Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-22T17:27:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 olga maria.pdf: 1818990 bytes, checksum: 0695caafcf21600e2b61d3fae8bdefd8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-17 / This thesis aims to reveal, on the basis of voices present in the discourse of black teachers in teaching institutions of the city of Pelotas-RS, the strategies used by the discourse of silencing, which persists in defending the idea of an equality of conditions between people independently of the color of their skin. The analyses of these perceptions take as its basis reports of experiences lived by black teachers in the institutional and social context of Pelotas. For doing this, we sent electronically a questionnaire to sixteen black teachers of several teaching networks (municipal, state, federal and private) composed by six open questions, from which we weave some reflections on the voices of these actors as for the discourse of silencing that tries, without results, make invisible their role as black people, citizens and teachers in the service of teaching. The inquiry, by means of the discourse of these teachers, aims to contribute to a more critical analysis regarding some postures that humiliatingly and depreciatively keep on populating the imaginary of some institutions and Pelotas society itself regarding black men and women who act as. The main purpose of the work is to contribute to a new glance on racial prejudice in Pelotas, as well as demonstrating how these teachers are reacting to break this silence that persists in subjecting them to embarrassing situations. Theoretically, the inquiry is based especially in the concepts of exotopy and alterity, by Mikhail Bakhtin, relevant to think about the non-indifferent but necessary distancing of the researcher regarding the object and the perception and respect for others so necessary for the construction of a we , as well as for understanding how the discourse of subjects reflects their social position. In order to understand the identitary processes built for creating silencing of black people in our society, we use proposals of Stuart Hall and Zygmunt Bauman, who talk on the fragmentation and the conflict of identities, and Munanga, who re-discusses why black people is considered unable to build really mobilizing identities / Esta tese visa desvelar, com base nas vozes presentes no discurso dos docentes negros em Instituições de Ensino da cidade de Pelotas-RS, as estratégias a que recorre o discurso do silenciamento que persiste em defender a ideia de haver uma igualdade de condições entre as pessoas independentemente da cor da pele. As análises dessas percepções têm como base relatos de experiências vivenciadas por professores negros no âmbito institucional e social de Pelotas. Para tanto, enviamos eletronicamente um questionário a dezesseis professores negros de diversas redes de ensino (municipal, estadual, federal e particular) composto por seis perguntas abertas, a partir das quais tecemos algumas reflexões sobre as vozes desses atores quanto ao discurso do silenciamento que tenta, porém, sem êxito, invisibilizar o seu papel como sujeito negro, cidadão e professor no exercício do magistério.A pesquisa, através do discurso desses professores, visa trazer contribuições para uma análise mais crítica em relação a algumas posturas que, de forma humilhante e depreciativa, continuam povoando o imaginário de algumas instituições e da própria sociedade pelotense em relação aos negros e negras que aqui exercem seu papel de docentes. O propósito maior do trabalho é trazer contribuições para um novo olhar sobre o preconceito racial na cidade de Pelotas, bem como demonstrar como esses docentes estão reagindo para quebrar esse silêncio que persiste em submetê-los a situações embaraçosas. Teoricamente, a pesquisa se sustenta sobretudo nos conceitos de exotopia e alteridade de Mikhail Bakhtin, pertinentes para refletir sobre o distanciamento não indiferente, mas necessário, do pesquisador diante do objeto pesquisado e da percepção e do respeito pelo outro tão necessários para a construção de um nós e para o entendimento a respeito de como o discurso do sujeito reflete sua posição social. A fim de compreendermos os processos identitários construídos de modo a criar o silenciamento do negro em nossa sociedade, utilizamos propostas de Stuart Hall e Zygmunt Bauman, que nos falam sobre a fragmentação e o conflito das identidades, e Munanga, que rediscute o porquê de os negros serem considerados incapazes de construir identidades verdadeiramente mobilizadoras

