This thesis deals with the transition of centrally planned economic system to market system, namely in the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary. In the theoretical part are approximated goals and phases ot transformation and transformation strategies. Furthermore, the Washington consensus, the circumstances of its origin, its content and what position occupied in transition economies. The practical part monitor the development of individual economies in the period from 1990 until 2004. Development is not captured only by macroeconomic indicators (GDP, inflation, unemployment), but also by events that these indicators have an impact. Conclusion is devoted to an overall summary and assessment of the transformation process in all three countries.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar o Plano Real e o Balanço de Pagamentos do Brasil. O que se pretende verificar é se o Plano Real é consentâneo ao sistema de Direito Brasileiro. Para tanto, a análise foi dividida em três blocos. No primeiro, que compreende os Capítulos I e II, foram apresentadas noções indispensáveis para a compreensão do assunto: de preço, poder de compra da moeda e taxa de câmbio. Na oportunidade, também se esclareceu que o Plano Real tinha como principal objetivo combater a inflação no país causada, segundo seus idealizadores, pela indexação da economia e pelo déficit público. A partir deste diagnóstico, o Plano Real é elaborado com base em três principais medidas: ajuste fiscal, criação da Unidade Real de Valor (URV) e adoção de uma âncora cambial. O segundo bloco deste trabalho, integrado pelos Capítulos III a V, vai esmiuçar esta última medida e seus efeitos, bem como as alterações legislativas provocadas pelo Plano Real (principalmente Emendas Constitucionais nº 5 a 9, todas de 1995, e Lei nº 9.069/1995). Aqui também se demonstrará como o Plano Real consagrou a ideologia preconizada pelo Consenso de Washington. No último bloco, composto pelo Capítulo VI, são analisados os efeitos provocados no nível de endividamento público decorrentes das medidas adotadas pelo Plano Real e a alteração das regras jurídicas que tratam da dívida pública que vieram ao encontro dele (principalmente Lei Complementar n° 101/2000). Neste ponto, a partir de um estudo sobre os princípios jurídicos que regem a atividade da administração pública, concluímos que o sistema jurídico brasileiro oferece fundamento suficiente para superação das regras jurídicas (e ideologia) adotadas no país com o advento do Plano Real. / The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the Real Plan, the Brazilian Balance of Payments and if the Real Plan is supported by the Brazilian law system. The analysis is divided into three blocks. First, in Chapters I and II, some indispensable concepts are presented: price, purchasing power of money and exchange rate. On the occasion, it was clarified that the Real Plan had as its main objective fight inflation in the country caused by, according to its creators, the indexation of the economy and the public deficit. Based on that diagnosis, the Real Plan counted on three measures: fiscal adjustment, creation of the Real Value Unit (URV) and adoption of a fixed exchange rate. The second block, through Chapters III to V, scrutinizes the latter measure and its effects, as well as legislative changes brought by the Real Plan (mainly Constitutional Amendments 5-9, all of 1995, and Law nº 9.069/1995). It also demonstrates that the Real Plan established the ideology advocated by the Washington Consensus. In the final section, composed of Chapter VI, the effects of Real Plan on public debt and the change of legal rules on that matter (mainly Law nº 101/2000) are analyzed. At this point, from a study of constitutional principles, we conclude that the Brazilian legal system provides sufficient basis to overcome the legal rules (and ideology) adopted in the country with the advent of the Real Plan.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:12:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2007- Thiago de Jesus Esteves.pdf: 760700 bytes, checksum: 9f3cc4ec678854dfa2be90d4ef0673c3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-08-29 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cient?fico e Tecnol?gico / The twentie century had begun to the latin-american contries with huge perspectives when we talk about changies in the economic models so far, that divided the contries into two blocks, on one side the industrialized contries and on the other side the manufacturer contries of raw material. When World War II finished, a period in which marked the end of about 30 years of crises and international conflicts, for the first time in history, the latin-american contries had na actual oportunity to put and end to a current model of International Labour Division. With this him, the UNO General Assembly approved the creation of the Economical Commission for Latin-America (ECLA) in 1948. In spite of the initial scepticism, the ECLA became the most important center of the estudies, analyses and diagnostic of the latin-american contries economical situations. So, it started to support different kinds of government of the region, implementine economical policies that cold guarantee its development, based on industrialization. With favorable international situation, even