Past research indicates that having a similar life experience as another person leads to greater empathic concern towards that person. Two studies empirically investigated if similar experiences of race-based social identity threat can increase the empathic concern of White Americans toward African Americans. Study 1 revealed that White Americans randomly assigned to think about White privilege and then randomly assigned to read a passage about an African American whose accomplishments are attributed to Affirmative Action policies (versus an African American whose accomplishments are attributed to his hard work and merit) felt greater empathic concern toward the African American described in the passage. This effect was significantly mediated by stereotype threat feelings and moderated by group identity. Study 2 revealed that White Americans randomly assigned to think about how others think they have benefited from White privilege and then randomly assigned to read a passage about an African American whose accomplishments are attributed to Affirmative Action policies (versus an African American whose accomplishments are attributed to his hard work and merit) felt greater empathic concern toward the African American described in the passage only when mediated by stereotype threat feelings or stereotype threat cognitions. This mediated effect was moderated by merit identity. This suggests that White American participants do not see the literal similarities between the scenarios of race based social identity threat to merit but can see the similarities in internal feelings and cognitions that both experiences create. Collectively, these studies suggest a novel consideration of social identity and understanding of intergroup processes.

O objetivo deste estudo é analisar, frente às visões de igualdade das correntes da Teoria Feminista do Direito, qual delas melhor explica a sub-representação feminina nos Conselhos de Administração das empresas. Também busca-se descobrir, dentre os argumentos que costumam embasar as políticas legais de quotas para mulheres em Conselhos, quais deles estão em consonância com o ideal de igualdade feminista identificado. Para tanto, no primeiro capítulo do trabalho, apresentaremos as principais noções da Teoria Feminista do Direito, visando delinear a base teórica da pesquisa. No segundo, apresentaremos as mais importantes correntes feministas e a forma como estas entendem o princípio da igualdade entre os sexos. No terceiro capítulo, avaliaremos a teoria geral das ações afirmativas. No quarto, confrontaremos os ideais de igualdade feministas com o caso específico da sub-representação das mulheres nos Conselhos, buscando responder as perguntas orientadoras da tese. / In face of the equality views within the currents of Feminist Theory of Law, the objective of this study is to analyze which one best explains the female under-representation on companies Boards of Directors. We also seek to discover, from among the arguments that tend to base the legal policy of quotas for women on Boards, which of them are in line with the identified feminist equality ideal. Therefore, the first chapter of the work will present the main notions of Feminist Theory of Law, aiming to outline the theoretical basis of the research. In the second chapter, we present the most important feminist strands and how they understand the principle of gender equality. In the third chapter, we evaluate the general theory of affirmative action. In the fourth, we confront the feminist equality ideals with the specific case of under-representation of women on Boards, seeking to answer the guiding questions of this thesis.

<p>The aim and purpose of this paper is to identify and investigate the effects of affirmative action as a tool to improve the equality of the sexes in a male dominated organisation such as the Swedish armed forces. The study takes a qualitative approach, using feminist theory as a point of departure. Primarily socially based differences between men and women are identified and the resistance towards change is taken into account.</p><p>To understand the impact of affirmative action I have observed the political debate on the subject and contrasted it to the ongoing debate from within the armed forces. Extensive interviews have been held with both men and women from varying ranks and ages to understand what the overall opinion of the method is.</p><p>My results show that there is a widespread animosity towards affirmative action as a method of improving equality. Both in the political debate and within the organisation in question. It is perceived as a method that rather compromises the balance and the equality that already exists in the Swedish armed forces, since women can be accepted on lower merits than men.</p><p>The theoretical framework helps us to understand both the reaction towards the first women that were allowed into the organisation and the response to the latest efforts taken in improving the equality between the sexes.</p>

Thesis (M.Com. (Industrial Psychology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2007.

Thesis (M.A. (Industrial Psychology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2007.

There has been considerable progress in women's sport participation opportunities since the enactment of Title IX of the Education Amendments Act of 1972. These opportunities have allowed women and girls to participate in sports at the primary and secondary school level, as well as at the collegiate level in considerable numbers. Institutions have been adding new, emerging, or growth sports to their sports lineup. Despite this progress, much remains to be done to achieve true equity in women's access to sports. Indeed, recent evidence suggests that women of color may not have benefited from the array of new sports and athletic opportunities as much as white women. To examine this issue, we compare Post-Title IX trends in black and white females' sports participation and directly examine the effect of race on participation opportunities. Quantitative analysis based on multiple national data sets, including the National Longitudinal Study (NLS), the High School and Beyond Survey (HSB), the National Educational Longitudinal Survey (NELS), and the Educational Longitudinal Survey (ELS), reveal that compared to white females, black females have indeed lost ground since Title IX, and that public schools attended by black females offer fewer sport participation opportunities to girls. Qualitative analysis is presented through a detailed, critical examination of the history of white and black women and sports, followed by an assessment of the legal challenges to gender inequality involving Title IX. Although Title IX is supposed to provide greater sports participation and athletic opportunities for women, oftentimes, women of color are disproportionately excluded from participation. As a policy, Title IX is designed to promote gender equity and equality in education, including sports. However, interscholastic athletic access and participation opportunities for females are unevenly distributed along racial lines. Implications for policy and future research are discussed.