Até meados do século XX, a capoeira teve seu potencial, enquanto registro de ações e vontades de africanos escravizados e seus descendentes, ignorado pelo estudo histórico. A partir de pesquisas específicas sobre tal manifestação, a historiografia sobre o tema avançou de maneira significativa. Primeiro, mais focada em dois estados conhecidos como polos da capoeira moderna, Rio de Janeiro e Bahia. Em seguida, com novos trabalhos sobre outras áreas, como Pernambuco, Pará e Maranhão. São Paulo foi cenário de uma escravidão vigorosa que avançou por todo o século XIX e explorou milhares de almas. Pesquisas sobre a vida dos cativos no território paulistas, nesse período, demonstraram, ainda que de maneira tênue, que a capoeira estava presente no cotidiano das cidades em processo de urbanização. Com o objetivo de compreender melhor como esta atividade se imbricava nas engrenagens da sociedade paulista ao longo dos oitocentos e nas primeiras décadas do século XX, desenvolvemos uma investigação sobre esta manifestação na capital e em outros espaços urbanos, através da análise de fontes de naturezas diversas reminiscências, jornais, posturas e atas de câmaras municipais, livros de entrada e saída de presos e outros registros policiais, documentos do poder judiciário, como processos criminais, bem como ofícios e telegramas. De maneira mais ampla, esperamos com isso contribuir com as discussões sobre o processo de formação no Brasil dessa arte marcial de raízes africanas, hoje praticada no mundo inteiro. / Until mid-twentieth century, capoeira had its potential as a record of deeds and wills of enslaved Africans and their descendants ignored by historical study. Based on specific studies about this practice, the historiography advanced significantly. First, more focused at two states known as poles of modern capoeira: Rio de Janeiro and Bahia. After that, new studies have been showing the practice in other areas such as Pernambuco, Pará and Maranhão. São Paulo was scenario of a vigorous slavery that advanced throughout the nineteenth century and explored thousands of souls. Researches on the lives of slaves at São Paulo territory in this period have shown, albeit loosely, that capoeira was present in the everyday life of cities in urbanization process. Aiming to better understand how this activity is embedded in the cogs of São Paulo society throughout the nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century, we developed a study on this martial art in the capital and other cities, through analysis of sources of diverse natures reminiscences, newspapers, laws and registers of municipal councils, prisoners record books, documents of the judiciary, such as criminal cases as well as letters and telegrams of authorities. More broadly, we expect that this research contributes to discussions about the formation process in Brazil of the capoeira, an afro-brazilian martial art now practiced worldwide.

L’historiographie de la Révolution haïtienne est en plein essor depuis les vingt dernières années. Il existe désormais un large éventail d’interprétations sur les événements qui mènent à la création d’Haïti. L’objet de ce mémoire est d’exposer différentes perspectives sur des questions qui demeurent cruciales dans l’historiographie contemporaine. Le mémoire est divisé en trois sections. Chacun des chapitres développe une problématique particulière de l’historiographie en mettant en parallèle les conclusions de différents chercheurs. Le premier chapitre est consacré au thème de la transformation de la révolte en révolution. Ensuite, il sera question de l'impact de la Révolution haïtienne sur l'histoire de l'esclavage dans le monde atlantique. Pour conclure, la dichotomie entre l’absence de longue date de la Révolution haïtienne dans l’historiographie occidentale et l’attention qu’elle reçoit aujourd’hui sera examinée dans le troisième chapitre. Aujourd’hui, la réécriture de la Révolution haïtienne est très populaire et attire des chercheurs de différents milieux. C’est dans ce contexte que ce mémoire présente une mise en perspective des principaux débats idéologiques de l’historiographie de la Révolution haïtienne depuis les années quatre-vingt-dix. / The historiography of the Haitian Revolution has flourished over the last twenty years. A wide range of interpretations of the events that lead to the creation of Haiti now exist. The purpose of this thesis is to assess different perspectives on issues central to the contemporary historiography. The thesis is divided into three sections. Each chapter develops a particular problem in the historiography by exploring the findings of various researchers. In the first chapter, the theme of the transformation of the revolt in revolution will be studied. Then, we will analyse how researchers assess the impact of the Haitian Revolution on the history of slavery in the Atlantic world. To conclude, the dichotomy between the longstanding absence of the Haitian Revolution in the Western historiography and the attention it receives today will be discussed in the third chapter. Today, the Haitian Revolution draws a great amount of attention from researchers from different backgrounds. It is in this context that this thesis presents a perspective of the major ideological debates in the historiography of the Haitian Revolution since the 1990s.