La ricerca propone un quadro di sintesi sull'economia africana tardoantica. Si analizzano le strutture di produzione delle derrate alimentari liquide - olio, vino, garum – e le officine ceramiche funzionali alla produzione di sigillata africana e anfore quali strumenti per una migliore definizione del paesaggio economico africano. Lo studio della produzione rurale e urbana e l’esame dei percorsi delle merci permettono di comprendere così le trasformazioni economiche e sociali delle province di Zeugitana e Bizacena tra il IV e il VII secolo d.C. / The research is a synthesis of the Late Antique economy in North Africa. The analysis focus on foodstuff production – oil, wine, garum – and pottery production, especially on ARS ware and african amphorae, as tools for defining the economic landscape. The study of the rural and urban landscape and the study of the trade routes allow us to understand the economic and social transformations of the provinces of Zeugitana and Byzacena between the 4th and the 7th century AD.

Panatenaicas. Tradição, permanência e derivação. O que são ânforas panatenaicas? Depois de mais de duzentos anos de notícias sobre esse tipo de vaso, tal questão parece ingênua; entretanto, a avaliação atual indica uma série de inconsistências. Considerando a importância desse tipo de vaso para a pesquisa ceramológica, arqueológica e da história política, cultural e econômica, é devido retomar a questão: o que são ânforas panatenaicas? O objetivo, aqui, é discutir a caracterização do vaso panatenaico desde o debate arqueológico (a tipologia), passando pelo contexto da produção (a tradição artesanal) e de inserção primária e secundária (seu significado no festival e fora dele) e, por fim, pelas constantes citações feitas a eles em vários contextos, a partir de duas questões básicas: sua delimitação frente a objetos similares e seu significado na composição da premiação nas Grandes Panatenéias. A compreensão dessa trajetória na perspectiva diacrônica será baseada em alguns elementos tradicionais, sobretudo a produção derivada desse tipo de vaso. / Panathenaics. Tradition, permanence and derivation. What are Panathenaic amphorae? After two hundred years of reports about this type of vase, this question seems naïve; however the current debate shows some inconsistencies. Thus, given the importance of this type of vase to the research of Ceramology, Archaeology and Political, Cultural and Economic History it is important to go back to this question: what are Panathenaic amphorae? The aim of this research is to discuss the characterization of the Panathenaic vase starting at the archaeological debate (the typology) and examining the production context (the tradition of the craftsman), the primary and secondary insertion (its meaning inside the festival) and lastly, the many mentions of it, dealing with two basic elements: the delimitation of Panathenaic vase against pseudo-Panathenaic vase and its meaning taking part of the prize at the Great Panathenaia. The understanding of this process from a diachronic x approach will be based on traditional elements, especially the production derived from this type of vase.

Recent discoveries near the village of Nea Agathoupoli, in Pieria, Greece have revealed the remains of an ancient town, identifiable with the ancient town of Methone, a putative Eretrian colony founded, according to Plutarch, in ca. 733 BC. From the material excavated so far, the town’s zenith was in the Late Geometric and Archaic periods, well documented by the high amounts of imports from all regions of the ancient world, especially by imported transport vessels. The significant percentage of transport amphorae in comparison to that of fine pottery strongly indicates the settlement's commercial character and suggests that Methone was operating as a redistribution centre which supplied Macedonia's hinterland with goods. This study is based on unpublished pottery analyzed here, for the first time. Among the regions, whose products are most popular in Methone are Chios and Athens, although more Eastern Greek towns such as Samos and Miletus had trading relations with Methone, too. Settlers from the these regions may have established themselves in Methone, but the initiative for the foundation of the town was, most probably, taken by Euboeans, whose activity in the Northern Aegean, in the Geometric period, was strong. Alongside the abundant imported vessels, a large amount of locally made transport vessels was unearthed. These early archaic amphora types (early 6^th century BC), which have also been found in other sites in the Northern Aegean and possibly Northern Ionia, have been known in literature by my study. The discovery of these local transport vessels reveals participation by the local population in trading transactions and manufacture of a product which was packaged and circulated among the Northern Aegean towns. A mixed cultural environment starts to form in archaic Methone and includes Euboeans, Eastern Greeks, local Thracians and others, including Macedonian neighbours. Having emerged as the most powerful military force of the area, the Macedonians residing in nearby Bottiaia, constantly expanding, were, arguably, involved in the commercial activities at Methone. This study suggests that because of Methone's geographical location and proximity to the capital of the Macedonian kingdom, Aigai (modern Vergina), Methone functioned as the capital's face to the sea, as the royal harbour of Macedonia, until it was destroyed by Philip II, in 354 BC when all activities related to trade moved to neighbouring Pydna. Methone's finds together with other Northern Aegean settlements mentioned in this study reveal how important, even indispensable, this part of the ancient world was to the commercial networks of the archaic Mediterranean. The Northern Aegean is, therefore, not only well integrated into networks connecting southern and Eastern Greece, Egypt and the Levantine coast, but constitutes a vital part of them from the 8^th century BC, onwards.

