The experiences of white Muslims are often missing from scholarship on Islam in America, which tends to focus on black and immigrant Muslims. Yet conversion narratives of white American Muslims offer insights into how Islam addresses the spiritual needs of a cohort of white men who, though small in number, exert significant influence over Islam in the United States. This dissertation examines the experiences of several white men who converted to Islam during the 1960s and 1970s, in part in response to the social, political, and cultural upheaval of the time. Their conversion narratives touch on a number of common themes: disaffection with traditional American values, attraction to the counterculture ethos, and a longing for spiritual fulfillment outside the Judeo-Christian mainstream. This study focuses on the lives of Hamza Yusuf and Umar Faruq Abd-Allah. Biographical chapters explore the family histories of these two men as well as their early lives, journeys toward Islam, conversions, and later lives as Muslims. The dissertation also provides brief biographies of six additional white American male converts. All of these subjects joined a community of converts led by Abdalqadir as-Sufi, a charismatic Scottish Muslim who was a convert himself. For them, as-Sufi embodied counterculture ideals even as he creatively translated Islam into an American idiom. All eventually left as-Sufi’s community yet remained Muslims. These men demonstrate that Islam in the United States has not been indigenized solely by African Americans and immigrants, but also by white Muslims. White converts add important dimensions to the history of Islam in America not present in the scholarly literature concerning other Muslim Americans. First, they bring together whiteness and Islam in a way that directly challenges how white Americans have historically constructed Islam in opposition to whiteness. Second, because the paths to Islam taken by these men were all heavily influenced by and rooted in the counterculture, their lives demonstrate how the Islamic tradition has interacted with and reacted to American cultural realities in ways that address the spiritual concerns not only of African Americans and immigrants from Muslim countries but also of white Americans. / 2027-01-31T00:00:00Z

The aim of this thesis is to compare the ideas Ziya G&ouml / kalp and Yusuf Ak&ccedil / ura on Turkism. Nationalism emerged in the 18th century in Western Europe has been a real force in world politics for the last two centuries. Naturally, towards the end of the 19th century, the Ottoman Empire with many different ethnic groups within its borders was influenced by Western nationalist movements. Analyzing Turkish nationalism, it is seen that from the late 18th century to the announcement of the Second Constitution in 1908, Turkish nationalism went parallel to the modernization attempts of the Ottoman reformers. The Ottoman bureaucrats considered modernity as a goal to overcome the difficulties of the Ottoman Empire. Ottomanism and Islamism were the sub-ideologies of the state, which were essential for its survival. However, after the Balkan wars, Turkism became popular among ottoman intellectuals. Both G&ouml / kalp and Ak&ccedil / ura played a leading role in the direction of Turkish nationalism during the transition from a multi-ethnic Ottoman Empire to a secular and modern Turkish nation-state. Additionally, after the foundation of the Turkish nation-state, they shaped the content of the reforms of the new state with their nationalist way of thinking. In this respect, they served as the intellectual sources of Turkish nationalism. The main purpose of this thesis is to offer an analytical framework for understanding the peculiarities of G&ouml / kalp and Ak&ccedil / ura&rsquo / s nationalist thoughts during the late Ottoman and early Republican periods. In this context, this thesis examines the ideas of the two scholars on a comparative basis and aims to reveal the differences and similarities in their ideas.

The story of Joseph (in the Bible), Yusuf (in the Quran), has inspired literatures in many languages. This paper explores how some Swahili writers and translators have dealt with this inspiration, the implications for their language use and the way they have interpreted Yusuf as a theme for their writings. After a brief introduction on the importance of the story itself and putting the focus on a major theme of the plot, the following works are discussed: the new Quran translation by Sh Ali Muhsin (1995), a short novel by Mzee Salim A. Kibao (1975), two short stories by Amur bin Nasur il-Omeiri (1894), the utenzi Qissat-il Yusuf (l913) and Abdulrazak Gurnah\'s English written novel Paradise (1995). The paper concludes with the observation that in analyzing how these Swahili writers have integrated the story of Yusuf in their writings, prose as well as poetry, it becomes clear that attempts in defining what is ‘foreign’ (or ‘Oriental’) and what is ‘indigenous’ (or ‘African’) are bound to fail.