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-22T17:27:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 olgapereira.pdf: 1703557 bytes, checksum: 99392eb788e95db354f0456c5d8130a4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-17 / This thesis aims to reveal, on the basis of voices present in the discourse of black teachers in teaching institutions of the city of Pelotas-RS, the strategies used by the discourse of silencing, which persists in defending the idea of an equality of conditions between people independently of the color of their skin. The analyses of these perceptions take as its basis reports of experiences lived by black teachers in the institutional and social context of Pelotas. For doing this, we sent electronically a questionnaire to sixteen black teachers of several teaching networks (municipal, state, federal and private) composed by six open questions, from which we weave some reflections on the voices of these actors as for the discourse of silencing that tries, without results, make invisible their role as black people, citizens and teachers in the service of teaching. The inquiry, by means of the discourse of these teachers, aims to contribute to a more critical analysis regarding some postures that humiliatingly and depreciatively keep on populating the imaginary of some institutions and Pelotas society itself regarding black men and women who act as. The main purpose of the work is to contribute to a new glance on racial prejudice in Pelotas, as well as demonstrating how these teachers are reacting to break this silence that persists in subjecting them to embarrassing situations. Theoretically, the inquiry is based especially in the concepts of exotopy and alterity, by Mikhail Bakhtin, relevant to think about the non-indifferent but necessary distancing of the researcher regarding the object and the perception and respect for others so necessary for the construction of a we , as well as for understanding how the discourse of subjects reflects their social position. In order to understand the identitary processes built for creating silencing of black people in our society, we use proposals of Stuart Hall and Zygmunt Bauman, who talk on the fragmentation and the conflict of identities, and Munanga, who re-discusses why black people is considered unable to build really mobilizing identities / Esta tese visa desvelar, com base nas vozes presentes no discurso dos docentes negros em Instituições de Ensino da cidade de Pelotas-RS, as estratégias a que recorre o discurso do silenciamento que persiste em defender a ideia de haver uma igualdade de condições entre as pessoas independentemente da cor da pele. As análises dessas percepções têm como base relatos de experiências vivenciadas por professores negros no âmbito institucional e social de Pelotas. Para tanto, enviamos eletronicamente um questionário a dezesseis professores negros de diversas redes de ensino (municipal, estadual, federal e particular) composto por seis perguntas abertas, a partir das quais tecemos algumas reflexões sobre as vozes desses atores quanto ao discurso do silenciamento que tenta, porém, sem êxito, invisibilizar o seu papel como sujeito negro, cidadão e professor no exercício do magistério.A pesquisa, através do discurso desses professores, visa trazer contribuições para uma análise mais crítica em relação a algumas posturas que, de forma humilhante e depreciativa, continuam povoando o imaginário de algumas instituições e da própria sociedade pelotense em relação aos negros e negras que aqui exercem seu papel de docentes. O propósito maior do trabalho é trazer contribuições para um novo olhar sobre o preconceito racial na cidade de Pelotas, bem como demonstrar como esses docentes estão reagindo para quebrar esse silêncio que persiste em submetê-los a situações embaraçosas. Teoricamente, a pesquisa se sustenta sobretudo nos conceitos de exotopia e alteridade de Mikhail Bakhtin, pertinentes para refletir sobre o distanciamento não indiferente, mas necessário, do pesquisador diante do objeto pesquisado e da percepção e do respeito pelo outro tão necessários para a construção de um nós e para o entendimento a respeito de como o discurso do sujeito reflete sua posição social. A fim de compreendermos os processos identitários construídos de modo a criar o silenciamento do negro em nossa sociedade, utilizamos propostas de Stuart Hall e Zygmunt Bauman, que nos falam sobre a fragmentação e o conflito das identidades, e Munanga, que rediscute o porquê de os negros serem considerados incapazes de construir identidades verdadeiramente mobilizadoras

