Spelling suggestions: "subject:"W.E.B Du dois"" "subject:"W.E.B Du pois""
11 |
Representado o \'novo\' negro norte-americano: W.E.B. Du Bois e a revista The Crisis, 1910-1920 / Representing the \"new\" North-American negro: W.E.B. Du Bois and The Crisis magazine, 1910-1920Nascimento, Carlos Alexandre da Silva 04 September 2015 (has links)
O presente trabalho tem como intuito analisar como a representação visual de afroamericanos foi empregada pela revista The Crisis A Record of the Darker Races, durante sua primeira década de existência (1910-1920), com o objetivo de promover uma nova maneira de apresentar a imagem do negro para a sociedade estadunidense. Este periódico, mecanismo de protesto e propaganda da maior organização para a promoção de direitos civis dos Estados Unidos, a National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, (NAACP), esteve por vinte e quatro anos sob a editoração do intelectual e militante afro-americano William Edward Burghardt Du Bois e foi intrinsicamente influenciada pela forma como seu editor entendia as relações raciais, criando, muitas vezes, impasses e atritos entre ele os demais membros da NAACP. Em uma sociedade em que predominava uma imagem distorcida do afroamericano de forma a denegri-lo, pode-se dizer que a produção visual em The Crisis procurou alterar aquela antiga representação erigindo ideologicamente um senso de autoafirmação. / This study aims to analyze the visual representation of African Americans in the journal The Crisis The Record of Darker Races from 1910-1920, as part of its objective to promote a new way of displaying images of blacks to American society. This journal was the principal organ of the largest organization for the promotion of civil rights in the United States, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). For twenty-four years it was edited by the prominent black intellectual and militant William Edward Burghardt Du Bois and was intrinsically influenced by how he understood race relations, often creating friction between him and other members of the NAACP. In a society in which a distorted picture of African Americans prevailed, the visual production in The Crisis sought to alter such representations by ideologically affirming a sense of self-affirmation.
|
12 |
Imagining Haiti: Representations of Haiti in the American Press during the U.S. Occupation, 1915-1934Baroco, Molly M 13 May 2011 (has links)
Throughout the United States occupation of Haiti from 1915 to 1934, the U.S. government and its supporters were forced to defend the legitimacy of American action. In order to justify it to the American public, officials and journalists created a dichotomy of capacity between an inferior Haiti and a superior U.S., and they presented the occupation as a charitable civilizing mission. This vision of Haiti and Haitians was elaborated in a racialized discourse wherein Haitians were assigned various negative traits that rendered them incapable of self-government. In examining how the New York Times, the National Geographic Magazine, and the Crisis represented Haiti, I demonstrate how race was the primary signifier, and how these representations were used to either perpetuate or challenge the American racial social hierarchy.