facine structural problems, the majority of the latin-american contries started to show a relative improvement relating to their economical development levels, due to the incredsing exportations.However, the 70 s was marked by lots of crises in many different fields, like politics, social, economical and military. These problematic areds reached the developed contries so much that they opened possibilities for the victory of the named Conservative Forces . It allowed a very important change in the target of the economical policies so far. Then, the well-known developmentism model fell down, in which the State owned a very relevant role therefore, it was adopted the neoliberalism , that in general lines released the markes of the state tutorship. The neoliberalism model started to be spread as a possible alternative to the other contries of the woeld as na encouraning way to its economical develoment. In this context, in 1989, a convetion took place in Washington D.C., the United States of America capital, and it was know as The Washington Consensus . In this agreement participated the north american congress and executive, lot of experts in latin-american issues, besides members of multilateral organism for credit and financing whicas lie in that renowned city, aiming for the discussion relating to a series of masures with political and economical purposes with a very clear neliberal point of view that could be adopted by the latin-american contries as a way of speedine very bad results motivated principally by na excessive interference of the state straight to the economy. By means of a brief biography survey, I m seeking in this text characterize historical, institutional, political and economical bases which since the 50 s try to contribute wich a solutionto the problem of the latin-america economical development. I m seeking to analyse and understand the models of the economical development proposed by the ECLA and the so called Washington Consensus to the region, wich by their own genesis constitute into two antagonic projects, since the former considers the State participation as an essential condition and the latter on the contrary intends a kind of economical development which is led by market, without the state interference. We come to a conclusion that both models demostred themselues ineffective in face of a great diversity of political, economical and cultural characteristics of the region. / A disserta??o busca analisar os modelos de integra??o regional que foram adotados nos pa?ses do continente americano sob duas perspectivas, a desenvolvimentista e a neoliberal. No que se refere ao modelo de integra??o desenvolvimentista, este tem como marco a aprova??o pela Assembl?ia Geral das Na??es Unidas, em 1948, da cria??o da Comiss?o econ?mica para a Am?rica Latina (CEPAL).Em rela??o ao modelo de integra??o regional sob a perspectiva neoliberal, este teve como marco a confer?ncia realizada em 1989, em Washington, capital dos Estados Unidos da Am?rica, que ficou conhecida como Consenso de Washington . Por meio de um levantamento bibliogr?fico, a presente disserta??o caracterizar as bases hist?ricas, institucionais, pol?ticas e econ?micas que desde a d?cada de 50 procuram contribuir com a solu??o do problema do desenvolvimento econ?mico da Am?rica Latina. Assim, a disserta??o se prop?e a analisar e compreender os modelos de desenvolvimento econ?mico proposto pela CEPAL e pelo chamado Consenso de Washington para a regi?o, que por sua pr?pria g?nese constituem em dois projetos antag?nicos, uma vez que o primeiro considera a participa??o do Estado como condi??o indispens?vel e o segundo ao contr?rio, pretende um modelo de desenvolvimento econ?mico capitaneado pelo mercado, sem a interfer?ncia estatal. Para atender este objetivo, s?o feitos estudos de caso sobre os modelos de integra??o regional adotados ou em processo de negocia??o nas Am?ricas, sob a perspectiva desenvolvimentista, a Associa??o Latino-Americana de Livre Com?rcio (ALALC), o Mercado Comum Centro-Americano e o Grupo Andino e no caso da perspectiva neoliberal, o Mercado Comum do Sul (Mercosul), o North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) e o projeto de cria??o da ?rea de Livre Com?rcio para as Am?ricas (ALCA). A conclus?o da disserta??o ? de que ambos os modelos se mostraram ineficazes diante da diversidade de caracter?sticas pol?ticas, econ?micas e culturais da regi?o.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar o Plano Real e o Balanço de Pagamentos do Brasil. O que se pretende verificar é se o Plano Real é consentâneo ao sistema de Direito Brasileiro. Para tanto, a análise foi dividida em três blocos. No primeiro, que compreende os Capítulos I e II, foram apresentadas noções indispensáveis para a compreensão do assunto: de preço, poder de compra da moeda e taxa de câmbio. Na oportunidade, também se esclareceu que o Plano Real tinha como principal objetivo combater a inflação no país causada, segundo seus idealizadores, pela indexação da economia e pelo déficit público. A partir deste diagnóstico, o Plano Real é elaborado com base em três principais medidas: ajuste fiscal, criação da Unidade Real de Valor (URV) e adoção de uma âncora cambial. O segundo bloco deste trabalho, integrado pelos Capítulos III a V, vai esmiuçar esta última medida e seus efeitos, bem como as