A mobilidade e as experiências de liberdade de pessoas negras pobres e remediadas no período imediatamente anterior e posterior à abolição (1880-1900) em São Paulo foram comumente interpretadas como desordem, distúrbio e vadiagem por autoridades policiais mais comprometidas com os interesses das elites políticas e econômicas locais, tanto do final do Império quanto do início da República. Aproximando-se das tensões sociais do contexto abolicionista e seus anos seguintes, identificamos um contexto geral de violência e vulnerabilidade social para afrodescendentes em geral, especialmente os que buscavam desprender-se da escravidão. No entanto, a partir de um olhar interessado pelos sentidos internos de suas experiências, podemos interpretar na leitura das fontes pesquisadas inúmeras estratégias de mobilização e táticas de sobrevivência produzidas por mulheres e homens negros oriundos de diferentes regiões. A documentação policial (ofícios e partes policiais) e os relatórios de fiscalização urbana nos informaram sobre práticas de resistência e afirmação dessa população, que através de lutas multifacetadas e da negociação de direitos esforçou-se em construir sua cidadania com mais autonomia a partir de padrões culturais próprios e específicos. Isto incluiu deslocamentos constantes, além da busca por relações de trabalho reguladas por noções costumeiras de reciprocidade, mas sem extrapolar suas necessidades de subsistência, ampliando assim suas possibilidades de autonomia. Estas manifestações podem ser traduzidas como rechaço às tentativas de controle social cujo objetivo era restringir a experiência de afrodescendentes somente a oferta e/ou venda precária de sua mão-de-obra. Indo além das relações de trabalho, as acusações de vagabundagem e/ou vadiagem, embriaguez, ou a perseguição a determinados padrões de sociabilidade e aos ajuntamentos motivados por jogos prohibidos, dansas e/ou batuques, práticas festivas e/ou religiosas são rubricas que testemunham negociações que se fizeram necessárias aos projetos de implantação de uma modernidade orientada pelo racismo e sanitarismo hegemônicos no panteão científico da época. Por fim, situamos nosso objeto em relação às premissas da agência histórica e, mais especificamente, aos debates historiográficos sobre continuidades nas experiências de liberdade de escravizados e ex-escravizados como orientadoras na construção de uma cidadania possível. Nos referenciamos também nas teorias acerca das implicações estruturais da presença centro-africana na formação social e cultural afro-americana em geral, e do sudeste brasileiro em particular. / Freedom experiences and mobility of destitute and semi poor Afro-descendants in São Paulo (1880-1900: period immediately preceding the abolition through the initial postabolition period) were often viewed as acts of \"disorder\", \"disturbance\" and \"vagrancy\" by police authorities. These repressive forces were committed to the interests of local political and economic elites, both at the end of the Empire and at the beginning of the Republic of Brazil. While diving into the social tensions of the abolitionist period, we identified a context of social vulnerability and generalized violence towards Afro-descendants, specially to those individuals that sought to liberate themselves from slavery. However, while brushing history against the grain, we access a specific gaze interested in the internal meanings of these experiences. Actually, we verify black women and men of diverse regions bringing forth numerous mobilization strategies as well as survival tactics. The analyzed sources (police memorandums and urban surveillance reports) informs us about acts of resistance and affirmation of this population. Through multifaceted struggles and fierce negotiations for their rights they strained to build their citizenship autonomously, based on their own specific cultural standards. This included constant displacements, as well as the search for labor relations regulated by customary notions of reciprocity. Often, they did not work more than necessary for their subsistence either. Thus, this also expanded their possibilities of autonomy. These manifestations can be translated as a rejection of social control attempts that had the objective of restricting the experience of Afro-descendants, while seeking to turn them into merely passive individuals fit only to become cheap labor supply. Clearly, projects that sought to implement a notion of modernity oriented by racism and hygienist doctrines (hegemonic concepts in the scientific pantheon of that epoch) were forced to negotiate with supposed defiances such as \"vagrancy\" and / or \"loitering\" \"drunkenness\". The persecution of certain patterns of sociability and \"gatherings\" motivated by \"forbidden games,\" \"dances\" and/or \"batuques festive and/or religious practices are rubrics that testify to such dispute. Finally, we place our object in relation to the premises of the historical agency. More specifically, this study unfolds in the light of the historiographic debates about continuities in freedom experiences as a building block in the construction of a possible citizenship of the enslaved/ex-enslaved. We also refer to the theories about the structural implications that the presence of Central Africans imprinted on the Afro-American social and cultural formation in general, and the Brazilian southeast in particular.