The 2008 election of Barack Obama to the United States’ presidency is an undeniable historical landmark demonstrating progress in race relations; however, it has yet to be determined how the election affects the way in which racial minorities are viewed and whether Obama’s presidency will advance their societal position. Despite some claims that the election signifies the existence of a post-racial nation, recent social (Harlow 2008; Hunt and Wilson 2009; Parker, Sawyer, Towler 2009; Tesler 2010), psychological (Effron, Cameron, and Monin 2009; Eibach, and Purdie-Vaughns 2009; Kaiser et al. 2009), political (Piston 2001; Huddy and Feldman 2009; Redlawsk, Tolbert, and Franco 2010), economic (Jacobson 2010; Lewis-Beck and Tien (2009) and legal (Nelson 2009; Troutt 2009) research predicts that the election will have little effect, or potentially a negative impact, on efforts to achieve racial parity in America. To assess what President Obama’s election means for American race relations, this study examines multiple measures of prejudice among Whites as predictors of their support for racial equality. Using data from the American National Election Studies (ANES), I examine different forms of racism, and the extent to which they influence Whites’ support of government policies that promote racial equality. The focal independent variable, racial ideology, is measured by old-fashioned racism, systemic racism, symbolic racism, laissez-faire racism, and color-blind racism. The focal dependent variable, race-based policy preferences, is measured through support for government policies which promote racial equity in education and employment contexts. Factor analysis is used to identify how Whites’ feelings towards Obama, reaction to Obama’s election victory, feelings towards Blacks, outlook on black presidents in general, and beliefs concerning political power differentials between Blacks and Whites relate to different theoretical racial ideologies. Racial orientations that are indicated by measured variables then serve as focal independent variables in multiple regression analysis to predict the focal outcome variables concerning support for policies that foster racial equality. Factor analysis and regression analysis are conducted with pre-election, post-election, and recent data in order to assess change in Whites’ racial attitudes and policy preferences at various points in time. Results from the analysis suggest differences before and after the election in terms of racist ideology and support for programs that benefit racial minorities. Whites are now less likely to agree with the implementation of affirmative action and government policy supporting racial equality. Systemic and color-blind racist ideologies are the strongest predictors of opposition to race-based policy. Furthermore, it seems antiracist ideology has diminished since President Obama was elected. These findings are consistent with sociological and political research that suggests Whites’ opposition to racial policies and black candidates is often more influenced by symbolic racism than by realistic self-interest (Sears and Henry 2003) and confirms predictions (Bonilla-Silva and Ray 2009; Metzler 2010) that Obama’s presidency coupled with new forms of racism, such as color-blind racism, may serve to negatively affect racial equality in the United States.

There have been good arguments made for the development of aggressive affirmative action policies with the end goal of quickly moving black South Africans into corporate and high ranks within management of organisations. One of the central arguments in favour of aggressive AA policies is the risk of racial polarization post-apartheid should a quick fix not be initiated. It makes good business and economic sense for AA policies to be implemented as black consumers coupled with black managers will have the eventual end point of lower unemployment and crime, through job creation and security of the representative majority.

Directive 2006/54/EG from the European Union concerns the equal rights between men and woman and the principle of equal rights. The purpose of the directive is that the member states provide the equal rights between men and woman. Affirmative action is one exception from the principle of equal rights which is settled in directive 2006/54/EG, article 3. The purpose for the affirmative action must be to encourage the equal rights between men and women. EU has specific criteria to use affirmative action, which is created by praxis of the Court of Justice of the European Union. These criteria are that the affirmative action must involve an objective assessment, there must be equal qualifications between the person which is affirmative action and the person who is not, the positive action cannot be automatically decisive and this special treatment should be proportionate to the purpose. The rules about affirmative action in Sweden are the same as the EU has suggested in praxis. In directive 2000/43/EG about the principle of equal treatment between persons irrespective of racial or ethnic origin, article 5, EU declares that the principle of equal rights shall not prevent any member state from conserving or implementing specific measures to prevent or compensate disadvantages linked to ethnic origin or racial. This form of affirmative action due to ethnicities is prohibited in Sweden. The debate about this form has been large and labour unions in Sweden are not positive about it. The government in Sweden thinks that there is a problem that ethnicities is not a homogenous group and that it will bring complications with the enforcement. If affirmative action due to ethnicity should be assimilating in Swedish law requires statistic over ethnicity, and if that should be possible it must be a change in the 13 § Privacy protection law. The Privacy protection law is a subsidiary law, and if the government in Sweden want, they could make an exception for statistic over ethnicity.

ABSTRACT STUDENT ACCESS TO HIGHER EDUCATION A HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF LANDMARK SUPREME COURT CASES MISSOURI EX. REL. GAINES V. CANADA, REGISTRAR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI, 1938, AND GRUTTER V. BOLLINGER, 2003 by Ansley Knox Daniel The purpose of this study is to identify primary themes related to student access to higher education and establishing diversity in higher education classrooms through a comparative analysis of the 1938 Gaines v. Canada case and the 2003 Grutter v. Bollinger case. Both of these Supreme Court opinions have significantly impacted student access to higher education. The landmark ruling in Gaines inaugurated a new and ground-breaking series of legal victories that opened minority student access to higher education and eventually to secondary education. In Grutter, the Supreme Court upheld the use of race as one of many factors that can be used to consider in the student admissions process in higher education to encourage diversity in student populations and in leadership opportunities. Using a methodology of historiography of education law, the intention of this study is to expand the historical and legal implications of the Gaines and Grutter cases, focusing on the application of the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and the relationship between the outcomes of the cases and the judicial interpretation employed by the justices. In Grutter, while considering narrow-tailoring and strict scrutiny to check for the legal development and implementation of affirmative action policies, the justices prioritize providing equal access to higher education for all students and ensuring meaningful diversity in university classrooms for an extended, but still limited, time period. It is valuable for historians of the law and members of the legal profession to consider the notion of active liberty articulated by Justice Stephen Breyer (2005) when developing their interpretation of the Equal Protection Clause and how it should be applied.