alterações legislativas provocadas pelo Plano Real (principalmente Emendas Constitucionais nº 5 a 9, todas de 1995, e Lei nº 9.069/1995). Aqui também se demonstrará como o Plano Real consagrou a ideologia preconizada pelo Consenso de Washington. No último bloco, composto pelo Capítulo VI, são analisados os efeitos provocados no nível de endividamento público decorrentes das medidas adotadas pelo Plano Real e a alteração das regras jurídicas que tratam da dívida pública que vieram ao encontro dele (principalmente Lei Complementar n° 101/2000). Neste ponto, a partir de um estudo sobre os princípios jurídicos que regem a atividade da administração pública, concluímos que o sistema jurídico brasileiro oferece fundamento suficiente para superação das regras jurídicas (e ideologia) adotadas no país com o advento do Plano Real. / The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the Real Plan, the Brazilian Balance of Payments and if the Real Plan is supported by the Brazilian law system. The analysis is divided into three blocks. First, in Chapters I and II, some indispensable concepts are presented: price, purchasing power of money and exchange rate. On the occasion, it was clarified that the Real Plan had as its main objective fight inflation in the country caused by, according to its creators, the indexation of the economy and the public deficit. Based on that diagnosis, the Real Plan counted on three measures: fiscal adjustment, creation of the Real Value Unit (URV) and adoption of a fixed exchange rate. The second block, through Chapters III to V, scrutinizes the latter measure and its effects, as well as legislative changes brought by the Real Plan (mainly Constitutional Amendments 5-9, all of 1995, and Law nº 9.069/1995). It also demonstrates that the Real Plan established the ideology advocated by the Washington Consensus. In the final section, composed of Chapter VI, the effects of Real Plan on public debt and the change of legal rules on that matter (mainly Law nº 101/2000) are analyzed. At this point, from a study of constitutional principles, we conclude that the Brazilian legal system provides sufficient basis to overcome the legal rules (and ideology) adopted in the country with the advent of the Real Plan.

<p>Dissertation in political science, D-level by Niklas Andersson, Spring Semester 2010. Tutor: Malin Stegmann McCallion</p><p>“Societies in Crisis – When Washington Take Over”</p><p>An economic meltdown wreaks havoc on the world and has plunged the Western world into a spiral of economic stimulus in order to keep their way of life intact. At the same time the same institutions that support these countries have had another agenda for more unfortunate and less influential countries where nothing has been free and everything been to a price of self-sacrifice in order to get the consent of the IMF and the World Bank. Everything according to the points stated in the so called Washington Consensus.</p><p>The purpose of this dissertation is to research what impact the Washington Consensus has on the state in terms of power over the market and sovereignty. This shall be done by examining the points of the Consensus and then delve into the IMF and World Bank’s own program in four countries, Argentina, Russia, Kenya and the Republic of Korea. The findings shall then be compared to the Andersson Contract, a social contract theory summary showcasing the ideal liberal state, to determine if the Consensus gives enough room for the state to act against the market. This shall also be backed up with theories on economics from Adam Smith and Karl Polanyi in order to strengthen the comparison on the economic issues.</p><p>The research question thus for the dissertation are:</p><p>Which institutions and features does the Washington Consensus highlight as necessary for a state? Is the state they proposes to weak to uphold society according to the social contracts?</p><p>According to the research there are parts of the Washington Consensus that fits the social contract and should therefore in theory be able to maintain a level of social dignity and be able to take part in the positive effects of the market. Other parts on the other hand show that some crucial institutions lack certain strength in order to be able to keep the free market in check, but they still exist. Therefore the answer to the question is that it’s ambiguous as all the necessary institutions exist, but some of them need to be strengthened in order to make sure the market remains free as well as the countries should be able to choose their own way to economic welfare.<strong> </strong></p> / <p>Statsvetenskaplig uppsats, D-nivå av Niklas Andersson, Vårterminen 2010, Handledare Malin Stegmann McCallion</p><p>"Samhällen i Kris - När Washington Tar Över"</p><p>En ekonomisk härdsmälta skapar kaos runt om i världen och har kastat ner västvärlden i en spiral av ekonomiska stimulanser för att hålla deras livsstil flytande. Santidigt som detta sker har samma institutioner vilka gett första hjälpen till dessa länder har de haft en annan agenda för mer otursamma och mindre inflytelserika länder där ingenting har varit gratis och allt varit till priset av självuppoffring för att få IMF och Världsbankens samtycke. Allt utifrån punkterna fastlagda av Washington-konsensusen.