FundaÃÃo Cearense de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Cientifico e TecnolÃgico / A questÃo dos criados de servir acompanhou os debates sobre a libertaÃÃo dos escravos, e se perpetuou no pÃs-AboliÃÃo. Foi central, ainda, para o projeto de modernidade das classes dominantes, no CearÃ, a partir da dÃcada de 1870. Tal tema dizia respeito à reposiÃÃo das hierarquias sociais e era caro tanto a comerciantes de escravos, quanto a abolicionistas. Uns como os outros pretendiam controlar a mÃo de obra de livres e libertos ao longo do processo de modernizaÃÃo, centrado nas famÃlias dominantes. A modernizaÃÃo exigiu a incorporaÃÃo (nÃo sem resistÃncias) de um ethos do trabalho; para tanto, deu-se diverso modo de policiamento dos pobres, que organizavam festas como forma de ocupar espaÃos na cidade, criando territÃrios de resistÃncia, o que se pode ver como expressÃo de sua visÃo de mundo. O riso, nesse sentido, tornava-se expressÃo de um habitus de viver. Por esta via, a resistÃncia se dava de modo velado, no Ãmbito do paternalismo, e aberto, a exemplo de fugas. Os criados fugiam, assim como evadiam-se os escravos desde hà muito no Oitocentos. Controlar os criados era decisivo para a consecuÃÃo da modernidade dos dominantes. Pois se era centrado nas famÃlias, os pobres deveriam ser disciplinados desde ali. Seus modos de ganhar a vida e de vivÃ-la destoavam do que se tinha por civilizado. No entanto, o que despertava receio nos locatÃrios e tutores era a possibilidade de que se tornassem conscientes de sua importÃncia para a ordem familiar dominante. Parando seus serviÃos, esta seria ameaÃada, bem como, a modernidade assimÃtrica que produziu seus pÃrias, as classes perigosas, a âgente Ãnfimaâ. / The domestic servants issue ran parallel to the discussions about the liberation of the slaves and has survived after Brazilian Abolition of slavery. It has also been crucial to the project of modernity of ruling classes, in the State of CearÃ, since the 1870s. Such a subject matter concerned maintaining social hierarchies and was as much significant for slave traders as for abolitionists. Both intended to control free and freed workforce during the modernization process, focused on dominant families. Modernization required the inclusion (not without resistance) of a working ethos. For this purpose, several modes of policing the poor were established. The latter used to organize parties in order to occupy urban spaces, creating resistance enclaves, which can be understood as an expression of their worldview. Therefore, laughter turned to be an expression of a habitus of living. In this way, the resistance used to happen, in a veiled manner, by paternalism, and, in an opened one, by escapes, for instance. Servants used to escape as slaves also used to, since a long time, in seventh century. Consequently, it was determining to control servants as a way of accomplishing this modernity imposed by ruling classes. If poor were family-centered, they must be disciplined since there. Their way of living and livelihood clashed with what it is understood as civilized. However, what was most worrying for their tenants and guardians was the possibility for servants to become aware of their importance for dominant family structure. If they stopped working, this structure would be at risk, as well as the modern asymmetry which produced its outcasts, the dangerous classes, the âgente Ãnfimaâ.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T16:17:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Marcos Francisco Alves.pdf: 1031676 bytes, checksum: 5dfb0b8b429f4e82ece1108c7fd122c8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-04-26 / By comparing the two authors of literary conception, Bernardo Guimarães and Joaquim Manuel de Macedo on slavery/abolition, this work aims to discuss the abolitionist debates of the late nineteenth century and its representations of the slave. It attempts to show how the literary representation of slavery appears in the work of two writers and how it dialogues with the debates of the abolitionist period. The dissertation conceives the two authors as the "novelists of Abolition", analyzes the abolitionist discourse and how the slave is represented in the novels A Escrava Isaura and Uma história de quilombolas (Bernardo Guimarães) and As vítimas algozes: quadros da escravidão (Joaquim Manuel de Macedo). Both Bernardo Guimarães and Joaquim Manuel de Macedo romanticized the slave life, calling for the abolition, but their ideas have profound differences. Comparing and contrasting ideas present in the novels, we will examine the figure of the slave and abolitionist debate, dialogue with the context in which these works were written: the long process for the abolition of slavery in Brazil. / Através da comparação da produção literária de dois autores, Bernardo Guimarães e Joaquim Manuel de Macedo a respeito da escravidão/abolição, este trabalho busca discutir os debates abolicionistas de finais do século XIX e suas representações do escravo. Tentaremos mostrar como a representação literária do tema da escravidão aparece nas obras dos dois literatos e como isso dialoga com os debates abolicionistas da época. Concebemos os dois autores como os romancistas da Abolição , analisando o discurso abolicionista e a forma como representam a figura do escravo em suas obras A Escrava Isaura e Uma história de quilombolas (Bernardo Guimarães) e As vítimas-algozes: quadros da escravidão (Joaquim Manuel de Macedo). Tanto Bernardo Guimarães quanto Joaquim Manuel de Macedo romancearam a vida do escravo, pedindo pela abolição, mas suas ideias apresentam profundas diferenças. Contrapondo e comparando as ideias presentes em seus romances, analisaremos a figura do escravo e o debate abolicionista, dialogando com o contexto em que tais obras foram escritas: o longo processo pela abolição da escravidão no Brasil.