A mobilidade e as experiências de liberdade de pessoas negras pobres e remediadas no período imediatamente anterior e posterior à abolição (1880-1900) em São Paulo foram comumente interpretadas como desordem, distúrbio e vadiagem por autoridades policiais mais comprometidas com os interesses das elites políticas e econômicas locais, tanto do final do Império quanto do início da República. Aproximando-se das tensões sociais do contexto abolicionista e seus anos seguintes, identificamos um contexto geral de violência e vulnerabilidade social para afrodescendentes em geral, especialmente os que buscavam desprender-se da escravidão. No entanto, a partir de um olhar interessado pelos sentidos internos de suas experiências, podemos interpretar na leitura das fontes pesquisadas inúmeras estratégias de mobilização e táticas de sobrevivência produzidas por mulheres e homens negros oriundos de diferentes regiões. A documentação policial (ofícios e partes policiais) e os relatórios de fiscalização urbana nos informaram sobre práticas de resistência e afirmação dessa população, que através de lutas multifacetadas e da negociação de direitos esforçou-se em construir sua cidadania com mais autonomia a partir de padrões culturais próprios e específicos. Isto incluiu deslocamentos constantes, além da busca por relações de trabalho reguladas por noções costumeiras de reciprocidade, mas sem extrapolar suas necessidades de subsistência, ampliando assim suas possibilidades de autonomia. Estas manifestações podem ser traduzidas como rechaço às tentativas de controle social cujo objetivo era restringir a experiência de afrodescendentes somente a oferta e/ou venda precária de sua mão-de-obra. Indo além das relações de trabalho, as acusações de vagabundagem e/ou vadiagem, embriaguez, ou a perseguição a determinados padrões de sociabilidade e aos ajuntamentos motivados por jogos prohibidos, dansas e/ou batuques, práticas festivas e/ou religiosas são rubricas que testemunham negociações que se fizeram necessárias aos projetos de implantação de uma modernidade orientada pelo racismo e sanitarismo hegemônicos no panteão científico da época. Por fim, situamos nosso objeto em relação às premissas da agência histórica e, mais especificamente, aos debates historiográficos sobre continuidades nas experiências de liberdade de escravizados e ex-escravizados como orientadoras na construção de uma cidadania possível. Nos referenciamos também nas teorias acerca das implicações estruturais da presença centro-africana na formação social e cultural afro-americana em geral, e do sudeste brasileiro em particular. / Freedom experiences and mobility of destitute and semi poor Afro-descendants in São Paulo (1880-1900: period immediately preceding the abolition through the initial postabolition period) were often viewed as acts of \"disorder\", \"disturbance\" and \"vagrancy\" by police authorities. These repressive forces were committed to the interests of local political and economic elites, both at the end of the Empire and at the beginning of the Republic of Brazil. While diving into the social tensions of the abolitionist period, we identified a context of social vulnerability and generalized violence towards Afro-descendants, specially to those individuals that sought to liberate themselves from slavery. However, while brushing history against the grain, we access a specific gaze interested in the internal meanings of these experiences. Actually, we verify black women and men of diverse regions bringing forth numerous mobilization strategies as well as survival tactics. The analyzed sources (police memorandums and urban surveillance reports) informs us about acts of resistance and affirmation of this population. Through multifaceted struggles and fierce negotiations for their rights they strained to build their citizenship autonomously, based on their own specific cultural standards. This included constant displacements, as well as the search for labor relations regulated by customary notions of reciprocity. Often, they did not work more than necessary for their subsistence either. Thus, this also expanded their possibilities of autonomy. These manifestations can be translated as a rejection of social control attempts that had the objective of restricting the experience of Afro-descendants, while seeking to turn them into merely passive individuals fit only to become cheap labor supply. Clearly, projects that sought to implement a notion of modernity oriented by racism and hygienist doctrines (hegemonic concepts in the scientific pantheon of that epoch) were forced to negotiate with supposed defiances such as \"vagrancy\" and / or \"loitering\" \"drunkenness\". The persecution of certain patterns of sociability and \"gatherings\" motivated by \"forbidden games,\" \"dances\" and/or \"batuques festive and/or religious practices are rubrics that testify to such dispute. Finally, we place our object in relation to the premises of the historical agency. More specifically, this study unfolds in the light of the historiographic debates about continuities in freedom experiences as a building block in the construction of a possible citizenship of the enslaved/ex-enslaved. We also refer to the theories about the structural implications that the presence of Central Africans imprinted on the Afro-American social and cultural formation in general, and the Brazilian southeast in particular.