</p><p>Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka vilken inverkan Washington-konsensusen har på staten i betydelsen makt över marknaden och suveränitet. Detta skall genomföras genom att undersöka punkterna i konsensusen och sen dyka ner i IMF och Världsbanknens egna program i fyra länder, Argentina, Ryssland, Kenya och Sydkorea. Det jag finner ska sedan jämföras med Andeersson-kontraktet, en kontraktsteori sammanfattning av den ideala liberala staten, för att utröna om konsensusen ger tillräckligt utrymmer för staten att agera mot marknaden. Detta ska också stödjas med teorier om ekonomi av Adam Smith och Karl Polanyi för att styrka jämförelsen på de ekonomiska delarna.</p><p>Frågeställningarna för uppsatsen är då följande:</p><p>Vilka institutioner och funktioner uppmärksammar Washongton-konsensusen som nödvändiga för staten? Är staten de framhäver för svag för att upprätthålla samhället enligt kontraktteorierna?</p><p>Enligt forskningen är det ett par delar av Washington-konsensusen som passar in i kontraktsteorin och borde därför i teorin möjliggöra en viss nivå av social värdighet och hantering av effekterna utav marknaden. Andra delar däremot visar att några viktiga institutioner saknar tillräckligt med styrka för att fullt ut kunna hålla marknaden i schack, men de existerar fortfarande. Därför är svaret till frågorna att det är tvetydigt eftersom alla g´rundelement finns där, men några av dem behöver förstärkas för att försäkra att marknaderna förblir fria samtidigt som länderna själva väljer deras  väg till ekonomiskt välstånd.</p>

Il successo delle riforme economiche cinesi negli anni '80 e negli anni '90 ha posto in discussione le politiche ufficiali di sviluppo (note come Washington consensus ) delle istituzioni multilaterali. Il consenso, ammettendo che le istituzioni sono importanti per la crescita, prescrive che i Paesi in via di sviluppo dovrebbero adottare governi che da un lato disciplinino un sistema di diritti di proprietà stabili e chiaramente definiti, e che dall'altro creino istituzioni che rafforzino i mercati: la buona governance in termini di liberalizzazione, privatizzazione delle proprietà statali e assenza di corruzione dovrebbe portare allo sviluppo economico. Nessuna di queste condizioni era presente in Cina: i diritti di proprietà apparivano essere né stabili né chiari, la corruzione era diffusa, e il governo era coinvolto in tutti i settori dell'economia. Questa ricerca utilizza i risultati della scuola della political economy per mettere in dubbio la validità dell'incompleta analisi del consenso e per dimostrare come le istituzioni cinesi abbiano appreso la lezione storica del capitalismo: i diritti di proprietà erano instabili, orizzontalmente indefiniti ma verticalmente definiti, e lo stato poté guidare la transizione capitalistica perché il sistema clientelare con il Partito attivo in qualità di political economy residual claimant era compatibile con i costi e i benefici connessi alla diffusione delle attività di mercato. / The success of China's economic reforms in the 1980s and in the 1990s has challenged the official development prescriptions known as Washington Consensus of multilateral institutions. By admitting that institutions matter for growth, the consensus suggests that developing countries should install a government which presides over a system of clear and stable property rights, and which does not interfere with markets but creates institutions that strengthen markets: good governance in terms of liberalisation, privatisation of State-owned assets and absence of corruption should result in economic development. None of these conditions were present in China: property rights appeared to be neither stable nor clear, corruption was widespread, and the government was involved in all sectors of the economy. This research draws on the findings of the political economy school to question the validity of the incomplete analysis of the consensus and to show how China's institutions learned the historical lesson of capitalism: property rights were unstable and horizontally unclear but vertically clear, and the state could guide the capitalist transition because the patron-client framework with the Party as the political economy residual claimant was compatible with the costs and benefits related to the rise of market activities.

Law and development mainstream conceptions of labour market policies, while still marked by long-dominant views of contract law as economically superior to any labour regulation, have recently incorporated certain specific labour (human) rights. Core labour rights are thus accepted by global policy-makers, on the basis of their radical distinction from non-core labour standards and their rationalization according to certain foundational principles. This thesis criticizes the prevailing dichotomies between core labour rights and non-core standards, on the one hand, and contract law and regulation, on the other, bringing to bear the post-legal realist idea of legal indeterminacy. It argues that the organizing legal concepts that justify these dichotomies contain gaps and ambiguities that often lead to contradictory and indeterminate outcomes. It thus suggests that the core/non-core labour standards and contract/regulation distinctions are unproductive and should be rejected if a better conception of labour governance is to come to fruition.