Este trabalho busca situar a questão racial em Graciliano Ramos, mais especificamente, no livro de memórias Infância. A partir de alguns capítulos selecionados, será possível mostrar como o escritor foi capaz de abordar o tema e analisar a situação social e econômica dos negros na passagem do século XIX ao XX, período pós-abolição da escravidão no Brasil. Para reforço da questão principal, o texto aborda o levantamento do assunto no restante da obra de Graciliano Ramos; a interação com a crítica do livro de memórias; a apresentação das idéias de alguns pesquisadores especializados no problema racial brasileiro. As imagens da criança negra, da mulher, do homem e, inevitavelmente, do mestiço são comparadas às imagens similares criadas por outros ficcionistas brasileiros. Por último, numa perspectiva das diferenças culturais entre países, algumas situações estão levemente confrontadas com a biografia do educador Booker Washington, nascido nos Estados Unidos, cujo livro foi traduzido para o português pelo escritor alagoano. / This paper seeks to locate the racial issue at Graciliano Ramos, more specifically, in the memoir book Childhood. From some selected chapters, it is possible to show how the writer was able to approach the issue and to analyze the black peoples social and economic situation at the transition from the nineteenth to the twentieth century, the post-abolition of slavery in Brazil. To reinforce the main issue, this study rises the subject in the rest of Graciliano Ramos work, interacts with the memoir book critique, and, presents some specialized researchers ideas about the racial problem in Brazil. The images of the black child, woman, man and, inevitably, the mulatto are compared to similar images created by others brazilians novelists. Finally, in a perspective of cultural differences between countries, some situations slightly confront Booker Washingtons biography, the educator born in the United States, whose book was translated into Portuguese by the writer from Alagoas.

Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o processo de abolição da escravidão, enfocando a participação de diversos setores que negociaram ideias e vivenciaram relações - a partir de embates, expectativas, leituras de mundo e significados da liberdade - em um momento que diferentes projetos estavam sendo apresentados na arena social. Levando em consideração a diversidade regional, a pesquisa procura inserir o caso do Sul de Minas Gerais no debate historiográfico atual sobre a abolição e o abolicionismo no Império brasileiro (1880-1888). No que tange aos múltiplos projetos, ações e discursos propostos naquele período, abordamos o perfil e as perspectivas de indivíduos e grupos - escravos, libertos, livres, senhores e abolicionistas - que, através dos documentos, deixaram evidenciar seus posicionamentos diante da crise do sistema escravista. Assim, procuramos acessar as formas de resistência elaboradas e experimentadas pelos escravos na busca pela liberdade; os desafios das políticas de Estado para a manutenção da ordem e do controle sobre os conflitos sociais; as estratégias das elites para a preservação de certos privilégios, bem como sua tentativa de conduzir o processo de transformação das relações de força e de trabalho; e as mais variadas formas e atuações abolicionistas que deram o tom naquele cenário, carregadas de interesses, arranjos políticos e jogadas de poder. Para isso, as principais fontes elencadas foram a documentação da Polícia e da Justiça, os jornais e os relatos memorialísticos. / This work aims to analyze the abolition of slavery process, focusing on the participation of various social sectors that negotiated ideas and experienced relationships from clash of interests, expectations, world views and freedom meanings at a time when different projects were being presented in the social arena. Taking into account regional diversity, this research seeks to insert southern Minas Gerais case in the current historiographical debate on abolition and abolitionism in Brazilian Empire period (1880-1888). Regarding multiple projects, proposed actions and speeches at that time, we discuss the profile and prospects of individuals and groups slaves, freedmen, free, masters and abolitionists that have made very clear their positions, by means of documents, in facing the crisis of the slavery system. Thereby we seek to access the ways of resistance developed and experienced by slaves in the quest for freedom; the state policies challenges for the maintenance of order and control over social conflicts; the elites strategies to preserve certain privileges, as well as their attempt to lead the transformation process of power and work relationships; and the most varied abolitionists ways and performances that set the tone in that scene, loaded of interests, political arrangements and power moves. For this, the main listed sources were Police and Justice documentation, newspapers and memorialistic reports.