|
13 |
THE SOCIAL, ECONOMIC AND PSYCHOLOGICAL ‘WAGES OF WHITENESS’: AN EMPIRICAL STUDY OF THE EFFECTS OF APPLICANT’S RACE, SEX, AND CRIMINAL RECORD STATUS ON THE APPLICANT REVIEW, EVALUATION, AND HIRING OUTCOMEStanford, Brandon Michael January 2020 (has links)
Most research on the effects of race on people’s lived experiences focuses on how race affects the lives of people of color. Since the 1990’s, a growing body of literature has focused on “Whiteness” in society. Most “Whiteness Studies” focus on how “White” developed as a racial category and how various ethnic/national groups (e.g., Irish, Italians, Jews, Germans) came to be included under that racial label. However, nearly a century ago, in 1935, sociologist W.E.B. Du Bois referred to the public and psychological wage for Whiteness—in part, meaning the societal gravity or weight that the label “White” tends to carry. Du Bois’ oft-quoted proposition has never been empirically tested. The present study used the experimental method to empirically test Du Bois’ proposition. Using mock job applications that were identical except that (1) the applicant’s photograph had been electronically manipulated to vary race (Black or Caucasian) and sex (male or female) and (2) the application either did or did not suggest the applicant had a pending criminal charge. Each participant evaluated one mock applicant on a variety of employment and personality scales. Major findings show a main, usually negative, effect of criminal records status on ratings. Interaction effects show that participants ranked Black applicants with a pending criminal record higher than Whites with a pending record, while the reverse was true when applicants had no criminal record. Social desirability bias, and other possibilities (e.g., heightened socio-political consciousness and identification) – are discussed as possible explanation effects, including absence of prominent race or sex effects. / African American Studies
|
14 |
We Wear the Mask: Exploring the Talented Tenth and African American Political Philosophy in 21st Century PoliticsMinter, Lauryn T 18 December 2014 (has links)
Researchers have suggested that Blacks who express linked racial fate are ideologically liberal. Given the prominence of Black philosophical thought and salience of race, I suggest that linked racial fate results in conservative ideology, which exists on a separate ideological dimension than the traditional conservative ideological dimension. This new ideological dimension, referred to as conservatism among Blacks, is vital to understanding Black political thought in the 21st century. Using data from the 1996 National Black Election Study, 2008 National Annenberg Election Study, and focus group data I argue that the conservative ideas espoused by Blacks, specifically members of the Talented Tenth, actually support Black advancement in the same way that Blacks express support for Democratic candidates or ideals as a result of linked racial fate. Moreover, conservatism among Blacks does not result in a specific partisan identification or support for certain candidates; instead, conservatism results in explicit support for policies and ideas that align with the ideas and philosophies of Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Marcus M. Garvey. This dissertation fills the gap in the literature that does not utilize Black philosophers, Black political leaders, or college educated Blacks to explain Black political thought and behavior. The study of members of the Talented Tenth provides a framework for understanding how Blacks negotiate various political philosophies, challenging traditional Black American political thought while remaining racially linked to the Black community
|
15 |
Peace and Mind: Religion, Race, and Gender among Progressive Intellectuals and ActivistsHumphries, David 06 August 2007 (has links)
This paper explores how changing conceptions of religion, race, and gender at the beginning of the twentieth century promoted transnational anti-systemic movements and increased cooperation between progressive intellectuals and political activists. Using the cases of Bertrand Russell, George Bernard Shaw, W.E.B. Du Bois, Marcus Garvey, Jane Addams, and Sylvia Pankhurst, this paper chronicles and analyzes protest to the First World War and objection to the organization of the world-system.
|
16 |
Owning and Belonging: Southern Literature and the Environment, 1903-1979Beilfuss, Michael J. 2012 August 1900 (has links)
This dissertation engages a number of currents of environmental criticism and rhetoric in an analysis of the poetry, fiction, and non-fiction of the southeastern United States. I examine conceptions of genitive relationships with the environment as portrayed in the work of diverse writers, primarily William Faulkner, Robert Penn Warren, W.E.B. Du Bois, Zora Neal Hurston, and Elizabeth Madox Roberts. Southern literature is rarely addressed in ecocritical studies, and to date no work offers an intensive and focused examination of the rhetoric employed in conceptions of environmental ownership. However, southern literature and culture provides fertile ground to trace the creation, development, and communication of environmental values because of its history of agrarianism, slavery, and a literary tradition committed to a sense of place.
I argue that the concerns of the two main distinctive threads of environmental literary scholarship - ecopoetics and environmentalism of the poor - neatly overlap in the literature of the South. I employ rhetorical theory and phenomenology to argue that southern authors call into question traditional forms of writing about nature - such as pastoral, the sublime, and wilderness narratives - to reinvent and revitalize those forms in order to develop and communicate modes of reciprocal ownership of natural and cultural environments. These writers not only imagine models of personal and communal coexistence with the environment, but also provide new ways of thinking about environmental justice. The intersection of individual and social relationships with history and nature in Southern literature provides new models for thinking about environmental relationships and how they are communicated. I argue that expressions of environmental ownership and belonging suggest how individuals and groups can better understand their distance and proximity to their environments, which may result in new valuations of personal and social environmental relationships.