L’historiographie de la Révolution haïtienne est en plein essor depuis les vingt dernières années. Il existe désormais un large éventail d’interprétations sur les événements qui mènent à la création d’Haïti. L’objet de ce mémoire est d’exposer différentes perspectives sur des questions qui demeurent cruciales dans l’historiographie contemporaine. Le mémoire est divisé en trois sections. Chacun des chapitres développe une problématique particulière de l’historiographie en mettant en parallèle les conclusions de différents chercheurs. Le premier chapitre est consacré au thème de la transformation de la révolte en révolution. Ensuite, il sera question de l'impact de la Révolution haïtienne sur l'histoire de l'esclavage dans le monde atlantique. Pour conclure, la dichotomie entre l’absence de longue date de la Révolution haïtienne dans l’historiographie occidentale et l’attention qu’elle reçoit aujourd’hui sera examinée dans le troisième chapitre. Aujourd’hui, la réécriture de la Révolution haïtienne est très populaire et attire des chercheurs de différents milieux. C’est dans ce contexte que ce mémoire présente une mise en perspective des principaux débats idéologiques de l’historiographie de la Révolution haïtienne depuis les années quatre-vingt-dix. / The historiography of the Haitian Revolution has flourished over the last twenty years. A wide range of interpretations of the events that lead to the creation of Haiti now exist. The purpose of this thesis is to assess different perspectives on issues central to the contemporary historiography. The thesis is divided into three sections. Each chapter develops a particular problem in the historiography by exploring the findings of various researchers. In the first chapter, the theme of the transformation of the revolt in revolution will be studied. Then, we will analyse how researchers assess the impact of the Haitian Revolution on the history of slavery in the Atlantic world. To conclude, the dichotomy between the longstanding absence of the Haitian Revolution in the Western historiography and the attention it receives today will be discussed in the third chapter. Today, the Haitian Revolution draws a great amount of attention from researchers from different backgrounds. It is in this context that this thesis presents a perspective of the major ideological debates in the historiography of the Haitian Revolution since the 1990s.

Pendant des milliers d’années, la médecine chinoise jouit d’une notoriété importante. Cependant, après la première guerre de l’opium en 1840 et avant la promulgation de la Constitution de 1982, cette médecine locale a vécu une phase de lente décadence. Ce changement est dû à la mutation radicale de la société chinoise et à la confrontation avec la culture et de la médecine occidentales de l’époque. Dans le but de remédier à la situation délicate du moment et de pallier les difficultés sanitaires du pays, les pouvoirs politiques successifs ont tenté d’installer différents systèmes de santé systématisés, modernisés, voire occidentalisés : soit en privilégiant la médecine occidentale, parfois même avec une intention d’abolir la médecine chinoise, soit en stimulant une collaboration entre les deux médecines. En s’appuyant sur cette histoire de la rencontre et de la cohabitation souvent heurtée des médecines chinoise traditionnelle et occidentale moderne, ainsi que sur les particularités de chaque médecine, il parait judicieux de vouloir procéder à une collaboration des deux médecines avec plus de profondeur, afin de mieux gérer la santé publique. En effet, cette collaboration aurait le mérite de perfectionner le système de santé, de stimuler l’activité médicale, d’alléger les dépenses de santé et enfin d’améliorer la santé et le bien-être de la population. Bien entendu, aujourd’hui, améliorer la situation d’existence et de développement de la médecine traditionnelle est une obligation pressante / For millennia, Chinese medicine has been of some renown. However, during the period going from the first opium war of 1840 to the promulgation of the constitution of 1982, this medicine has slowly declined. This change is mainly due to the radical mutation of Chinese society on its whole, and to its increasing confrontation with western culture and medicine. Successive political regimes have tried to set up diverse health systems, which they modernized or westernized, in order to remedy the delicate health situation and relieve some burden from existing institutions. They either openly supported Western medicine, even to the point of wanting to abolish its Chinese counterpart, or tried to stimulate some form of collaboration between the two medicines. Based on this history of clashes and forced cohabitation, and on the specific aspects of each of them, it seems a sound goal to proceed to a deeper collaboration between these two medicines, to help and manage public health more efficiently. Indeed, this collaboration could in itself better the current health system, would stimulate medical activity, could reduce healthcare costs and finally should improve global health and wellbeing of the Chinese population. But of course, it is first and foremost a pressing duty to enhance the current status of existence and state of development of Chinese traditional medicine

