effets des sanctions économiques sur la population civile et sur les États tiers. D'autre part, elle nous permet de mieux comprendre les problèmes relatifs à l'administration d'une sanction, ainsi qu'aux mesures de contournement des interdictions. / The fundamental criticism addressed to internationallaw denounces the weaknesses of its sanctions mechanisms. For this reason, severallegal thinkers conc1uded to the inexistence of international law. The present text studies the rhetoric behind this statement and examines its validity. To do so, we analyze in the first place the relationship between sanction and law through the positivist framework of the XIXth Century. We examine in turn the so-called fundamental elements of sanction. We compare these elements with different non-Iegal orders so that we can ultimately reject the positivist theory according to which coercion and centralization ofpower are the fundamental elements of sanction. Chapter II examines the United Nations Security Council framework for adopting economic sanctions. This step allows us to underline the main sources ofweaknesses and limitations of internationallaw. In this respect we observe that the lack of international cooperation is the major weakness of internationallaw. Furthermore, an analysis of the relevant dispositions of the United Nations Charter shows that the veto right and the principle of international sovereignty are two elements that hamper international cooperation. We then study the objectives behind the adoption of sanctions as well as their effectiveness. Finally, we study general embargoes as well as arms embargos. This inquiry allows us to focus on the effects of economic sanctions on both civilians and third States. It also helps us understand the problems with regard to the administration of a sanction, as well as the ways to bypass the prohibitions. / "Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit, option recherche (LL.M)". Ce mémoire a été accepté à l'unanimité et classé parmi les 10% des mémoires de la discipline. Commentaires du jury : "Excellent mémoire qui aborde de façon intelligente et stimulante un sujet par ailleurs complexe. Félicitations des membres du jury qui ont apprécié avoir le privilège de lire ce texte."

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O veto presidencial no STF um estado de caso de tensão entre os poderes.pdf: 2692181 bytes, checksum: 02f5be1ab2c037769b005dd6d661bd22 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-01 / Esta pesquisa tem como principal objetivo descrever e analisar a atuação do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) em casos que envolvam veto presidencial a projeto de lei (veto), a fim de identificar como se constrói a relação do STF com os poderes Legislativo e Executivo, nessas situações. Reflexamente, a partir disso, esta pesquisa também analisa quais são as regras criadas pelo STF na delimitação do papel do Executivo e do Legislativo ao decidir os casos sobre o veto presidencial a projeto de lei e para a sua própria competência para resolver esses casos. Para isso, esta pesquisa apresenta a construção do raciocínio teórico sobre o papel do Judiciário dentro dessa fase da separação dos poderes (veto) e a analisa cinquenta e cinco decisões do STF sobre o tema; diversos documentos do poder Legislativo quanto a projetos de leis e lei e; diversos documentos com justificativas quanto ao veto presidencial. Constatou-se que a forma de decisão do STF, nesses casos, é diversificada, sendo possível identificar perfis para cada um dos sete grupos de casos criados na pesquisa; também foi constatado que, por regra, os casos que chegam ao STF representam algum rompimento de entendimento quanto à tomada de decisão política entre os atores políticos envolvidos e fica a encargo do STF a resolução do conflito; constatou-se, também, que o STF é claro quanto ao limite da sua competência para o controle desse tipo de casos, reservando amplo espaço para esse seu poder, contudo, na prática, apenas em casos excepcionais este órgão decide julgar inválido (inconstitucional) o caso. Concluiu-se que, mesmo sendo excepcional, os casos em que o STF atua de maneira enfática as consequências que essas decisões podem causar são graves e, que, por isso, deveriam haver limites legais para a sua atuação e até mesmo responsabilização pelas suas decisões. Concluiu-se, também, que os estudiosos da separação dos poderes, mais especificamente quanto ao veto, não analisam a importância que o Judiciário tem nesse processo. / This study aims at describing and analyzing how the Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) rules the cases that deal with presidential veto, in order to identify how the STF's relationship with the legislative and executive branches is built. Through the cases, this research focus on the rules established by the STF in defining the role of the executive and legislative to decide cases on the presidential veto and in limiting its own jurisdiction. To this, the author develops a theoretical reasoning about the judiciary's role in this phase of the separation of powers (veto); and analyzes fifty-five decisions of the Supreme Court on the subject, several legislative branch documents on bills and laws and, finally, presidential documents that have reasoning for the presidential veto. The cases studied showed that the form of the Supreme Court decision in such cases is diverse, since it is possible to identify profiles for each of the seven groups of cases created in the research. Secondly, I found that the cases analyzed, as a rule, represent a breach of understanding about the political decision-making among political actors involved and STF is demanded to solve the conflicts. The cases also showed that the Supreme Court is clear on the scope of their responsibilities for the control of such cases, allowing ample space for its own power, however, in practice only in exceptional cases this body decides invalid (unconstitutional) the case. I also concluded that, even if exceptional cases where the Supreme Court acts in an emphatic manner, the consequences of these decisions can cause are serious and that therefore there should be legal limits to its performance and even accountability for their decisions. Finally, the scholars of separation of powers, more specifically the veto, do not analyze the importance that the judiciary has in this process.