The story of Joseph (in the Bible), Yusuf (in the Quran), has inspired literatures in many languages. This paper explores how some Swahili writers and translators have dealt with this inspiration, the implications for their language use and the way they have interpreted Yusuf as a theme for their writings. After a brief introduction on the importance of the story itself and putting the focus on a major theme of the plot, the following works are discussed: the new Quran translation by Sh Ali Muhsin (1995), a short novel by Mzee Salim A. Kibao (1975), two short stories by Amur bin Nasur il-Omeiri (1894), the utenzi Qissat-il Yusuf (l913) and Abdulrazak Gurnah\''s English written novel Paradise (1995). The paper concludes with the observation that in analyzing how these Swahili writers have integrated the story of Yusuf in their writings, prose as well as poetry, it becomes clear that attempts in defining what is ‘foreign’ (or ‘Oriental’) and what is ‘indigenous’ (or ‘African’) are bound to fail.

文學是文化的一部分，而且是重要的一部分，因為一個民族的特性，是其文學創作最迷人且最具永恆性的價值所在。《福樂智慧》便是這樣一部文學巨著，藉由對其語言修辭的探討及文體內容的分析，可勾勒出當時（十一世紀前後）維吾爾社會文化的大概形貌，所以文學性是本篇論文首先所要陳述的。《福》書中不僅承繼其本族文學的精華，亦接受了波斯、伊斯蘭文學的薰陶，並結合詩的語言及戲劇的形式，開創了其族詩劇體裁的先河。而《福》書所反映的時代，正是維吾爾族在政治、經濟、社會等各方面都起了重大變化的關鍵時代，因此，本文試從文學、政治、經濟、社會等相關層面來探討其所反映的社會文化。 就政治方面而言，除了反映出當時的政治結構及吏治由盛轉衰的變化外，亦表達了作者的政治理想及百姓的心聲。經濟上則從單純的游牧經濟，進入從事農、牧、商、手工業等多種混合經濟的社會，這種社會經濟生活的巨大變化，對維吾爾人的文化、歷史發展起了重大的推進作用。在社會生活方面，除了對當時的社會禮俗有所描繪外，對天文學的知識亦著墨不少；而改宗伊斯蘭教對其更具有劃時代的意義，從原先多元、自由的宗教信仰，到伊斯蘭教勢力的擴張，後更進而成為一元化的伊斯蘭社會，其社會文化是迥異於以往的。雖然如此，但在十一世紀，伊斯蘭教雖已佔優勢，然而其族原先所信奉過的信仰遺跡，尚未完全退出歷史舞台，在《福》書中仍餘緒蕩漾。 《福》書中除了反映出當時合成式的社會文化外，作者玉素甫在面對外來文化的衝擊及時代巨變的時候，其致力於「本土化」的努力，在書中亦表露無遺，而這應是本於一個知識份子的民族良知，在努力與妥協的涵化過程中，也展現了維吾爾社會文化的蛻變痕跡。

This thesis is an analytical exploration of the influence of medieval theology on contemporary scholastic traditionalist polemics within Sunni Islam. Intra-Sunni sectarian polemics as an emerging area of study is relatively untouched as opposed to sectarian violence. A detailed mapping of the theological terrain from the genesis of Sunni ‘orthodoxy’ and the perennial tensions within the classical theological tradition and how they have manifested parochially into the contemporary scholastic traditionalist trends of the Barelwi, Deobandi, Ahl-i-Ḥadīth and Wahhābī within the backdrop of the Sufi-Salafi contestation of Sunni authenticity is timely. Concern regarding growing extremism prompted Muslim Ulama, academics and political leaders to create unity initiatives such as the Amman Message and the Sunni Pledge in dealing with this problem and also delineating ‘orthodoxy’. The theological basis for these neo-credos can be explained as doctrinal ‘minimalism’. Minimalism is a growing social construction of scholastic traditionalists through which the warring factions are attempting to salvage the historical continuity with ‘orthodoxy’ and placate Sunni infighting. The thesis aims to examine the theological veracity of the minimalism project and explore its doctrinal, methodological and ethical facets. Polemicism and excommunication is the current state of affairs within Sunni theological discourse. Minimalism is deemed as the antidote to this problem.