Cette recherche vise à tracer une généalogie des rationalités de gouvernement et d’identification de la mobilité du travail dans la France métropolitaine et coloniale du XIXème siècle. Gouverner la mobilité ne comporte pas un pouvoir simplement coercitif, mais plutôt un certain degré de liberté nécessaire à canaliser et orienter la circulation des individus. Plus précisément, la thèse analyse l’histoire du livret ouvrier en tant que révélateur administratif des tensions qui accompagnent la configuration, la crise et la reformulation du contrat civil classique en France. Par cette technologie d’identification on retrace aussi la genèse globale des notions historiques de travail libre, esclavage et domesticité, dont on suit les métamorphoses à la lumière des politiques de la mobilité après l’abolition de l’esclavage. Les derniers chapitres considèrent la naissance de l’État Providence et des nouvelles pratiques d’identification, telles que l’anthropométrie et les empreintes digitales, en tant que reformulations historiques du problème à la base de notre recherche : comment contrôler la force de travail sans insérer une coercition illégitime sur les corps qui en sont les porteurs? La généalogie du régime de mobilité montre la nécessité paradoxale du libéralisme de cycliquement relancer un projet universel (la généralisation de la personne juridique) afin de pouvoir définir des hiérarchies en son sein (multipliant les statuts par lesquelles l’accès à l’usage de la liberté est filtré). À partir de cette complication on peut repenser le rapport entre souveraineté, État et marché mondial. / In this research, we genealogically trace the emergence of modern rationality in the government of the mobility of labor in France and its colonies in the XIX century. Governing mobility does not imply a purely coercive power, but rather a certain degree of freedom, necessary to channel and orient the circulation of individuals. More precisely, this PhD thesis analyses the history of the livret ouvrier as administrative markers of the tensions characterizing the configuration, the crisis, and the reformulation of classic civil contract in France. This technology of identification also allows us to trace the global genesis of the historical notions of free labor, slavery, and domesticity, following their evolution through the politics of mobility after the abolition of slavery. The last chapters survey the birth of the welfare state and of new forms of identification, such as anthropometry and fingerprinting, as historical reconfigurations of the underlying question of our investigation: how to control labor power without introducing an illegitimate coercion on the bodies carrying it? The genealogy of mobility regime shows the paradoxical necessity of liberalism to periodically reformulate a universal project (the generalization of the juridical person) in order to organize internal hierarchies (by multiplying the statutes through which the effective access to freedom is filtered). Through the lens of this co-implication we can rethink the relationship between sovereignty, State and world market.

"Spirited Media" analyzes distributed structures of authorship in the reform literature of the nineteenth-century United States. The literature that emerged out of reform movements like abolitionism often was a product of complex negotiations between speech and print, involving multiple people working across media in relationships that were sometimes collaborative, sometimes cooperative, and sometimes antagonistic. The cultural authority of print and individual authorship, often unquestioned in studies that focus on major or canonical figures of the nineteenth century, has tended to obscure some of this complexity. Moving from phonography, to Josiah Henson and Uncle Tom’s Cabin, to spiritualism, to Sojourner Truth and Walt Whitman, I consider four cases in which reporters, amanuenses, spirit mediums, and poets revived and remediated the voices of abolitionists, fugitive slaves, and figures from American history. By separating publication into events—speech, inscription, revision, and print—I show that "authorship" consisted of a series of interactions over time and across media, but that in the case of reform, the stakes for proving that authorship was a clear and indisputable characteristic of print were high. For abolitionist, African American, and spiritualist speakers and writers, authority depended on authorship, which in turn depended on the transparency of the print or the medium, or the perception of a direct relationship between speaker and reader. Like authorship, this transparency was constructed by a variety of social actors for whom the author was a key site of empowerment. It was authorized by appeals to revelation and race, two constructs often sidelined in media histories, yet central to discussions of society and politics in nineteenth-century America. Thinking of authorship as a distributed phenomenon disrupts models of the unitary subject and original genius, calling attention instead to uncanny acts of reading and writing in nineteenth-century literature. This dissertation argues that we should think about the transformative power of U.S. literature as located in revelation, not just creation, and in congregating people, not just representing them. / text