Este trabalho tem o objetivo de estudar o movimento abolicionista de São Paulo pela perspectiva de duas lojas maçônicas existentes na cidade, Piratininga e América. Num universo de cinco lojas maçônicas existentes na cidade, optou-se por analisar as Lojas Piratininga e América em razão de ambas reunirem as principais lideranças abolicionistas da capital da província, Luiz Gama e Antonio Bento. Na primeira parte da pesquisa, investiga-se a atuação dessas lojas no movimento abolicionista, considerando que cada uma delas possuía diretrizes distintas sobre como deveriam proceder perante o tema do encaminhamento da extinção do trabalho escravo. Na segunda parte, com o intuito de compreender em que medida as narrativas maçônicas sobre a memória da abolição superestimaram a atuação perpetrada pela organização no processo abolicionista desencadeado entre as décadas de 1870 e 1880, é feita uma análise da literatura maçônica e de outros espaços que cumpriram o papel de consagrar a memória da abolição maçônica em São Paulo. Para o desenvolvimento do presente estudo tomou-se como referência os livros de atas produzidos entre os anos de 1850 e 1880, bem como documentos avulsos, cujos acervos encontram-se depositados nos arquivos particulares das referidas lojas. Embora os livros de atas correspondam à documentação principal da pesquisa, outras fontes maçônicas encontradas também em arquivos públicos como jornais, regulamentos e constituições foram incorporados ao estudo, assim como, jornais não maçônicos, de larga circulação na época, que oferecem dados sobre o cotidiano das atividades maçônicas. / This thesis aims to study the abolitionist movement in São Paulo through the perspective of two masonic lodges, Piratininga and America. In a political universe of five masonic lodges, we decided to analyze those lodges because they harbored the most prominent abolitionist leaders of the city, Luiz Gama and Antonio Bento. In the first part of this research, we will look at the performance of the masonic lodges, considering the fact that they had diferente guidelines for procedures regarding the end of slavery. In the second part, with the goal of understanding how the narratives of the masonic lodges about the memory of abolition overestimated their actions in the decades between 1870 e 1880, we will analyze the masonic literature and other institutions that played a major role in consecrating the memory of masonic abolition in São Paulo. This study is based on minute books written between 1850 and 1880 and others primary sources found in the archives of Masonic Lodges. Though the minute books is the main source of this research, we will analyze other public archives, newspapers, and documents that had a wide circulation and provide us with details of the daily procedures of Masonic lodges.

Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2013-12-04T17:12:11Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Cota, LuizGustavo-Tese-2013.pdf: 4095679 bytes, checksum: 261b774d9ca5a1ae1cf140d2f056bebe (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-12-04T17:12:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Cota, LuizGustavo-Tese-2013.pdf: 4095679 bytes, checksum: 261b774d9ca5a1ae1cf140d2f056bebe (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / O objetivo principal deste trabalho é compreender o desenrolar do processo de extinção da escravidão em Minas Gerais, especialmente no que tange à atuação abolicionista durante a década de 1880, analisando as ações de militantes antiescravistas, escravos, senhores e autoridades públicas, através de um corpus documental formado por jornais, relatos memorialísticos, correspondência policial e relatórios oficiais. Levando em consideração a diversidade regional que compõe o cenário abarcado na pesquisa, foi possível visualizar uma diversidade de posicionamentos em relação à campanha pela abolição e mesmo o crescimento de um clima de tensão e violência frente à rebeldia escrava e a atuação de grupos abolicionistas espalhados pela província. / The main objective of this work is understand the unfolding of the process of extinction of slavery in Minas Gerais, especially regarding the role abolitionist during the 1880s, analyzing the actions of militant ant-slavery, slaves, masters and public authorities, through a corpus documentary made by newspapers, reports memoirs, police correspondence and official reports. Taking into account the regional diversity that makes up the scenario encompassed in the research, it was possible to view a variety of positions in relation to the campaign for the abolition and even the growth of a climate of tension and violence caused by slave rebellion and the abolitionists action groups spread across the province.