Law and development mainstream conceptions of labour market policies, while still marked by long-dominant views of contract law as economically superior to any labour regulation, have recently incorporated certain specific labour (human) rights. Core labour rights are thus accepted by global policy-makers, on the basis of their radical distinction from non-core labour standards and their rationalization according to certain foundational principles. This thesis criticizes the prevailing dichotomies between core labour rights and non-core standards, on the one hand, and contract law and regulation, on the other, bringing to bear the post-legal realist idea of legal indeterminacy. It argues that the organizing legal concepts that justify these dichotomies contain gaps and ambiguities that often lead to contradictory and indeterminate outcomes. It thus suggests that the core/non-core labour standards and contract/regulation distinctions are unproductive and should be rejected if a better conception of labour governance is to come to fruition.

Este trabalho presta-se a analisar a adequação da execução da política monetária pelos Bancos Centrais, com enfoque especial dado ao Banco Central do Brasil e ao arcabouço normativo atualmente em vigor sobre a matéria. A necessidade de desenvolver este tema sobreveio da verificação, especialmente nas duas últimas décadas, de um distanciamento dos Bancos Centrais em relação às orientações do Poder Executivo. O regime de metas inflacionárias, tido como o ideal para orientar a atuação dos Bancos Centrais e assegurar a estabilidade da moeda foi assumido como o objetivo-fim da política monetária, em detrimento das previsões constitucionais acerca da promoção do desenvolvimento equilibrado do País, da busca do pleno emprego e da redução das desigualdades sociais. Para a análise desenvolvida, partiu-se do método histórico, por meio do qual foi possível verificar, a partir do Século XIX até o presente, de que forma os Bancos Centrais surgiram e galgaram posições de relevo enquanto agentes do Estado orientados a intervir na economia para fins de promoção social, especialmente a partir do surgimento e consolidação do Direito Econômico como ciência jurídica legitimadora da intervenção estatal. Em seguida, buscou-se explorar as funções dos Bancos Centrais, os instrumentos dos quais dispõem para o exercício da política monetária e a adequação dos objetivos dessa política no contexto da política econômica desenvolvida pelo Estado. Por fim, passou-se à análise do Banco Central do Brasil no que concerne a evolução da execução da política monetária, paralelamente às conquistas sociais e políticas do país, com especial destaque para as décadas de 1960 e 1990. / This work is to examine the appropriateness of implementing monetary policy by central banks, with particular emphasis given to the Central Bank of Brazil and the regulatory framework currently in force on the matter. The need to develop this theme came to check, especially in the last two decades, from a distance of central banks in relation to Executive guidelines. Inflation targeting system, seen as the ideal to drive central banks actions and ensure currency stability was adopted as the end goal of monetary policy at the expense of constitutional statements upon balanced development of the country, in pursuit of comprehensive employment and the reduction of social inequalities. For the developed analysis, historical method has been adopted which enabled the understanding from the nineteenth century until present days upon how Central Banks emerged and have risen to prominent positions as agents of the Stated driven to intervene in economy for social advancement, especially since the emergence and consolidation of Economic Law and legal science legitimating state intervention. Then Central Banks central banks functions were explored, theirs tools for monetary policy undertaking and the adequacy of such objectives in the context of economic policy developed by the state. Finally, we have assessed Brazil Central Bank in regards of monetary policy implementation development, along with social and political local achievements, with particular emphasis to the 60s and 90s.

This thesis explores the manner in which political-economic forces born of democratisation have shaped media developments in Zambia, affected the welfare of journalists and the viability of the state owned press epitomised by the Times Newspapers. The aim is to inform the privatisation policy discourse. Using a political economy analysis, the thesis unveils the historical intimacy between nationalist administrations and multinational business elites and how these forces - often working in collusion - influenced patterns of media ownership, inhibited labour rights and controlled communicative activity – indicative of how the state and markets can constrain freedom of expression and association, despite democratisation. The thesis contends that the uncertainty of neo-patrimonial conditions that characterised the post colonial era has not dissipated to a great extent and continues to undermine media and institutional reform in today’s liberally inclined Zambia. Pervasive clientelism has also compromised popular perceptions of state media systems, subverting competitiveness and the propagandist function of the Times Newspapers in the liberalised market, a point empirically illustrated through the analysis of market and public opinion data. / Communication Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication)