Thesis (M.Com. (Industrial Psychology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2007.

Thesis (M.A. (Industrial Psychology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2007.

There has been considerable progress in women's sport participation opportunities since the enactment of Title IX of the Education Amendments Act of 1972. These opportunities have allowed women and girls to participate in sports at the primary and secondary school level, as well as at the collegiate level in considerable numbers. Institutions have been adding new, emerging, or growth sports to their sports lineup. Despite this progress, much remains to be done to achieve true equity in women's access to sports. Indeed, recent evidence suggests that women of color may not have benefited from the array of new sports and athletic opportunities as much as white women. To examine this issue, we compare Post-Title IX trends in black and white females' sports participation and directly examine the effect of race on participation opportunities. Quantitative analysis based on multiple national data sets, including the National Longitudinal Study (NLS), the High School and Beyond Survey (HSB), the National Educational Longitudinal Survey (NELS), and the Educational Longitudinal Survey (ELS), reveal that compared to white females, black females have indeed lost ground since Title IX, and that public schools attended by black females offer fewer sport participation opportunities to girls. Qualitative analysis is presented through a detailed, critical examination of the history of white and black women and sports, followed by an assessment of the legal challenges to gender inequality involving Title IX. Although Title IX is supposed to provide greater sports participation and athletic opportunities for women, oftentimes, women of color are disproportionately excluded from participation. As a policy, Title IX is designed to promote gender equity and equality in education, including sports. However, interscholastic athletic access and participation opportunities for females are unevenly distributed along racial lines. Implications for policy and future research are discussed.

The 2008 election of Barack Obama to the United States’ presidency is an undeniable historical landmark demonstrating progress in race relations; however, it has yet to be determined how the election affects the way in which racial minorities are viewed and whether Obama’s presidency will advance their societal position. Despite some claims that the election signifies the existence of a post-racial nation, recent social (Harlow 2008; Hunt and Wilson 2009; Parker, Sawyer, Towler 2009; Tesler 2010), psychological (Effron, Cameron, and Monin 2009; Eibach, and Purdie-Vaughns 2009; Kaiser et al. 2009), political (Piston 2001; Huddy and Feldman 2009; Redlawsk, Tolbert, and Franco 2010), economic (Jacobson 2010; Lewis-Beck and Tien (2009) and legal (Nelson 2009; Troutt 2009) research predicts that the election will have little effect, or potentially a negative impact, on efforts to achieve racial parity in America. To assess what President Obama’s election means for American race relations, this study examines multiple measures of prejudice among Whites as predictors of their support for racial equality. Using data from the American National Election Studies (ANES), I examine different forms of racism, and the extent to which they influence Whites’ support of government policies that promote racial equality. The focal independent variable, racial ideology, is measured by old-fashioned racism, systemic racism, symbolic racism, laissez-faire racism, and color-blind racism. The focal dependent variable, race-based policy preferences, is measured through support for government policies which promote racial equity in education and employment contexts. Factor analysis is used to identify how Whites’ feelings towards Obama, reaction to Obama’s election victory, feelings towards Blacks, outlook on black presidents in general, and beliefs concerning political power differentials between Blacks and Whites relate to different theoretical racial ideologies. Racial orientations that are indicated by measured variables then serve as focal independent variables in multiple regression analysis to predict the focal outcome variables concerning support for policies that foster racial equality. Factor analysis and regression analysis are conducted with pre-election, post-election, and recent data in order to assess change in Whites’ racial attitudes and policy preferences at various points in time. Results from the analysis suggest differences before and after the election in terms of racist ideology and support for programs that benefit racial minorities. Whites are now less likely to agree with the implementation of affirmative action and government policy supporting racial equality. Systemic and color-blind racist ideologies are the strongest predictors of opposition to race-based policy. Furthermore, it seems antiracist ideology has diminished since President Obama was elected. These findings are consistent with sociological and political research that suggests Whites’ opposition to racial policies and black candidates is often more influenced by symbolic racism than by realistic self-interest (Sears and Henry 2003) and confirms predictions (Bonilla-Silva and Ray 2009; Metzler 2010) that Obama’s presidency coupled with new forms of racism, such as color-blind racism, may serve to negatively affect racial equality in the United States.

There have been good arguments made for the development of aggressive affirmative action policies with the end goal of quickly moving black South Africans into corporate and high ranks within management of organisations. One of the central arguments in favour of aggressive AA policies is the risk of racial polarization post-apartheid should a quick fix not be initiated. It makes good business and economic sense for AA policies to be implemented as black consumers coupled with black managers will have the eventual end point of lower unemployment and crime, through job creation and security of the representative majority.

Directive 2006/54/EG from the European Union concerns the equal rights between men and woman and the principle of equal rights. The purpose of the directive is that the member states provide the equal rights between men and woman. Affirmative action is one exception from the principle of equal rights which is settled in directive 2006/54/EG, article 3. The purpose for the affirmative action must be to encourage the equal rights between men and women. EU has specific criteria to use affirmative action, which is created by praxis of the Court of Justice of the European Union. These criteria are that the affirmative action must involve an objective assessment, there must be equal qualifications between the person which is affirmative action and the person who is not, the positive action cannot be automatically decisive and this special treatment should be proportionate to the purpose. The rules about affirmative action in Sweden are the same as the EU has suggested in praxis. In directive 2000/43/EG about the principle of equal treatment between persons irrespective of racial or ethnic origin, article 5, EU declares that the principle of equal rights shall not prevent any member state from conserving or implementing specific measures to prevent or compensate disadvantages linked to ethnic origin or racial. This form of affirmative action due to ethnicities is prohibited in Sweden. The debate about this form has been large and labour unions in Sweden are not positive about it. The government in Sweden thinks that there is a problem that ethnicities is not a homogenous group and that it will bring complications with the enforcement. If affirmative action due to ethnicity should be assimilating in Swedish law requires statistic over ethnicity, and if that should be possible it must be a change in the 13 § Privacy protection law. The Privacy protection law is a subsidiary law, and if the government in Sweden want, they could make an exception for statistic over ethnicity.

ABSTRACT STUDENT ACCESS TO HIGHER EDUCATION A HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF LANDMARK SUPREME COURT CASES MISSOURI EX. REL. GAINES V. CANADA, REGISTRAR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI, 1938, AND GRUTTER V. BOLLINGER, 2003 by Ansley Knox Daniel The purpose of this study is to identify primary themes related to student access to higher education and establishing diversity in higher education classrooms through a comparative analysis of the 1938 Gaines v. Canada case and the 2003 Grutter v. Bollinger case. Both of these Supreme Court opinions have significantly impacted student access to higher education. The landmark ruling in Gaines inaugurated a new and ground-breaking series of legal victories that opened minority student access to higher education and eventually to secondary education. In Grutter, the Supreme Court upheld the use of race as one of many factors that can be used to consider in the student admissions process in higher education to encourage diversity in student populations and in leadership opportunities. Using a methodology of historiography of education law, the intention of this study is to expand the historical and legal implications of the Gaines and Grutter cases, focusing on the application of the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and the relationship between the outcomes of the cases and the judicial interpretation employed by the justices. In Grutter, while considering narrow-tailoring and strict scrutiny to check for the legal development and implementation of affirmative action policies, the justices prioritize providing equal access to higher education for all students and ensuring meaningful diversity in university classrooms for an extended, but still limited, time period. It is valuable for historians of the law and members of the legal profession to consider the notion of active liberty articulated by Justice Stephen Breyer (2005) when developing their interpretation of the Equal Protection Clause and how it should be applied.

Syftet med denna studie är att se hur individer som har kvoterats in i ett företag upplever sin situation. Ojämlikheter mellan könen på arbetsmarknaden existerar än idag. Kvotering är ett verktyg som diskuteras och har blivit en konsekvens av ojämlikheten mellan könen på arbetsmarknaden. Vår undersökning är kvalitativ där vi har använt oss av intervjuer som vår huvudmetod. De teorier vi har valt att ha som utgångspunkter är Erving Goffmans teorier om Jaget och maskerna samt Stigma. För att belysa könsapekten utgick vi även från Ylva Elvin-Nowak och Helene Thomssons teori Att göra kön. Det vi kom fram till i vårt resultat var att våra intervjupersoner var medvetna om att de fått sina tjänster på grund av deras kön. Vi kom även fram till att upplevelsen kring kvotering såg olika ut beroende på hur de hanterade de externa strukturerna. Men vi hittade även gemensamma nämnare, nämligen att det existerade specifika förväntingar på den kvoterade anställda och konsekvenserna av dessa förväntningar leder till att personen i fråga kände sig tvingad att spela en roll. Det gjorde de genom olika anpassningsstrategier. / The purpose of our study is to see how individuals who have been quoted in a company perceive their situation. It’s important to knowleged that gender differences in the labor market still exist today. Affirmative Action is a tool that has been discussed and there are many debates about this sensitive subject. Affirmative Action has become a consequence of gender differences on the labor market today. Our study is qualitative, where we have used the interviews as our main method. The theories we have chosen to have as starting points are Erving Goffman's theory on The presentation of self in everyday life and Stigma. To illustrate the gender dimension we also used Ylva Elvin-Nowak and Helene Thomson's theory on how we do genders. Our results showed that the women we interviewed were aware that they had recived their service because of their gender. We also came to the conclusion that the experience surrounding affirmative action looked different depending on how they handled the external structures around them. Our results also showed that there are specific expectations on the quota employees. The consequences of these expectations led to the employers playing a role. They played their role through a variety of adaptation strategies. They also had different experience even though they all worked in the same company and almost had the same position.

<p><b>Background and problem:</b> It is important for a policy aiming at overcoming discrimination to be justifiable as just or as creating justice. When a policy is implemented lacking such qualities it is argued to be unjust, which creates a problem. During the last decades there has been massive immigration to the Western countries from countries marked by war and disaster. This has created problems of integration into the “new” society, and the use of preferential policies has become increasingly topical. Whether or not the use of preferential policies is a just method is the basis of this thesis.</p><p><b>Aim</b>: The aim of this thesis is to study the concept of preferential policies in an impartial perspective of fairness. By impartial it is meant to present facts speaking both for and against preferential policies as being just. The main question of this thesis is whether or not preferential treatment is a just method to create equality within the society.</p><p><b>Method</b>: A research method of textual analysis has been used combined with an analysis of structure of arguments.</p><p><b>Theoretical framework</b>: First, definitions of discrimination and preferential policies as such are focused upon in the third chapter. Second, the concept of social justice and its connection to preferential policies is treated. The question if preferential policies should be directed towards individuals or groups is a central question in the debate and it will demand its space in this thesis. Here the importance of merit will be discussed. The section about individuals and groups will be followed by a section discussing the importance of ethnic diversity which will be followed by a comparison of the development of preferential policies in the USA and Sweden. Last, there will be a section where an attempt to generalize between arguments is made.</p><p><b>Conclusions and Discussion</b>: In this part a conclusion and a discussion will be presented. Here conclusions will be drawn from the gathered material. Finally there will be a discussion on the subject and of how the research procedure has proceeded.</p>

On the basis of descriptive and prescriptive ethics and by means of literature study and exegesis of the Scriptures, this study poses an answer to the question: "How should factors that define labour compensation in South Africa since 1994 be judged according to theological ethics?" Since the subsistence farming of the seventeenth century in South Africa labour compensation has changed to a mainly capitalistic system with money as the most important compensation to labourers for services rendered. Since the seventeenth century a period of unfolding and development of careers has taken place mainly as a result of the influence of colonists from Europe. Gradual development taking place in the economic field has made subsequent factors in lieu of labour compensation more relevant for labourers. Various factors with regard to compensation of labour after 1994 - when the first fully-fledged democratic voting took place in South Africa - defines that it must be seen against the developmental background before 1994. In this study thirteen factors that have an influence on compensation since 1994, will be identified. Some factors tend to lean towards underpayment and others to overpayment. Interior factors relating to insufficient payment are unemployment, child labour, HIV/Aids and gambling. Foreign factors relative to insufficient payment are illegal immigration and cheap imports. Relevant to this, there are also factors resulting in higher remuneration of labourers. Labour laws with regard to affirmative action and minimum wages have a positive influence on payment for labourers. Illegal conduct of labourers gives rise to theft, robbery and corruption. Positive reactions are also in place with regard to remuneration of labourers. In view of this, over-pay, strikes and emigration play an important role. The factors that influence payment since 1994 are being judged according to the Scriptures, pertaining labour and remuneration. God created mankind serving as inhabitants and workers of the earth. He also decreed that mankind will live from the fruit of his labour. This decree forms the basis by which labourers receive remuneration for their efforts. Through fellowship man shows that he is sewing God and fellow-country men and does not labour only for his own advantage. The fall of man has far-reaching influences on mankind, his labours, place of labour and the consequent remuneration be receives for services rendered. One cannot fatalistically accept the influence of the fall of mankind. The recreation of mankind, started by Jesus Christ also affects the area of labour. This study demonstrates how remuneration for labour does not comply to Bible principles. Guidance will be given to how, especially believers, be they employers or employees, portray God's image through their conduct. Believers should execute their labours in such a way, that they are worthy of decent remuneration. Christian employers ought to be reasonable when paying employees, create and protect job opportunities and where possible, employ more labourers. Maximum opportunity should be granted by the ruling authority in order that as many people possible have the opportunity to labour without being exploited. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Ethics))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2005.