The thesis deals with the perspective of the Austrian newspapers like Die Presse and Kurier on the Czech-Austrian relationship between years 1999 and 2004, or more precisely the issue of Temelín NPP. The main topics for the Austrian press became the approval of completion by the Czech government and of course the launch of Temelín NPP. Significant moments were the blockades and demonstrations of Austrian citizens at the Czech-Austrian border crossings, Austria's attempt to veto the accession negotiations between Czech Republic and EU or internal political struggle in the Austrian government.

The article focuses on the current situation in Syria in light of international criminal law and international humanitarian law. In particular, the author focuses on events and developments carried out from mid 2013 until September 2014. The author begins her research by providing a brief summary of the reasons that have lead to an armed conflict in Syria, and, inturn, examines the issue of the humanitarian consequences of the conflict, as well as some of the measures that have been adopted by the international community to address such consequences. Some of the main sources for this article are the reports adopted by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic, which provide a crucial tool in order to assess the legal nature and characterization of the armed conflict, particularly in light of the increasing presence of new parties to the conflict. The evolution of the conflict allows the author to further examine the nature of the specific crimes that are being documented in Syria, giving way to an analysis within the field of international criminal law and international criminal responsibility. In the last section, the author examines the role of the UN Security Council in ensuring accountability for crimes in Syria. In particular, the vote on the referral of the Syria situation to the International Criminal Court is thoroughly assessed, leading, in turn, to the current debate on the use of the veto in situations involving crimes under international law. / El presente artículo analiza la situación actual en Siria a la luz del derecho penal internacional y el derecho internacional humanitario. El artículo se enfoca, principalmente, en los desarrollos que tuvieron lugar a partir de mediados de 2013 hasta septiembre de 2014. La autora inicia su investigación con un breve resumen del devenir del conflicto, para luego proceder a analizar las consecuencias humanitarias del mismo y algunas medidas adoptadas por la comunidad internacional. Seguidamente, y tomando como fuente esencial de investigación los informes de la Comisión Internacional Independiente de Investigación sobre la República Árabe de Siria (Comisión de Investigación sobre Siria), la autora analiza la naturaleza y calificación jurídica del conflicto, tomando en cuenta la presencia de nuevos actores en el conflicto. A su vez, la evolución del conflicto exige el análisis de los crímenes concretos que se vienen cometiendo en Siria, lo que lleva a la autora al plano del derecho penal internacional y la responsabilidad penal internacional del individuo. Finalmente, la autora procede a analizar detalladamente el rol del Consejo de Seguridad en promover medidas de accountability en Siria, lo cual lleva al análisis detenido de la votación en el seno del Consejo en torno a la remisión de la situación en Siria a la Corte Penal Internacional, así como al debate actual respecto al empleo del derecho al veto ante situaciones que involucran crímenes bajo el derecho internacional.