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Le prêtre Youssef Al-Musawwer est un peintre melkite alépin du XVIIe siècle qui aurait été initié à la peinture postbyzantine à l’étranger dans une région grecque qui demeure difficile à identifier. Il est le chef d’une descendance de peintres qui s’est poursuivie sans discontinuité jusqu’à la fin du XVIIIe siècle. Son œuvre s’inscrit dans le cadre de la renaissance littéraire du patriarcat melkite d’Antioche. Il était à la fois traducteur, copiste, miniaturiste et peintre d’icônes. Nous comptons dix-sept icônes et cinq manuscrits enluminés de Youssef Al-Musawwer. Notre étude a démontré l’attachement de Youssef Al-Musawwer aux œuvres crétoises conservatrices qui remontent aux XVe-XVIe siècles et qui s’éloignent des influences de la Renaissance italienne. Il s'est également inspiré des modèles iconographiques du Nord de la Grèce, de la peinture arménienne et ottomane ainsi que des ouvrages imprimés occidentaux. Youssef Al-Musawwer eut recours à l’hagiographie et à la liturgie pour créer de nouvelles compositions iconographiques. Il n’était pas par conséquent un peintre imitateur et passif. Ses compositions iconographiques, ses connaissances linguistiques ainsi que ses vastes compétences théologiques et liturgiques font de lui un éminent humaniste du XVIIe siècle qui a marqué l’Église melkite. / Yusuf Al-Musawwer is a Melkite painter and priest from the 17th century. He might have been initiated to Postbyzantine painting abroad in a Greek region that remains difficult to identify. He is the first of a family of painters who continued his path without discontinuity until the end of the 18th century. His work is part of the literary revival of the Melkite patriarchate of Antioch. He was a translator, a copyist, a miniaturist and a painter of icons. Seventeen icons and five illuminated manuscripts realized by Yusuf Al-Musawwer have survived. Our study has demonstrated Yusuf Al-Musawwer's attachment to Cretan conservative works dating back to the 15th-16th centuries and which moved away from the influences of the Italian Renaissance. He was also inspired by the iconographic models of Northern Greece, Armenian and Ottoman painting, as well as Western printed books. Yusuf Al-Musawwer was inspired by hagiography and liturgy to create new iconographic compositions. Therefore, he was not an imitative, passive painter. His iconographic compositions, his linguistic knowledge, and his vast theological and liturgical skills made him an eminent 17th century humanist who marked the Melkite Church.

Text in English and Arabic / Bibliography: leaves 373-390 / The importance of this research on the life of Shaykh Yūsuf‟s life and legacy is eviden t from the depth of the reports on "Shaykh Yūsuf al-Maqassarī’s literary contribution with a special attention to his Maṭālib al-Sālikῑn [The Quests of the Spiritual Seekers].” We contend that without a comprehensive knowledge of it, some of the subtleties and nuances of the Shaykh as well as his treatises will remain concealed from us. I utilised the comprehensive religious historical and philological approaches following the methodology of Sultan, Nabilah Lubis, and Suleman Essop Dangor to complement al-Maqassarī‟s history, his literary contribution in general and to gain the essence of his Maṭālib al-Sālikῑn through commentaries. I also used hermeneutic‟s theory for interpreting some of the texts. Shaykh Yūsuf (1626-1699) is considered a national hero of Indonesia and South Africa. His movements from Gowa South Sulawesi to other countries including the Middle East were motivated by his wish to deepen his understanding of Islamic mysticism. This was supported by his local teachers and the needs of Gowa Kingdom for a qualified Islamic scholar to convert its animistic society into real and fervent Muslims. This responsibility fostered in him a sense of bravery and adventure, and he ended up wandering around the world in search of knowledge. In their purpose to rule the East Indian countries and remove his influence over his fellow citizens, the Dutch banished Shaykh Yūsuf initially to Ceylon and then to Cape of Good Hope, South Africa (1684-1699). He left behind a large body of literary contributions, many of them still preserved at UB Leiden and the National Library of Jakarta. His Maṭālib al-Sālikῑn holds a special place among his literary contributions. It discusses three important issues that are illustrated with parables which should be understood by spiritual seekers; namely tawḥῑd, ma‘rifa, and „ibāda {Divine Knowledge, Divine Recognition and Worship]. They constitute a tree with leaves, branches, and fruit. Its practitioners are directed to the Oneness of God and to none other. These teachings have become a foundation of his reformist ideas and a basis to build his Islamic community in South Africa and finally to be implemented in his own ṣūfī order, Ṭarīqat al-Yūsufiyya/Khalwatiyyat al-Yūsufiyya. / Religious Studies and Arabic / D. Litt. et Phil. (Islamic Studies)