Dans le cadre de cette thèse en archéologie grecque, j’ai entrepris de travailler sur l’organisation du commerce maritime grec en Méditerranée orientale et en mer Noire aux Vème et IVème s. av. J.-C., et principalement sur la nature et l'intensité des échanges qui s'opéraient dans cette partie de la Méditerranée à l'époque. Pour mener à bien mon travail, j'ai constitué un nouveau catalogue des épaves grecques que j'ai ensuite confronté aux sources textuelles, épigraphiques, et archéologiques existantes. L'étude attentive des cargaisons des bateaux à laquelle je me livre participe à une meilleure compréhension des acteurs commerciaux de l'époque, des réseaux d'échanges et surtout du véritable rôle joué par Athènes. / In this present thesis concerning Greek Archaeology, I undertook to work on the organization of Greek maritime commerce in Eastern Mediterranean and Black Sea during the 5th and 4th century BC. I worked mostly on the trade's nature and intensity occurring in this part of the Mediteranean in this time. In order to carry out my work properly, I established a new catalog of greek shipwrecks, that I then confront with textual, epigraphic and archaeological sources. The careful study of the ship's cargo takes part in a better understanding of the commercial actors, trading network and above all of the importance of Athens at this time.

Aquesta tesi representa un model teòric i metodològic per a l’estudi del canvi tecnològic en Arqueologia. El marc teòric, que rep el nom d’Arqueometria del canvi tecnològic, té els seus fonaments en la teoria de la dissonància cognitiva procedent de la Psicologia social. D’altra banda, el marc metodològic es basa en l’aplicació de tècniques arqueomètriques. El cas d’estudi el representa el canvi en el disseny dels primers tipus d’àmfora romana produïts al nord de la província romana Hispania Tarraconensis. / This thesis presents a theoretical and methodological model to study technological change processes. The model is based on cognitive dissonance theory which is used as an interpretative framework in the change of the designs of the first Roman amphorae types produced along the Hispania Tarraconensis Roman province during the change of the Era.

No / Resin found within Canaanite amphorae from the Late Bronze Age shipwreck discovered off the coast of southwest Turkey at Uluburun has previously been identified as Pistacia sp. Although evidence from Egypt suggests that this resin was in high demand and typically transported in such amphorae, it has also been proposed that the amphorae contained wine, with the resin used to seal the interior surfaces and to flavour and/or preserve the wine. To attempt to resolve this question, we have analysed five samples of pistacia resin found in amphorae from the shipwreck using a range of analytical techniques which have used in the past for the analysis of wine residues: spot tests, FT-IR, and HPLC-MS-MS. As well as the archaeological samples, we have analysed modern samples of pistacia resin, leaves and fruit to determine the effectiveness of each technique and to exclude the possibility of false positive results. In addition to the analyses for wine we also detail analysis (GC-MS) of the terpenoids for the purpose of further molecular characterisation of the resin. Bulk stable isotope analysis was used in comparison with similar resins to attempt to identify the geographical origin of the resin.

Bien qu’elles aient été isolées il y a plusieurs décennies, certaines formes d’amphores « puniques » restaient difficiles à appréhender en raison de leur fabrication au cours de la période romaine. Plusieurs découvertes récentes ont permis d’identifier la production de certains de ces conteneurs au sein de l’espace du détroit de Gibraltar, après la seconde Guerre Punique (218-202 av. J.-C.). Face à l’importance et à la cohérence de la documentation concernant ces amphores, l’archéologie espagnole les a rassemblé dans un même groupe, celui des « amphores tardo-puniques ». Pour l’heure, cinq classes de conteneurs composent ce groupe, du fait de leurs chronologies commune et d’une mixité des traits typo-morphologiques commune, entre les traditions phéniciennes du détroit, puniques et romaines. La considération conjointe de ces types a été corroborée par une très large documentation, l’étude de ces amphores tardo-puniques représentant un nouvel axe de recherche. Néanmoins, de nombreuses interrogations persistaient sur ce mobilier malgré ces premiers ces progrès. D’une part, l’extension réelle de la production de ces conteneurs, de même que les modalités de leur fabrication au sein du détroit – entre la Maurétanie et l’Ibérie – restaient mal définies. D’autre part, les conditions et l’amplitude de leur distribution en dehors de la région du détroit représentaient des aspects particulièrement mal connus. Notre recherche entend constituer un large corpus de données archéologiques et historiques afin de tenter d’aborder ces questionnements. Pour y parvenir, un état de la question a été réalisé via le regroupement de la documentation des contextes de fabrication connus et supposés. Ensuite, une étude de plusieurs gisements sous-marins, en majorité inédits, a été réalisée afin de pouvoir observer les conditions de la circulation maritime de ces emballages. Enfin, leur place dans les réseaux d’échanges romains a été examinée via l’étude de plusieurs sites de consommation. L’analyse approfondie de ces informations, via un cadre analytique pluridisciplinaire, a conduit à réévaluer l’importance de ces conteneurs tardo-puniques dans les réseaux d’échanges tardo-républicains, un phénomène qui est également distinctement associé à l’intégration des élites du détroit de Gibraltar dans la « société » romaine. / Although they were isolated for several decades, some forms of "Punic" amphorae remain difficult to handle, mostly because of their manufacturing during the Roman period. Several recent discoveries allowed to identify the production of some of these containers within the space of the Strait of Gibraltar, in the continuation of the second Punic War (218-202 BC). Given the importance and consistency of their documentation, the Spanish archaeology gathered these ancient packages in the group of the "Late-Punic amphorae". For the moment, five types compose this group. They share several characteristics, between their chronologies and their morphological features mixing Phoenician, Punic and Roman traditions. The joint consideration of these types has recently been, confirmed, the study of the Late-Punic amphorae becoming a new area of research. Nevertheless, many questions persisted in spite of huge progress. On one hand, the real extension of the production of these containers, as well as the modalities of their manufacturing within the area of the Strait, could not be defined. On the other hand, the conditions and the range of their commercial diffusion out of the Iberian Peninsula was still uncertain.Our research intends to deal with these questions thanks to a wide corpus of archaeological and historical data. The first stage of our study concerned the consolidation of the documentation from the manufacturing contexts associated with the Late-Punic containers. Then, a study of several underwater deposits, most of them largely unpublished, is realized in order to observe their maritime traffic. Their place in the trade patterns of the Late Republican era is criticized by examining their presence in several consumption sites. The analysis of all these data led to reevaluate the commercial success of these Late-Punic containers, whereas their diffusion was clearly connected with the integration of the local elites from the Strait of Gibraltar in the Roman society.

Cette thèse porte un regard nouveau sur la présence grecque en Égypte avant la conquête d’Alexandre le Grand. Par le biais des amphores grecques retrouvées en Égypte, notre étude apporte quelques éclairages sur la question des mobilités méditerranéennes. Notre approche, résolument archéologique, prend en considération l’ensemble de la documentation amphorique, en grande partie inédite, sur une trentaine de sites égyptiens. Les assemblages céramiques et la nature des contextes alimentent nos réflexions. Des études quantitatives permettent de déterminer la part relative des importations et ainsi de préciser aussi bien les réseaux d’échanges que la pénétration des produits méditerranéens en Égypte. Nous avons pu mettre en évidence un basculement du commerce qui, vers la fin du VIIe, se déplace du Levant vers les cités égéennes. Au cours du VIe siècle nous assistons à une généralisation progressive des importations grecques. Le monde égéen s’impose alors comme le partenaire économique privilégié d’un commerce à grande échelle. Largement distribuées sur l’ensemble du territoire, les amphores grecques ne se cantonnent pas aux seuls établissements côtiers dont la nature est également à l’étude. L’invasion de Cambyse en 525 ne semble pas mettre un frein à ces échanges. Nous notons toutefois quelques changements dans la hiérarchie des principales cités égéennes exportatrices. La présence importante d’amphores grecques et la faible représentation de céramiques fines dans des contextes domestiques égyptiens témoignent de la réception des denrées exportées sans toutefois entraîner un changement dans le mode de consommation local. / This thesis takes a fresh look at Greek presence in Egypt before the conquest of Alexander the Great. By looking at Greek amphorae found in Egypt, our study will shed some light on the question of movement in the Mediterranean.Our approach is strictly archaeological and will take into consideration the ensemble of documentation concerning amphorae, still largely unpublished, from some 30 Egyptian sites. This enquiry places the archaeological context at the heart of the argument. The ceramic assemblages and the nature of contexts are what nourish our reflections. Quantitative studies allow us to determine the relative role of imports and thus to elucidate both exchange networks and the penetration of Mediterranean products into Egypt. We have been able to reveal a swing in trade towards the end of the 7th century away from the Levant and towards the Aegean cities. To date, nothing indicates a significant Greek presence prior to the last third of the 7th century. Throughout the 6th century, we witness a gradual generalisation of Greek imports. Widely distributed across the entire territory, Greek amphorae are not limited to coastal settlements, the nature of which is also under study. The invasion of Cambyses in 525 does not seem to have slowed this exchange. We do, however, note certain changes in the hierarchy of the principal Aegean export cities. The wide distribution of Greek amphorae is evidence of a strong current that can no longer be envisaged simply as destined for Greek communities in situ. By situating our data with a Mediterranean perspective, we are proposing a hypothesis of a more pronounced north-south circulation. / تلقي هذه الرسالة نظرة جديدة على التواجد اليوناني في مصر قبل غزو الأسكندر الاكبر. من خلال الامفورات اليونانية التي عثر عليها في مصر٬ تلقي هذه الدراسة بعض الضوء على مسألة التنقل في حوض البحر الأبيض المتوسطمقاربتنا٬ و هي بلا شك متعلقة بعلم الآثار٬ تأخذ في الأعتبار جميع الوثائق المتعلقة بالأمفورات في حوالي ثلاثون موقع مصري٬ و غالبيتها غير مطبوعة. هذا البحث مبني على أساس أثري.و تتغدى أفكارنا من خلال قطع السيراميك المجمعة و طبيعة السياق التاريخي. تسمح الدراسات الكمية بتحديد الحصة التقريبية للواردات و بالتالي بتحديد كلا من شبكات التبادل و دخول منتجات البحر الابيض المتوسط مصرلقد استطعنا إثبات وجود تحول التجارة، والتي تنتقل من بلاد الشام إلى مدن بحر ايجه في نهاية القرن السابع. و حتى هذه اللحظة، لا يجد أي عنصر قد يشير إلى تواجد يوناني مهم في ما قبل الثلث الاخير للقرن السابع. و نشهد في القرن السادس، انتشار تدريجي للواردات اليونانية. و يصبح العالم الإيجي الشريك الإقتصادي المفضل للتجارة على نطاق واسع. و بعد أن قاموا بتوزيعها في جميع أنحاء البلاد، لم تعد الأمفورات اليونانية محصورة في المنشآت الساحلية و التي تعتبر طبيعتها ايضاً محل دراسة. و يبدو أن غزو قمبيز في عام 525 لم يضع حداً لهذا التبادل. و مع ذلك نلاحظ بعض التغييرات في ترتيب المدن الإيجيية الرئيسية المصدرة. يشهد الأنتشار الواسع للأمفورات اليونانية على تيار قوي لا يمكن النظر إليه، بعد الآن، على أنه خاص بالمجتمعات اليونانية المتواجدة هناكو في إطار الحياة المنزلية المصرية، يدل وجود الأمفورات اليونانية بكثرة وقلة الرسومات بالسيراميك الدقيق على تلقي السلع المصدرة دون أن يتبع ذلك تغيير في طريقة الاستهلاك المحلي. و عند وضع بياناتنا في إطار منظور خاص بالبحر الأبيض المتوسط، نفترض وجود حركة أكبر بين الشمال و الجنوب

La thèse est consacrée aux relations entre le monde méditerranéen et la Corse (IXe-Ve s. av. J.-C.). Il s’agit d’affronter la vacuité notoire du dossier corse en termes d’échanges au cours de l’âge du Fer. Avec Aleria comme seul point lumineux, ce mutisme contrastait avec le cadre effervescent de la Méditerranée archaïque : réalité, ou état des recherches ? Dans la tradition franco-italienne, on opère une entrée au sein des sociétés protohistoriques corses par le biais du marqueur exogène, puis de mettre en évidence les connexions reliant l’île à son environnement méditerranéen. La recherche implique l’assimilation du background théorique autour de la notion d’ « échange », processus dynamique générateur d’identités, appréhendé dans ses implications économiques, culturelles, sociales et politiques. En Corse, il se traduit par l’évolution de la culture matérielle, l’intégration des biens exogènes dans les mécanismes de distinction sociale, et par une certaine subordination économique et politique à ces trafics. Au-delà, c’est l’insertion précoce de l’île au sein du réseau méditerranéen qui apparait. Les communautés septentrionales entretiennent un dialogue privilégié avec le monde étrusque. Un certain clivage existe toutefois entre les sociétés corses du nord et celles du sud dans la participation aux trafics. L’étude invalide la réputation d’une Corse isolée au sein du bouillonnement à l’œuvre en Méditerranée archaïque. Elle permet d’ouvrir une large palette de questionnements futurs concernant les modalités de cette participation, dans le but d’aborder plus sereinement la question de l’articulation existant entre phénomènes endogènes et dynamiques méditerranéennes. / The thesis deals with exchanges between Western Mediterranean islands and Greek, Etruscan and Phoenician cities during the first Millenium BC. Corsica's island stands for the main target of the survey. There's no doubt that "exchanges" between human communities can cause deep changes on lifestyles and identities. Therethore, they are considered in relation with four aspects : culture, social identity, economics and political power. The survey permit to conclude to an intensive dialogue between Northern Corsica and Etruria. Certainly motivated by metal's trade, those relationships begin about the IXth century BC and concern in first Populonia's district, then Southern Etruria's poleis as Vulci and Caere. Southern Corsica doesn't really seem to participate to this trade, unless we stand there in presence of a different archaeological translation of the contacts. As a consequence of those relationships, some changes are visible in Northern Corsican material culture, social expression and settlements. It became also possible to perceive the native population in Aleria. Moreover, the thesis offers the opportunity to present Cozza Torta's excavation (in Porto-Vecchio), which is the only example of indigenous foundation with imported pottery from Massalia, Etruria and Athenes (VIth c. BC). At last, imported goods permitted a chronological discussion. To go further, it would be necessary to carry out more archaeological surveys in Northern Corsica, especially on protohistoric settlements. The Corsican material culture must be revisited too. In order to know better the Islander metals (copper and iron), we should find a way to practice analysis on some artefacts.