Au vu de la prévalence significative des événements indésirables liés aux médicaments, ainsi que du risque croissant de résistance aux antibiotiques (causée principalement par les prescriptions inappropriées et une utilisation excessive), nous proposons une architecture générale pour des systèmes de recommandation adaptés à ce type de contexte et nous en développons un pour la prescription d’antibiotiques (PARS). Le type de contexte pour lequel l’approche est proposée est caractérisé par des décisions à haut risque et/ou à enjeux importants. Le système ne peut être basé sur l’apprentissage car une base de données de cas n’est pas disponible. Toutefois, des connaissances et des règles de bonnes pratiques existent et de ce fait il convient de développer un système capable de les modéliser et de les mettre en oeuvre. Le système est destiné à un utilisateur qui est le décideur qui doit adapter sa décision à chaque sujet dont les besoins et les caractéristiques sont spécifiques. Le modèle doit pouvoir s’adapter à différents types d’évolutions. L’approche est basée sur la combinaison des technologies web sémantique avec un modèle d’aide multicritère à la décision. Le système comporte deux étapes. Compte tenu de la spécificité du domaine d’application, l’approche évalue d’abord la pertinence d’une alternative (action) pour un sujet et un besoin donnés dans un contexte spécifique. Le premier niveau du modèle d’aide à la décision est de sélectionner selon le besoin l’ensemble des alternatives qui ont le potentiel d’être appropriées. Le deuxième niveau consiste à évaluer et à trier les alternatives dans des catégories en fonction de leur adéquation. Nous proposons une approche qui exploite les schémas de connaissances du web sémantiques (ontologies) et qui structure les règles de recommandation en une méthode de tri adaptée : MR-Sort avec Veto. Cette approche permet de lier et de mettre en correspondance des sources de connaissances hétérogènes exprimées par des experts. En collaboration avec le Centre hospitalier EpiCURA, nous avons appliqué cette approche dans le domaine médical et plus précisément, pour la prescription des antibiotiques. Les performances de l’approche ont été comparées aux recommandations données par EpiCURA. Les résultats ont montré que le système proposé est plus détaillé dans ses recommandations par comparaison aux guidelines en usage au Centre EpiCURA. En prenant éventuellement en compte des caractéristiques supplémentaires des sujets, le modèle est capable de s’adapter à des changements dans le contexte (nouveaux antibiotiques, effets secondaires, développement de germes résistants). / Motivated by the well documented worldwide spread of adverse drug events that are associated to antibiotics usage, as well as the increased danger of antibiotic resistance (caused mainly by inappropriate prescribing and overuse), we propose a general architecture for recommendation systems adapted for this kind of context and we develop a specific system for antibiotic prescription (PARS). The type of context that our architecture covers is characterised by highly risky decisions or decisions with high stakes. Such a system cannot be based on machine learning, since there are no available training data sets or case bases. However, rules of good practice and expert knowledge are available, therefore our system should be able to model and implement them. The proposed solution is intended to be used by a decision maker who must adapt his/her decision both to each subject’s specific needs and characteristics, as well as to different types of evolution. Our approach is based on the combination of semantic technologies with MCDA (Multi-Criteria Decision Aids). The decision support process involves two steps. First, by taking into account the specific application domain, the approach evaluates the relevance of each alternative (action) in order to satisfy the needs of a given subject. The first level of the decision support model aims to select all the alternatives that have the potential to fulfill the subject’s needs. Subsequently, the second level consists of evaluating and sorting the selected alternatives in categories according to their adequacy to the characteristics of the subject. We propose an approach that exploits the knowledge schemes of semantic web technologies (ontologies) and that structures the recommendation rules into a suitable sorting method: the MR-Sort with Veto. By doing so, our solution is able to link and match heterogeneous knowledge sources expressed by experts. In collaboration with the EpiCURA Hospital Center, we have applied this approach in the medical domain and more specifically in the prescription of antibiotics. The system’s recommendations were compared with those expressed in the guidelines currently in use at EpiCURA. The results showed us that PARS allows for a better consideration of the sensitivity of the patients to the adverse effects of antibiotics. Moreover, by taking into account the additional characteristics of the patients, the model is able to adapt to contextual changes (such as new antibiotics, side effects and development of resistant micro-organisms).

Foreign policy of Trump's administration: Withdrawal from the Paris Accord through the lens of two-level game theory Abstract Foreign policy of President Donald Trump has been a point of enquiry of many scholars so far. In the literature, we can observe a great diversity in opinions that attempt to explain his motivations in certain specific foreign policy actions. The main focus of this diploma thesis is laid on the withdrawal from international treaties, namely the Paris Accord from 2015. In this idiographic case study, we utilize the theory of two-level games by Robert Putnam which enables us to analyze the link between the domestic level of the decision to withdraw the international treaty. By identifying veto players in the U.S. political system, more concretely in its environmental policies, we were able to uncover the underlying notions behind the decision. Veto players in our case were the Congress with Republican and Democratic party, electoral impetus covering the general public opinion and new actors entering the public debate (private companies and states). Alternatively, we described the President's and his administration distinctive motivations. The thesis provides a new insight into the politics of the decision to withdraw from the Paris Accord. As per our findings, the electoral impetus is...