|
17 |
History Will Be My Judge: A Cultural Examination of America's Racial Tensions Presented Through the Symbolization of Booker T. WashingtonKeturah C Nix (8088539) 06 December 2019 (has links)
<i> History Will Be My Judge: A Cultural Examination of America's Racial Tensions Presented Through the Symbolization of Booker T. Washington</i> is an interdisciplinary study about the emergence of Booker T. Washington as a black cultural hero. By the turn of the twentieth century, Washington had become the most prominent African American educator, economic reformer, entrepreneur, and race leader in the United States. He is most recognized as the founder of Tuskegee Institute (now University) and his highly acclaimed autobiography, <i>Up From Slavery</i>, which recounts his life growing up enslaved to becoming an international icon. Since his death in 1915, several monuments, memorials, landmarks, and commemorative tributes have been established in his honor. During the 1940s, Washington became the first African American pictured on the United States postage stamp and minted silver half-dollar. Additionally, he was spotlighted in a series of media campaigns called "Famous American Firsts," and was the first African American inducted into the Hall of Fame for Great Americans. Moreover, amidst the presidential transition between Barack Obama and Donald Trump, black popular media has alluded to Washington's economic philosophy through music videos, documentaries, and television programs. I argue that each of these posthumous commemorations belong to larger social justice movements, namely, the Civil Rights movement and Black Lives Matter movement. Throughout these eras, Washington's legacy has served to counter white supremacy and symbolize the rise of integration, the black middle class, economic justice, black self-made, black education, and the legacy of slavery.<div> The purpose of this study is to examine how during periods of racial unrest, African Americans leverage Booker T. Washington's image to counter racist stereotypes and reaffirm black citizenship. The primary framework applied in this study is William L. Van Deburg's theory of the <i>black cultural hero. </i>Two emergent theories from this research are my developing frameworks called <i>Black Hustle Theory</i> and <i>nostalgic tension</i>. Using literary and visual analysis, I assess historical archives from popular press, black literature, American memorabilia, and black popular culture to examine Washington's commemorative legacy through a black radical lens. Specifically, I explore how the following four people have connected Washington's legacy to the Civil Rights movement and Black Lives Matter movement: Major Richard Robert Wright, Sr., founder of Savannah State University; Langston Hughes, famed Harlem Renaissance poet and author; Stanley Nelson, award-winning producer; and, Beyonce Knowles-Carter, singer and pop mogul. I put Washington's legacy in conversation with each of these cultural producers to simulate a call-and-response between his lifework and the generations after him.<br><div><br></div></div>
|
18 |
AFRICAN AMERICAN SPIRITUALS AND THE BIBLE: SELECTING TEXTS FOR SECONDARY EDUCATION INSTRUCTIONMichael James Greenan (9719168) 15 December 2020 (has links)
<p>The research in this thesis attempts to select texts from the African American Spirituals and the Bible that are appropriate for secondary language arts instruction, specifically for grades 9-12. The paper first gives an overview of legal justifications and educational reasons for teaching religious literature in public schools. Then, relevant educational standards are discussed, and, using the standards as an initial guide, I identify common themes within the Spirituals and Bible, which, from my analysis of various literatures, are slavery, chosenness, and coded language. Next, I describe my systematic effort to choose texts from the Spirituals and the Bible. To help accomplish this, I draw primarily from two tomes: <i>Go Down Moses: Celebrating the African-American Spiritual</i> and <i>Biblical Literacy: The Essential Bible Stories Everyone Needs to Know</i>. After I describe the research process of selecting texts, I form judgments about which biblical passages and African American Spirituals are particularly worthy of study, along with their applicable and mutual themes. </p>
|
Page generated in 0.036 seconds