Ce mémoire s’intéresse à Louis-Joseph Papineau (1786-1871), chef du Parti canadien (1815-1826) et du Parti patriote (1826-1837) ainsi que seigneur de la Petite-Nation (1817-1871). Y sont examinés plus spécifiquement le traitement historiographique, surtout au Québec, de la figure du seigneur Papineau ainsi que ses idées sur le régime seigneurial telles qu’elles se déploient dans sa correspondance privée et ses écrits publics. L’angle d’approche est donc double, soit celui de l’analyse historiographique et de l’histoire des idées. Généralement considérée comme paradoxale par les historiens, il est défendu dans ce travail qu’a contrario la conjonction de la condition de seigneur et des idées politiques démocratiques et républicaines chez Papineau peut être cohérente. Pour ce faire, son discours est étudié avec une attention particulière portée à ses sensibilités jeffersoniennes, c’est-à-dire aux caractéristiques qui font écho à l’admiration du seigneur pour « le plus aimé » de ses « maîtres en politique », Thomas Jefferson. Ainsi, les idées de Papineau sur le régime seigneurial sont mises en relation avec d’autres pans de sa pensée, notamment sur la propriété terrienne, la vertu, l’indépendance citoyenne, la morale, l’économie politique et le devenir de l’expérience républicaine en Amérique menacée par la question épineuse de l’esclavage des Noirs. Le régime seigneurial, pour lui, constitue un moyen puissant et bien adapté au Bas-Canada de développer et faire perdurer un environnement social favorisant la vertu. Rien dans la seigneurie canadienne, qui est tout sauf la féodalité européenne, n’entre en contradiction avec sa vision d’un progrès qui devrait être républicain autant sur le plan économique que politique. Cette vue plus globale sur les idées de Papineau tend à montrer qu’elles forment un tout visiblement cohérent. Afin d’approfondir le regard sur sa trajectoire intellectuelle, le portrait contextualisé de l’attachement de Papineau à la propriété seigneuriale lorsqu’elle fut à maintes reprises menacée d’extinction est brossé. Cet exercice qui englobe l’ensemble de sa vie épistolaire met donc en lumière les conjonctures dans lesquelles il intervient ainsi que les raisons qui le motivent à travers le temps. En somme, les conclusions de cette recherche remettent en question, d’une part, le bien-fondé de la thèse de l’« être divisé » de Fernand Ouellet qui avait vu dans l’articulation synchronique d’idées démocratiques et d’une position proseigneuriale une preuve de l’hypocrisie égoïste et de l’incapacité mentale de Papineau de marcher dans le sens du progrès libéral. D’autre part, elles contribuent à la restitution d’une part de sincérité et de cohérence aux idées de Papineau.

The paper explains a methodology, where previously there was none, for identifying African and diasporan naval personnel hired by the British Royal Navy to serve in the West African Station in the mid-nineteenth century. The methodology employs a variety of naval documents including: ship's musters, description books, daily sick lists, and medical journals to identify African and diasporan personnel. The Royal Navy employed four categories (Kroomen, Liberated Africans, Africans, Blacks) to describe and to differentiate the African and diasporan work force within the Station. By identifying African and diasporan naval personnel more can be learned about the ways in which race and ethnicity were constructed and applied during the age of abolition. It also provides a method capable of examining the shipboard lives and socio-economic niches carved out by 'subject' people within the British maritime Atlantic World.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / The criminalization of mental illness has drawn and kept a disproportionate number of people living with mental illness in jails and prisons across the United States. The criminal legal system is ill-equipped or unequipped to provide meaningful mental health care. Police often serve as gatekeepers to the criminal legal system in the midst of encounters involving people living with serious mental illness. The literature that examines police decision-making amid these highly discretionary encounters has been primarily situated in post-positivist, quantitative methodologies focused on police perspectives. There is a dearth of research with the direct involvement of people living with serious mental illness that employs more advanced qualitative methodologies. The purpose of this study was to understand the lived experience of police encounters from the perspective of people living with serious mental illness through multi-level analysis of the interpersonal and structural contexts which underpin these encounters. This critical phenomenological study used interpretative phenomenological analysis as process. A sample of 16 adults were recruited using purposive and snowball sampling and completed semi-structured interviews. The findings reported two descriptive areas for participants—aspects of serious mental illness and contemplations of power. The findings also included the interpretive analysis organized around six themes that emerged regarding the lived experience of police encounters: (a) significant context, to include serious mental illness, was made invisible, (b) the carceral response to serious mental illness and interpersonal issues, (c) law enforcement’s power to force submission, (d) facets of escalation, (e) law enforcement encounters lacked essential care, and (f) law enforcement encounters served as a microcosm of the criminal legal system. The implications of the study’s findings on police encounters as they are currently framed in the largely post-positivist, quantitative body of research are discussed. In addition, the current wave of national police response models and reform are considered and connected to implications for social work practice. Finally, culminating in the findings’ implications for a growing edge of critical phenomenology that incorporates intersectionality and disciplinary power and the central role of an abolition feminist praxis at the nexus of mental health, crisis response, and collective care.

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