土耳其於1952年透過北大西洋公約組織的框架與美國建立同盟關係，在這層合作關係下，土耳其內部卻存在著非常濃厚的反美主義。本研究的目的之一即了解此合作關係下為何存在反美主義情形。研究採用文獻分析法，同時蒐集美國、土耳其智庫民意研究數據，描述土耳其反美主義之變動情形，與了解土耳其對美國之認知。 本研究首先討論何謂反美主義與柔性平衡，並回顧冷戰至歐巴馬時期的土耳其-美國雙邊關係。研究發現土耳其國內在小布希與歐巴馬時期中仍有強烈反美主義之存在，且土耳其國內對威脅的認知與美國不同。本文選用伊拉克戰爭與聯合國安全理事會1929號決議為個案，說明土耳其在反美情緒下之柔性平衡。在國內層次擁有反美主義的狀態下，土國政治菁英需要回應民意需求，因此政府有誘因選擇在國際層次上柔性平衡美國，作為國內層次上民意壓力之宣洩口。將來國際間中等國家對美國的柔性平衡是否增加，甚至形成一集團平衡美國，為未來研究可關注的焦點。 / U.S.-Turkey alliance started from 1952 through the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. With this cooperative relationship, however, the existence of Anti-Americanism atmosphere in Turkey was high. One of the research purpose of this study was to realize how this partnership and Anti-American sentiment could coexist. In order to understand this condition, Document Analysis has been used to this study. Also, American and Turkish think-tanks’ public opinion researches served as a description to describe changes in Turkish Anti-Americanism and an illustration to illustrate the perceptions of Turkey. This study first discusses what are “Anti-Americanism” and “Soft Balancing”. It then reviews Turkish-American relations from the Cold War to Obama period. This study finds that in Bush and Obama years, strong Anti-American sentiment still existed in Turkey. Moreover, the two countries have very different perceptions of external threats. The Iraq War and United Nations Security Council Resolution No.1929 are case studies in this thesis. It elaborates how Turkey “soft balance” United States in the international level while strong Anti-American sentiments were intense in domestic level. The middle powers’ soft balancing strategies or the emergence of a potential Anti-U.S. alliance could be research hotspots to focus on in the future.

Cette étude propose une analyse de la représentation de la peur dans la société américaine à l’époque du maccarthysme à travers la filmographie de trois réalisateurs contemporains : Alfred Hitchcock, Elia Kazan et Fred Zinnemann. La période charnière de 1946 à 1954 sert de cadre à ce travail. La définition de l'identité américaine était au cœur du mouvement anticommuniste des années cinquante dont l'organe étatique s'appelait la House Un-American Activities Committee (la HUAC), car le fait d'être communiste était considéré comme une activité anti-américaine. C’est pour cette raison que les trois réalisateurs qui ont été choisis pour cette étude sont tous issus de l'immigration, et que la notion identitaire est sous-jacente à ce travail. Le cinéma durant cette période révèle la présence de la peur dans l'esthétique et les scénarii des films eux-mêmes, mais également dans le contexte plus large de l'industrie cinématographique hollywoodienne. La peur fut utilisée dans la société américaine afin d'assurer la docilité du peuple. Tout ce qui concerne la façon dont une société est organisée relève de la politique. Cette étude s’intéresse donc à la fonction politique de la peur ainsi qu’à la façon dont le cinéma a pu être utilisé pour transmettre un message subliminal au public : deux aspects qui sont toujours d’actualité dans la société de nos jours. / The aim of this study is to present an analysis of the manifestation of fear in American society during the period of McCarthyism, and concentrates on the filmographies of three directors contemporary to events: Alfred Hitchcock, Elia Kazan and Fred Zinnemann. The period of transition, 1946 to 1954, provides the temporal framework for this work. Defining American identity was the underlying focus of the 1950s anticommunist movement, which depended on the interventions of the House Un-American Activities Committee (the HUAC), as being a Communist was considered to be an un-American activity. This is why the three directors studied here were all recent immigrants to the United States, and why the notion of identity underlies this study. The cinema of this era shows the presence of fear through the movie esthetics and screenplays, but also in the broader context of the Hollywood cinema industry. Fear was used in American society in order to ensure the docility of the population. Anything which concerns the way in which a society is organized is political. In this way, this study shows the political function of fear as well as the potential use of cinema in order to transmit a subliminal message to the public; two aspects of society which continue to subsist in today's world.

A tese estuda a evolução histórica do atitude multilateral do Brasil. Parte da noção que o multilateralismo é um aspecto significativo da política externa brasileira, desde as primeiras conferências internacionais dos países americanos, que começam ainda no fim do século XIX. Em tempos recentes, na Liga das Nações, mas sobretudo nas Nações Unidas, a importância das instituições multilaterais só fez crescer. O estudo parte, no ângulo teórico, da perspectiva de que o multilateralismo tem uma lógica própria e que, ao aceitá-la, o comportamento diplomático dos Estados deve naturalmente estar em sintonia com o que aquela lógica impõe. A concepção de John Ruggie apóia a parte teórica da tese e sustenta o seu objetivo central, que é o de procura definir o que seriam constantes do comportamento multilateral do Brasil. Procura-se mostrar que suas origens estariam nas reações que a diplomacia brasileira teve ao Pan Americanismo, se fixaram com nossa participação na II Conferência da Haia, quando, com Ruy Barbosa, defendemos que as instituições multilaterais deveriam estar fundadas na igualdade entre os Estados e com a aspiração a uma participação influente nos processos decisórios internacionais, expresso recentemente com a aspiração a um lugar permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações. / The thesis studies the evolution of Brazil´s multilateral attitude. It accepts the notion that multilateralism has been a meaningful aspect of Brazilian foreign policy since the first conferences of American States, a series of international gatherings that began at the end of nineteenth century. From them on, after the creation of the League of Nations and, specially, the United Nations, the importance of multilateral institutions for Brazil has grown consistently. From the theoretical perspective, the thesis accepts the idea that multilateralism is defined by a singular logic and States, when working in multilateral institutions, are bound by that logic. John Ruggie´s conception of nultilateralism supoorts that idea and frames the main goal of the thesis, that is, a investigation of the constant patterns of Brazil´s multilateral behavior. The origins of those patterns could be identified in the diplomatic reactions to the challenges of the Pan American conferences. But, the patterns became more evident during our participation in the II Peace Conference (Hague, 1907) when our delegation, headed by Ruy Barbosa, advocated the understanding that necessary foundation of the multilateral institutions is the equality among States. Another constant is the Brazilian wish to have a more influential participation in the decision making process of the international institutions, as today shown in our aspiration to occupy a permanent seat at the Security Council of the United Nations.

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In my diploma thesis I analyze the key issues connected with the difficulties of communication between Spaniards and native inhabitants after the arrival to the American continent in 1492. Concretely, I focus on the first period of contact with the indigenous population. In the first part of the thesis I describe the historical and political situation in the area. Then I characterize the language policy of the Spanish court and also the linguistic situation in Latin America after the arrival of Spaniards. Next part of the thesis is dedicated to dominant Indian languages, which were used for the communication of colonizers and indigenous people and had the most significant influence on the Spanish language. There is also characteristic of the role of interpreters and importance of signs for communication during the conquest of America. The third chapter is dedicated firstly to the theoretical definition of the basic terms relevant for the topic. I describe the ways of enriching the vocabulary of languages and I explain the way how the new vocabulary was transmitted during communication between the Spaniards and the Indians. I also mention the categories of vocabulary which were most influenced by the indigenous languages with examples of loanwords from native languages in Spanish. In final part I...

O tema desta tese é o itinerário teórico-político cumprido pelo intelectual luso-brasileiro George Agostinho Batista da Silva (1906-1994), desde meados dos anos 1920 até meados dos anos 1950. O período se estende dos seus tempos de graduação na primeira Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto, onde se formou em Filologia Clássica, no ano de 1928, à época do seu auto-exílio político experienciado na Argentina, no Uruguai e, sobretudo, no Brasil, em razão da ditadura civil de Antônio de Oliveira Salazar. Buscando sempre as zonas fronteiriças ou as áreas de intersecção entre o plano do político e a esfera das idéias, tratamos primeiramente da breve, mas significativa passagem de Agostinho da Silva pelo Integralismo Lusitano, que veio a ser sucedida pela adesão do autor ao grupo republicano, democrático e europeísta constituído em torno da Seara Nova, a célebre revista portuguesa de doutrina e crítica. Nela, por mais de dez anos, assiduamente publicou, no pleno exercício de um pensamento progressista que se foi apurando enquanto humanista, militante e crítico. Pensamento, sempre desdobrado em ação, em intervenções criativas ao nível do político, do social e do cultural, ao qual será todavia impresso um novo sentido, quando do seu auto-exílio (1944-1969) por terras de Ibero-América, já que aqui reorientou suas idéias e ideais num sentido antieuropeísta, iberista e iberoamericanista, propondo não mais a europeização de Portugal, mas a rehispanização da Península ibérica, por um sacudir dos seus vícios europeus, e a hispanização da Europa / The subject of this thesis reflects the theoretic-political path followed by the Luso-Brazilian George Agostinho Batista da Silva (1906-1994 ) from the middle 1920´s to the middle 1950´s. This period unfolds from his student days at the former Faculty of Arts of the University of Porto, where he graduated in Classical Philology in 1928, up to his political self-exile time spent in Argentina, Uruguay, but mostly in Brazil, as a reaction to António de Oliveira Salazar\'s civil dictatorship. Always aiming at the bordering areas or intersection areas between the political level and the domain of ideas we firstly dealt with Agostinho da Silva´s short, but significant contribution to the Lusitano Integralism movement which gave way to the author´s joining the republican, democratic and pro-European group formed around Seara Nova, a renowned Portuguese journal of doctrine and criticism. For more than ten years his work was often published in this journal, by then he was expressing his progressive thinking to the full, which he perfected as a humanist, a militant and a critic. His thinking, always developed into action, creative intervention at a political, social and cultural level, acquired, however, a new perspective during his selfexile period (1944-1969 ) in Ibero-American land by redirecting his ideas and ideals towards an anti-European, Iberian and Ibero-American sense. According to this approach, Portugal should no longer undergo an Europeanisation process, but rather welcome the re-Hispanization of the Peninsula by shaking off its European vice and the Hispanization of Europe

The purpose of this study was to examine the peculiarities of framing of the United States in selected Belarusian newspapers during first six months of the Obama administration. The concepts of anti-Americanism, authoritarian model of mass media and framing were chosen as a theoretical framework. This study was focused on the two main questions: first, what is the difference in how Belarusian state-run and independent newspapers frame the U.S., and second, what is the mechanism of creating negative image of the U.S. in Belarusian newspapers. In order to provide comprehensive answers to both questions the multi-method approach (involving methods of content and framing analysis) was chosen. As this study demonstrated, the state-run and independent newspapers present a very different image of the U.S.: state-run newspapers present the U.S. within a scope of strong negative frames. However, the picture in the independent newspapers is the opposite: out of four general frames three were positive and one was neutral-positive. The results of the content analysis showed that negative images of the United States do not necessarily have to be promoted through direct judgmental statements, but could rather be initiated by means of selecting certain negative facts for publication, often from unidentified sources. By concentrating their attention on crime, natural catastrophes, manipulating statistical data, omitting sources of information and selecting foreign experts who are critically inclined against the U.S media create a negative image of the United States.

The purpose of this study was to examine the peculiarities of framing of the United States in selected Belarusian newspapers during first six months of the Obama administration. The concepts of anti-Americanism, authoritarian model of mass media and framing were chosen as a theoretical framework. This study was focused on the two main questions: first, what is the difference in how Belarusian state-run and independent newspapers frame the U.S., and second, what is the mechanism of creating negative image of the U.S. in Belarusian newspapers. In order to provide comprehensive answers to both questions the multi-method approach (involving methods of content and framing analysis) was chosen. As this study demonstrated, the state-run and independent newspapers present a very different image of the U.S.: state-run newspapers present the U.S. within a scope of strong negative frames. However, the picture in the independent newspapers is the opposite: out of four general frames three were positive and one was neutral-positive. The results of the content analysis showed that negative images of the United States do not necessarily have to be promoted through direct judgmental statements, but could rather be initiated by means of selecting certain negative facts for publication, often from unidentified sources. By concentrating their attention on crime, natural catastrophes, manipulating statistical data, omitting sources of information and selecting foreign experts who are critically inclined against the U.S media create a negative image of the United States.

O presente trabalho busca examinar, em perspectiva histórica, aspectos sociopolíticos e jurídicos relacionados à formação da Administração Pública no Brasil e às suas características, notadamente no que concerne ao processo de legitimação do exercício do poder pelo aparelho burocrático e ao seu potencial controle pelos cidadãos. Argumenta-se que, se por um lado tais características revelam a resistência de um modelo associado ao legado ibérico, de outro evidenciam uma peculiar e progressiva abertura ao controle democrático, especialmente após a redemocratização e a promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988. Adotando o exercício do poder administrativo discricionário como categoria de análise, os aspectos inerentes ao processo de transformação daquele modelo são examinadas a partir de quatro eixos, a saber: a singular tensão entre Iberismo e Americanismo no Brasil; a renovação teórica acerca da democracia representativa e das perspectivas sobre o controle democrático; o pós-positivismo e sua potencial conexão com uma concepção responsiva do direito e, finalmente, a queda de velhos paradigmas de legitimação do exercício do poder discricionário estatal, em âmbito mundial, a partir dos anos 1980, o que teria dado ensejo ao crescimento e fortalecimento de um escrutínio pragmático e consequencialista das decisões discricionárias da administração pública também no Brasil. / This work intents to analyze, in a historical perspective, some sociopolitical and juridical traits of the Brazilian public administration formation and its associated characteristics, particularly those related to the legitimization process of the bureaucratic power exercise and its accountability by citizens. We shall argue that, if at the one side those characteristics testify the resilience of an original bureaucratic model, by the other they open some ways to a peculiar and progressive democratic accountability, specifically after the return of the democracy and the few years later adoption of a new Constitution in 1988. Taking the discretionary power as an analytical frame, the main traits related to the progressive transformation of the Iberian original administrative model are here analyzed under four major axes: the peculiar tension between Iberism and Americanism along Brazilian history; the theoretical renovation of the representative democracy and of the perspectives over democratic accountability; the post-positivism and its links with the transition toward responsive law and, finally, the fall down of the old paradigms that used to legitimate the exercise of discretionary powers, all over the occidental world, until the early 1980s, what brought and made grow up new promising kinds of pragmatic and democratic scrutiny over some States traditionally discretionary decisions in Brazil.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-08-19Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:21:58Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 romano_cc_dr_fran.pdf: 759824 bytes, checksum: 2f89c5c153c90c17751684e6d284632a (MD5) / Este trabalho investiga a cultura política do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), do ABC ao Planalto. A chegada de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva à Presidência da República, em 2002, expôs o descompasso petista entre passado e presente. Em meio à crise enfrentada pelo partido – com dirigentes envolvidos em atos de corrupção –, proliferam interpretações que anunciam a morte do petismo, ao lado de defesas apaixonadas atestando sua vivacidade. Em ambos os casos, o ponto de chegada é o mesmo, qual seja, a conclusão de que o petismo atual não condiz com aquele de três décadas atrás, logo, em algum instante, os petistas romperam seus laços originais. Ao contrário, compreende-se aqui o petismo como uma cultura política sem cortes ou traumas. Admitindo que os historiadores pouco contribuíram até momento para clarear a questão, este estudo aplica o conceito de cultura política, valendo-se do marxismo gramsciano para concluir que o petismo não expressa propriamente uma tradição, mas um comportamento político específico, uma mudança políticocultural da sociedade “formada” durante o regime militar no Brasil. Controlada politicamente pelo arbítrio, transfigurada em sua face social tamanho o fluxo migratório aos grandes centros industriais e instigada em seu instinto egoístico pela nova dinâmica do capital, aquela sociedade passou a se organizar à margem do Estado, valendo-se, para tanto, de demandas econômicas e sociais em seus gestos de associação. O binômio crescimento-pobreza transbordou para além das estatísticas. Metalúrgicos de indústrias de ponta do capitalismo brasileiro passaram a expressar de modo visceral um comportamento social difuso e sistematizado de início pelo sindicalismo autêntico. Os movimentos grevistas de 1978-1980 foram assim expressões monográficas de uma nova... / This paper investigates the political culture of the Workers Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores – PT), from the ABC region to the governmental headquarters, the Planalto. The arrival of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva to the presidency in 2002 exposed the irregularities of his party between the past and the present. In the middle of the crisis faced by the party – with leaders being involved in corruption events – some interpretations that claimed the end of PT have risen, along with some passionate defense statements which attested its vivacity. In both cases, the final point is the same, that is, the conclusion that the current party policy doesn’t agree with the one in the past which shows that in some points the petistas (the politician from PT) had broken with its original bonds. However, the petismo (PT’s policies) is understood here as a political culture without cuts or traumas. Admitting that historians gave little contribution to clarify this issue so far, this study applies the gramscian marxism to conclude that petismo doesn’t express a tradition but a specific political behavior, a political and cultural change of the society “created” during the military regime in Brazil. Politically controlled by will, with transfigured social view due to the size of migratory flow towards the big industrial centers and instigated in its selfish instinct by new capital dynamics, that society began to be organized on the edge of the State, taking refuge with the economic and social demands in its acts of association. The binomial growth-poverty went beyond statistics. Metallurgists of Brazilian capitalistic industries began expressing a diffuse social behavior in a visceral way, systematized at first by authentic union acts. Striker movements from 1978 to 1980 were monographic expressions of a new political behavior experimented by Brazilians. PT has amplified the appropriation of ... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Ese trabajo busca investigar la cultura política del Partido de los Trabajadores (PT), del ABC al Planalto. La llegada de Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva a la Presidencia de la República el 2002 expresó el desajuste petista entre pasado y presente. En médio a la crisis que impactó el partido – en razón del involucramiento de sus dirigentes en actos de corrupción – incontables interpretaciones fueran produzidas en las cuales se anunciava la muerte del petismo y al revés de la misma manera apacionantes defensas con vistas a certificar su vitalidad. El los dos casos el punto de llegada es el mismo, o sea, se concluye que el petismo actual no confirma aquel que se afirmó hace tres décadas, lo que significa que en su momento los petistas han roto sus vínculos con sus concepciones originales. Aqui, por el contrario, se comprende el petismo como una cultura política sin descontinuidad o traumas. Mismo con el reconocimiento de que los historiadores hasta el momento poco hicieran en el sentido de aclarar la cuestión esa investigación se utiliza del concepto de cultura política, traduzido por el marxismo gramsciano, para llegar a la conclusión que el petismo no expresa verdaderamente una tradición; más bien expresa un comportamiento político específico, un cambio político-cultural que se produjo en la sociedade bajo el influjo del regimen militar brasileño. Atrapada politicamente por el autoritarismo, desfigurada socialmente por el flujo migratório a los grandes centros industriales y fomentada en sus instintos egoísticos en razón de la nueva dinâmica del capital, la sociedad brasileña se volvió a organizarse al borde del Estado utilizando para ese movimiento las demandas econômicas y sociales en su empeño asociativo. El binómio crescimiento-pobreza traspasó las estatísticas. Obreros metalúrgicos de las industrias más avanzadas del capitalismo brasileño volveran a ... 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