Bet koks nusikalstamas plačiai paviešintas įvykis ar reiškinys daro neigiamą įspūdį apie šalį – prisideda prie neigiamo šalies įvaizdžio kūrimo. Tačiau vienareikšmiškai neigiamai vertinti tokį istoriškai ir kultūriškai Italijos tapatybėje įsišaknijusį fenomeną kaip mafija, yra neteisinga. Šio tyrimo tikslas - remiantis Šiaurės, Pietų bei centrin��s Italijos dienraščių straipsnių mafijos tema kiekybine, kokybine bei žanrine analize, o taip pat mokslinės literatūros šaltinių analize, ištirti mafijos fenomeno pateikimą Italijos dienraščiuose kaip vieną iš Italijos įvaizdžio ir saviįvaizdžio formavimo prielaidų ir atskleisti skirtinguose dienraščiuose matomus minėto fenomeno įtakos skirtumus Italijos įvaizdžiui bei saviįvaizdžiui atskirose šalies dalyse. Tyrimo tikslas lemia ir tyrimo objektą, kuris yra straipsniai apie mafiją Italijos dienraščių „Corriere della Sera“, „La Repubblica“ ir „Il Mattino“ 2007 metų numeriuose. Tyrimo hipotezė teigia, jog būdama šalies identiteto dalis, mafija Italijos saviįvaizdžiui nedaro apčiuopiamos įtakos, tačiau dėl mafijos egzistavimo kenčia šalies įvaizdis, pozicionuojamas itališkoje spaudoje. Darbe atskleisti Italijos medijų sistemos ypatumai ir aptarta spaudos vieta Italijos medijų sistemoje; pristatyta agenda setting teorijos reikšmė šalies įvaizdžio kūrimui(si) bei tyrimui; identifikuota identiteto svarba šalies įvaizdžio ir saviįvaizdžio formavimui(si); apžvelgti Italijos įvaizdžio kūrimo ypatumai ir pristatyti ankstesni tyrimai... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / This paper aims at analyzing the articles about mafia published in the present-day dailies of the Northern, Southern and Central Italy and revealing the presentation of the mafia phenomena like one of the Italy’s image and self image forming assumption and revealing the differences of the phenomena presentation in the different parts of the State. The main sources for this thesis are the articles concerning mafia published in the Italian dailies “Corriere della Sera”, “La Repubblica” and ��Il Mattino” covering the period from the 1st of January, till the 31st of December, 2007. It was hypothesized that being a part of the state’s identity, mafia doesn’t have tangible influence on Italian self image but because of its existence, the dailies positioned image of the State is negatively influenced. Content analysis quantitative and qualitative, genre analysis and scientific literature analysis methods were used for the research. The hypothesis was proven and some other facts regarding an image and a self image of Italy were discovered. / Ogni crimine ampiamente proclamato fa un effeto negativo sull’immagine dello stato. Il fenomeno mafioso, per il suo impatto storico e culturale all’idenità italiana, non può essere considerato come solamente negativo. L’obbiettivo di questa ricerca è, basandosi sull’analisi quantitativa, qualitativa, generica, degli articoli sulla mafia dei quotidiani, rappresentanti le diverse parti – Nord, Sud e Centrale – dell’Italia, e anche sull’analisi della letteratura scientifica, esaminare la rappresentazione del fenomeno mafioso come una premessa della formazione dell’immagine e dell’(auto)immagine d’Italia nelle parti diverse del paese. L‘oggetto della ricerca sono gli articoli sulla mafia pubblicati nei quotidiani „Corriere della Sera”, „La Repubblica” e „Il Mattino” nel 2007. L‘ipotesi della ricerca suppone che essendo una parte dell’identità dello stato, la mafia non ha un impatto significativo all’immagine d’Italia. Ma l’esistenza del fenomeno, fa un effetto negativo sull’immagine dello stato che viene posizionato nella stampa italiana. In questa ricerca sono stati rivelati le particolarità del sistema massmediatico italiano; presentata l’importanza della teoria dell’agenda setting per la costruzione e la ricerca dell’immagine di uno stato; identificata l’importanza d’identità per la formazione dell’immagine e dell’autoimmagine dello stato; presentate le particolarità della creazione dell’immagine d’Italia e le altre ricerche fatte su quell’immagine; definito il termine e... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Denna studie argumenterar för att dagens mediesamhälle fungerar som en hybrid, där sociala medier och traditionella medier lever och verkar i symbios. Det som får tillräckligt stor spridning på sociala medier kan påverka nyhetsdagordningen och därmed vad allmänheten anser vara viktigt för tillfället. Detta är betydelsefullt för biståndsorganisationer som, för att kunna nå ut till många och öka chanserna till att samla in pengar, är i behov av att deras sak får plats på dagordningen. Studien baseras på en kvantitativ innehållsanalys av samtliga publicerade videoklipp av Sverige för UNHCR på Facebook under 2015. Variablerna baserades på teorier om viralitet, som ursprungligen har utvecklats inom marknadsföring. Där ingick teori om social delning av känslor, social nätverksteori, self-determination theory samt marknadsföringsmodellen ”the Dragonfly effect”. Studien visade hur teorierna kunde utnyttjas även i detta sammanhang, om de anpassades utifrån kontexten. Resultatet visade att the Dragonfly effect tycks vara en lämplig modell i denna kontext. Videon ”Search for Syria” utmärkte sig i detta urval, genom att ha högst antal visningar kombinerat med en förhållandevis hög andel användarresponser, som bidrar till spridningen. Alla fyra steg inom Dragonfly-modellen kunde identifieras i denna video, vilket indikerar att detta är en lämplig modell för att öka chansen till spridning i denna kontext. Studien fann också att urvalet av videoklipp generellt inte var konstruerade på ett sätt som uppmuntrar till spridning. Vidare noterades att starka känslomässiga inslag, så som provokativa och obehagliga scener, förekommer mer i videor som fått flest visningar. Samtidigt tycks videoklipp med en större andel positiva och hoppfulla inslag få större användarrespons i form av ”gillningar”, kommentarer och delningar.

The American society is dominated by a heterosexual powerstructure with norm-filled social values. It is difficult for norm-breaking humans who live outside of the gender stereotypical social model, this includes the group of transgenders. The renowned olympic decathlon athlete Bruce Jenner, also known from the TV-series Keeping Up with the Kardashians, came out as a transgender woman in April, 2015, which aroused a great news reporting. This is a qualitative content analysis with the aim to examine Diane Sawyer’s depiction of Bruce Jenner during the interview in the TV-show ABC 20/20. Sawyer is a prominent mediaprofile in the USA and got sole rights to make the last interview with Bruce Jenner before he transitioned to become a woman. We based our method out of the symptomatic reading to understand the underlying message of the questions asked in the interview and have used Selby and Cowdery's three-stage model as an analysis tool when we created our analysis framework. Furthermore, we have applied this analysis schedule on selected key scenes that we transcribed from the interview in order to get answers to our thesis questions. The result of our thesis is that Sawyer has steered the questions asked in the interview, how they are formulated, and through it controlled the depiction of Jenner in the program. Sawyer questions to Jenner was sometimes chareterized by ignorance and prejudice for transgender, however the overall impression of the interview is that she depicted Jenner in a way that was positive and advantageous for him.

Problem definition and purpose: The media industry is a sphere faced with constant challenges. Technological inventions and economy are changing the rules of how and what media reports. To be able to stay current and make profit the newspapers have to adapt new thinking and evolve. In Sweden the journalistic union have stated that the line between editorial material and advertisement has became thinner. The purpose of this study is therefore to examine the state of three local newspapers today and the ten years back. It will examine if the occurence of what can be define as advetorial news – articles made by the newspapers own reporters but which serve and obvious profit for a second part – has increased or decreased. Method and material: To find an answer to the purpose of this thesis a quantitative content analysis have been done on a total of 1005 local news articles from three Swedish local newspapers in 2005 and 2015. Main result: The result of the content analysis shows that news defined as advetorial occur more frequently in two of the three studied news papers 2015 compared to 2005, while news defined as advetorial decreased in one of the news papers. The result also show that the total number of local news articles has decreased from 2005 to 2015.

The institutions of the European Union (EU) have been involved in football-related matters for more than 30 years without having a direct competence in sport. This apparent paradox is the starting point of this thesis, which investigates the origin, development and consequences of EU policies on football. The EU interventions in football issues are examined through a conceptual framework based on models of agenda-setting and multilevel governance. This thesis draws on qualitative research through primary sources, mainly semi-structured interviews and official documents. The most important policy initiatives and decisions of the EU on football matters can be grouped under three headings: freedom of movement for workers, football broadcasting and football governance. EU institutions did not become involved in football matters by their own volition, but as a result of their responsibilities to adjudicate in legal disputes related to freedom of movement for workers and competition policy. The commercialisation of professional football especially over the last few decades generated internal conflicts in the governance of football that were only resolved with recourse to the European Court of Justice (ECJ). The EU has acted as an alternative policy venue for football stakeholders wishing to challenge the decisions of football federations. Thus, the EU and football appear as two systems of multilevel governance that have coexisted in parallel for some time but have since clashed as a result of the instrumentalisation of EU venues by football stakeholders. The policies of the EU on football are a compromise between two different visions of the game. Whereas football was initially introduced onto the EU agenda only in economic terms through the ECJ and the Commission, the EU has subsequently developed a more holistic and nuanced vision of football that takes into account its wider social and cultural values. The intervention of the Member States and the European Parliament, at the request of football governing bodies, facilitated the further evolution of EU policies on football. As a result of all these processes, the authority of federations such as the international football federation (Fédération Internationale de Football Association, FIFA) and the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) has been diffused in favour of a horizontal network of governance that includes representatives from players, clubs and leagues.

After the attacks in Paris on November 13th 2015, the movement Anonymous has declared a cyber war to terrorist group ISIS that claimed responsibility for these attacks. According to Klein (2015) Anonymous has earlier been framed by the news media as malicious prankster, because their choice of targets did not align with western standards. However, ISIS can be seen as a common enemy of the West. As such, what is the effect of this newly chosen target on the representation of the movement in the media? Departing from this question, this thesis aims to research whether the attributes in use to represent Anonymous in the news media have normatively changed due to the taking on of a common western enemy. In fulfilling this aim, 21 articles published before and 21 articles published after the public declared war on ISIS on November 13th have been analysed based upon second level agenda setting theory. Focus is placed upon the attributes that describe Anonymous in the news media agenda and how these normatively evaluate the movement. In doing so, findings of this analysis present a change in the evaluation of the movement towards a more positive depiction.

This dissertation critically examines how U.S. print media sought to represent the realities of decolonizing and newly independent countries in West Africa by focusing on pivotal events and charismatic leaders from the “non” vote in Guinea in 1958 to the radical appeal of Amilcar Cabral in Guinea-Bissau in 1973. The framing and agenda setting of mainstream media coverage turned leaders and events into metonyms not only for peoples and nations but also for Africa and Africans as a whole. However, the complexities of West Africa, such as political rivalry in the Congo or civil war in Nigeria, troubled such representations. Thus this dissertation tracks the widening of coverage and opening up of representations in African American and New Left print media in a time of global unrest as well as Cold War.