Astrophysical observations give convincing evidence for a vast non-baryonic component, the so-called dark matter, accounting for over 20% of the overall content of our Universe. Direct dark matter search experiments explore the possibility of interactions of these dark matter particles with ordinary baryonic matter via elastic scattering resulting in single nuclear recoils. The ZEPLIN-III detector operated on the basis of a dualphase (liquid/gas) xenon target, recording events in two separate response channels { scintillation and ionisation. These allow discrimination between electron recoils (from background radiation) and the signal expected from Weakly Interacting Massive Particle (WIMP) elastic scatters. Following a productive first exposure, the detector was upgraded with a new array of ultra-low background photomultiplier tubes, reducing the electron recoil background by over an order of magnitude. A second major upgrade to the detector was the incorporation of a tonne-scale active veto detector system, surrounding the WIMP target. Calibration and science data taken in coincidence with ZEPLIN-III showed rejection of up to 30% of the dominant electron recoil background and over 60% of neutron induced nuclear recoils. Data taking for the second science run finished in May 2011 with a total accrued raw fiducial exposure of 1,344 kg days. With this extensive data set, from over 300 days of run time, a limit on the spin-independent WIMP-nucleon cross-section of 4.8 10-8 pb near 50 GeV/c2 WIMP mass with 90% confidence was set. This result combined with the first science run of ZEPLIN-III excludes the scalar cross-section above 3.9 10-8 pb. Studying the background data taken by the veto detector allowed a calculation of the neutron yield induced by high energy cosmic-ray muons in lead of (5.8 0.2) 10-3 neutrons/muon/(g/cm2) for a mean muon energy of 260 GeV. Measurements of this kind are of great importance for large scale direct dark matter search experiments and future rare event searches in general. Finally, this work includes a comprehensive measurement of the energy dependent quenching factor for low energy nuclear recoils in a plastic scintillator, such as from the ZEPLIN-III veto detector, increasing accuracy for future simulation packages featuring large scale plastic scintillator detector systems.

Do conflict parties’ characteristics influence mediation onset? Using the veto player theory, this study addresses the question why and under what circumstances mediation occurs. The predictions made by veto player theory correspond with why conflicts are, or become more intense and longer (Cunningham 2006). I argue that the number of veto players influences the cost-benefit calculations of conflict actors, as low numbers of veto players limit concession making, while high numbers of veto players exacerbate information asymmetries. Therefore, I test the hypothesis that the relationship between the number of veto players and mediation onset probability is curvilinear, with medium numbers of veto players increasing mediation incidence likelihood. Using data on mediation onsets in civil conflicts for the period 1946-2003, I find across different statistical model specifications that low and high numbers of veto players impede mediation onset. The models explain and predict mediation occurrence well, but are sensitive to model specifications, i.e. the exclusion of observations does not allow the model to reproduce the same results. The findings confirm the explanatory value of conflict costs and the benefits of a dyadic conflict analysis approach, yet suggest that more research on conflict actors’ characteristics is necessary to understand mediation.

Cette thèse aborde le thème de l'efficacité au regard du management public, de l'écologie et de l’économie des capitaux pour comprendre les problèmes qui aujourd’hui font obstacle au développement de nombreux pays. Nombre de systèmes d’alimentation en eau potable dans leur milieu rural, ne sont pas à mesure d’apporter une réponse adéquate aux besoins réellement ressentis par les populations concernées. Elle se pose la question de savoir pourquoi tant d’investissements ont-ils donné aussi peu de résultats dans le secteur de l’eau dans les pays en développement. Elle se propose d’appliquer une nouvelle approche dans le cadre de la modélisation et de la simulation des systèmes d’approvisionnement en eau potable. Elle se propose aussi d’intégrer le même modèle au « mix » concernant l’eau et les énergies renouvelables. Il entend, enfin, réaliser une modélisation numérique pour permettre un prototypage virtuel du système proposé et d’aider à la conduite de projets de réalisation. Sans prétendre résoudre l’ensemble des problèmes associés à la gouvernance de l’eau potable en milieu rural dans des pays en développement, cette recherche fournit aux décideurs des moyens d’améliorer la performance opérationnelle des services d’eau à l’aide d’un modèle éco-efficace de conception de systèmes éco-efficaces et de coordination avec les usagers. Le nouveau modèle proposé riche de trois méta-règles débouchent au calcul d’indice ZOMBO (Iz), utilisé comme une métrique de fiabilité pour la validation et l’évaluation de la maitrise dudit modèle. Elle apporte aussi des supports de participation des populations locales à travers une démocratie traditionnelle africaine sous l’arbre à palabres / This thesis deals with the theme of efficiency in public management, ecology, and capital economics, in order to understand the problems that today hinder the development of many countries. Many drinking water systems in rural areas in developing countries are not able to provide an adequate response to the real needs felt by the concerned populations. The question arises as to why so many investments have yielded so little success in the water sector in developing countries? The research proposes to apply a new approach in the modeling and simulation of drinking water supply systems. It also intends to integrate the same model into the "mix" concerning water and renewable energies. Finally, it intends to carry out a numerical modeling to allow a virtual prototyping of the proposed system and to assist in the conduct of realization projects. Without seeking to solve all the problems associated with the governance of drinking water in rural areas in developing countries, this research provides decision-makers with the means to improve the operational performance of water services, an eco-efficient design of procurement systems, and coordination with users. The proposed new model of three metarules leads to the calculation of the ZOMBO index (Iz), used as a reliability metric for the validation and evaluation of the mastery of the model. It also provides support for the participation of local communities through a traditional African democracy approach under the Palaver tree