Indépendant depuis 1971, le Qatar a longtemps fait partie des micro-États. Le pays a ensuite vécu une forme de révolution avec l’accession au pouvoir de Hamad ben Khalîfa al-Thânî en juin 1995. Le nouvel émir a alors entrepris une politique volontariste de reconnaissance internationale. Le périmètre de son action diplomatique s'est renforcés dans un contexte où l’augmentation de la rente pétrolière a permis à la famille royale de satisfaire les demandes sociales des nationaux. Comme de nombreux États du monde arabe, le régime qatarien devait se doter d’une légitimité prenant en partie appui sur le socle religieux. Cette formule de légitimité a trouvé une part de sa réponse dans la relation nouée avec Yûsuf al-Qaradhâwî.Figure majeure de la scène islamiste contemporaine, cet ouléma a mené une intense activité de prédication. Sa longue présence dans l’émirat lui a permis de tisser un lien particulier avec la dynastie au pouvoir. Souffrant d’un déficit en matière de légitimité religieuse, celle-ci a cherché à utiliser le charisme de l’ouléma au service d’un dessein politique. Se faisant, quels ont été les mécanismes de cette relation originale entre les deux partenaires ? En mobilisant plusieurs concepts de la sociologie politique comme la théorie des champs ou celui des transactions collusives, notre thèse expliquera comment cette interaction a pu produire un dispositif complexe où le Qatar a tiré profit du réservoir de légitimité dont Yûsuf al-Qaradhâwî était le récipiendaire tout en assurant à ce dernier un large périmètre de liberté lui permettant de mobiliser, au profit de l’émirat, ce que nous avons qualifié de « soft power islamique de complémentarité » / Independent since 1971, Qatar has been part of the micro-States. The country then experienced a form of a revolution with the accession to the power of Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani in June 1995. As a matter of fact, the new Emir undertook a determined policy, internationally recognized, ignoring Saudi Arabia’s role in the region. His diplomatic action was strengthened in a context in which the increase in the oil rent enabled the royal family to satisfy the social demands of the nationals. Like many states in the Muslim world, the Qatari regime had to acquire a legitimacy based on the religious foundation. A legitimacy that found its way into the relations forged with the Islamic scholar Yusuf al-Qaradhawi. Major figure in the contemporary Islamist scene, the ulema has carried out an intense activity of preaching by impelling strong faith-based media coverage with a political aim. His long presence in the emirate allowed him to weave a particular link with the dynasty in power. Suffering from a religious legitimacy deficit, this latter sought to use the charism of the ulema to serve a political purpose whose aim was to diminish the Saudi cultural impact while embodying a competing social model. What were the mechanisms of this original relationship between the two partners? By utilizing several concepts of political sociology such as field theory or collusive transactions, our thesis will explain how this interaction produced a complex mechanism where Qatar exploited Yusuf al-Qaradhawi’s legitimate religious authority figure by enabling him to mobilize, for the benefit of the emirate, what we have called « Islamic soft power for complementary »