Abstract Titel: Medias skildring av privatleasing Författare: Mattias Beer   Handledare: Jonas Jonsson Examinator: Sven Ross Typ av arbete: Kandidatuppsats i medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap vid Stockholms Universitet Tidpunkt: Höstterminen 2016 Antal ord: 11 441 Syfte och frågeställning: Att undersöka hur två svenska dagstidningar valt att skildra privatleasing under en vald period. Detta görs genom att besvara följande frågeställning: På vilket sätt skildrar Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet konceptet privatleasing i sina tidningsartiklar under tidsperioden 1 januari 2015 till och med den 1 oktober 2016? Metod och material: Kvantitativ innehållsanalys på samtliga artiklar publicerade i Dagens Nyheter samt Svenska Dagbladet under perioden 1 januari 2015 till 1 oktober 2016. Huvudresultat: I studien framkom det en förändring i artiklarna under undersökningsperioden, en förändring från en positiv vinkling av privatleasing till en mer kritisk och undersökande vinkel. Nyckelord: Privatleasing, kvantitativ innehållsanalys, dagstidningar, agenda setting

Masters in Public Administration - MPA / "Sanitation is dignity" as the state has proclaimed while water is life. Yet to date, there are families and communities that are still dreaming that one day their dignity will be restored and they will have access to proper toilets, clean water that are within close proximity including proper houses. In the 24th year of democracy, people in South Africa are still protesting and challenging government to address the inequalities of the past and reset the agenda of change. These persistent protests are about basic needs and service delivery, but increasingly protestors are invoking the concept of relative needs, dignity and human rights and taking protests to the powerful and wealthy. In fact, the idea of the state as sacrosanct has been deflated since protestors throw poo at state officials and vandalise state infrastructure. The “poo wars” that broke out in 2012 with poo dumped at the airport and government buildings continued with the dumping of excrement on the Rhodes statue at UCT shows that the poor can sometimes set the agenda of change and force politicians to listen. Among the defensive responses raised by authorities is that people put their shacks on private land or pieces of land that are not suitable for housing (wetlands). Politically, there are complex issues in the Western Cape, both the Province and the City of Cape Town Metro are Democratic Alliance (DA) run whilst national government is ruled by the African National Congress (ANC). The majority of townships residents are ANC supporters with a few DA Proportional Representative (PR) councillors. This study looks at a qualitative exploration of the complexities in agenda-setting and participation processes in sanitation services in Site C, Khayelitsha between 2010-2013.Residents see agenda setting and engagements as unilateral, as this study found. It is designed into six chapters. The study was designed in a manner that it would reflect the knowledge and understanding the notion of consultation, community participation in decision-making, agenda-setting and implementation of projects or programmes by the people of Khayelitsha-Site C, Councillors, Shopstewards and officials of the City of Cape Town. Over 20 interviews were completed. A key finding is that by taking poo out of its usual place, taking it out of the private into the public domain and to the rich and by invading their space, the issues of the poor are no longer confined to ghetto townships. Boundaries between state and civil society have become porous. Cape Town’s poor residents using portable toilets commonly known as "pota-pota", and also the temporary toilets commonly known as ‘Mshengu’ have argued that these interim services are not only poorly maintained and dirty but are vastly inferior compared to white areas.

<p>Syftet med denna uppsats var att se hur Aftonbladets förmedling av risken för ett utbrott av fågelinfluensan har skildrats. Vi var intresserade av att undersöka om risken har förändrats genom de fyra första upptäckterna i Sverige.</p><p>I vår undersökning har vi kommit fram till att Aftonbladet använder sig av de diskurser som råder i samhället tex. sjukdomsdiskursen, expertdiskursen och nationsdiskursen. Detta anser vi att de gör för att appellera till läsare och skapa ett intresse för tidningen. </p><p>En annan intressant aspekt som vi har kunnat utläsa var att Aftonbladet har byggt upp och breddat risken för fågelinfluensan, genom att identifiera nya riskgrupper i artikelserien. Detta trotts att myndigheter och experter har försökt att tona ner risken för att smittan skall kunna nå nya riskgrupper.</p>