This project seeks to trace the power of social media in serving as a virtual civil society in the Arab world, focusing on Egypt as a case study. This study aims to explore the role of social media in mobilising Egyptian activists across generations, and particularly in reaching out to people under the age of 35 who constitute around 50 per cent of the population. Studies preceding the 2011 uprising reported that young Egyptians were politically apathetic and were perceived as incapable of bringing about genuine political changes. Drawing on a range of methods and data collected from focus groups of young people under the age of 35, interviews with activists (across generations and gender), and via a descriptive web feature analysis, it is argued that online action has not been translated into offline activism. The role of trust in forming online networks is demonstrated, and how strong ties can play a pivotal role in spreading messages via social media sites. Activists relied on social media as a medium of visibility; for those who were not active in the political sphere, social media have been instrumental in raising their awareness about diverse political movements and educating them about the political process, after decades of political apathy under Mubarak’s regime. The most important benefit of using social media is the increased political knowledge and information available regarding the political situation in Egypt, despite many young people still confining their political activities to passive acts of ‘share’, ‘like’ or ‘post’ on social media. Activists have used social media to ensure visibility of their actions, not only nationally, but also regionally and internationally. There remains a strong need for offline organization and activism by using social media as a communication avenue, not necessarily as a catalyst for changing the political process. A number of problems associated with the use of such media in political deliberations concerning Egypt are highlighted, notwithstanding the positive effects of social media on the political socialisation of young Egyptians. One such problem is the lack of sustainability in online campaigns which should ideally convert into offline collective action. It can be argued that a sustainable civil society and a truly diverse public sphere rests on more sustainable, offline action, which can indeed bring about significant changes in the Egyptian political sphere.

Artist communities are often the first in revolting within a repressive society in the outer marginal borders of state control. This silent revolt takes place in the time period before larger oppositional movements gain momentum. However, the research has been scarce, especially when looking at the specific circumstance of the 17 years long Chilean dictatorship and the social influence that the artists had during this period. This Bachelor thesis will treat the subject and time period from a specific cultural angle, namely the effect the artistic production made by a specific art group, Colectivo de Acciones de Arte (henceforth named CADA) had on the social, and in effect, political discourse in society. CADA, a group of four Chilean artists, sociologists and writers, started collaborating in 1979, applying their artistic endeavors within a social practice that intended to interrupt and challenge the normalized routines of daily life during the Pinochet dictatorship – by utilizing semiotics and signs to reorganize and transform urban behaviors and social discourse. To illustrate the conversation CADAs production held, I will analyze two art works from their total oeuvre, as I am interested in researching the forbidden discourse that the artist movement conducted in Chile at this particular time. During the dictatorship, the official politics regressed to favor cultural symbols and expressions with a patriotic, nationalist and conservative message. This thesis wants to investigate the clash between the rules imposed by the ruling military regime and the actual art scene in Chile.

[pt] Os conselhos gestores tem se apresentado como a grande novidade sobre a relação entre Estado e sociedade civil em nosso país, constituindo-se neste novo milênio como a principal inovação no que diz respeito as políticas públicas. Estes espaços apresentam-se enquanto lócus privilegiado de deliberação destas políticas, sendo atravessados por processos de conflitos e negociação. O conselho municipal de Assistência Social possui um caráter paritário, ou seja, 10 conselheiros são indicados pela esfera governamental e 10 conselheiros são eleitos pela sociedade civil. Desta forma esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar a atuação dos conselheiros da sociedade civil na gestão 2009-2011, procurando compreender como a prática destes agentes tem de fato contribuído para influenciar a política de Assistência Social. / [en] The management councils has emerged as the big news on the relationship between state and civil society in our country, constituting this new millennium as the primary innovation regarding public policies. These spaces present themselves as privileged locus of deliberation these policies, being traversed by processes of conflict and negotiation. The City Council of Social Welfare has a character parity, that is 10 directors are appointed by the government sphere and 10 councilors are elected by civil society. This form this dissertation is to analyze the performance of the directors of civil society, seeking to understand how the practice of these agents has in fact contributed to influence policy Social Assistance.

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Political Studies Department, Faculty of Humanities, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa 8 March 2015 / HIV is the most pressing public health and development challenge facing Botswana. Reducing gender-related vulnerability to HIV is one of the top priorities of the government and its development partners. Civil society organisations (CSOs) have been identified as crucial in these efforts. As a result, civil society has grown in Botswana, in both numbers and size, to deliver services such as home-based care, counselling, and testing. Yet to reduce gendered vulnerability to HIV, social and human development goals must be met in several sectors of society. The focus on HIV-related services has implications in practise, policy, and theory that may compromise long-term development aims and co-opt civil society. This research draws on critical theory and uses action research methods to investigate the role of civil society in Botswana for reducing gendered vulnerability to HIV, now and in the future. The case of Botswana is a crucial one, as it has one of the highest HIV prevalence rates, as well as the resources, both domestic and from partners, to mobilise a comprehensive response. The combination of these factors has afforded the opportunity to gain insights to inform civil society theory and development approaches in both policy and practise to improve the HIV response and civil society’s role in it. Through a literature review, interviews with key informants, a survey, and a workshop, this research found that the HIV response in Botswana is addressing many of the issues suggested by global development partners, such as UNAIDS, at the policy level, though implementation is lacking, especially concerning male involvement in gender programming. It found that efforts to meet the immediate needs are in place, but the long-term strategic interests are only incrementally addressed. This suggests that HIV is causing a development deficit. Additionally, the roles that CSOs serve in the response are focussed on serving these immediate needs, making it increasingly difficult for the response to effect broader social change to achieve gender equality and development. Civil society is taking on more responsibility in the public sector, which puts it in a vulnerable position. Its role needs to be reconceptualised in the HIV response and in development more broadly. This research proposes theoretical and policy implications to inform civil society-state relations; approaches to address complicated social development issues, such as genderbased violence; and offers an 18-point analytical framework to address operational and programmatic capacities in civil society. The framework offers a new category for the dynamic analysis of civil society organisations while working with the state called ‘civil agents’. It also describes the bridge function that CSOs serve when working with key populations, such as sexual minorities, in criminalised settings. Together these theoretical and policy implications can contribute to the understanding of civil society in the HIV response, and gender equity in the context of the post-2015 global development agenda. Key words: Civil Society Organisations, Non-governmental Organisations, HIV, Gender, Botswana, Development, Critical Theory, Action Research / MT2016

Student Number : 0419886N - MA research report - School of Politics - Faculty of Arts / “The longing for a better world will need to arise at the imagined meeting place of many movements of resistance, as many as there are sites of enclosure and exclusion. The resistance will be as transnational as capital. Because enclosure takes myriad forms, so shall resistance to it.” - Iain A Boal, First World, Ha Ha Ha!, City Lights, 1995 Boal’s description captures the exuberance, hope and confidence of today’s social movements. That there is something irresistible about autonomous, grassroots and subaltern movements in their anti-systemic alternatives to capitalism has become a notion which has gained considerable currency in recent years.1 Formations of these groups (the Zapatistas being the oft cited example) are seen to mirror theories of the most utopian and radical forms of democracy. In Part 1 we seek to examine a range of critical historiography in exploring the features of what is ‘new’ in today’s social movements, using Zapatista style organization and discourse as the prototype. This definition will be moulded with the elements of critical theory which have at their core a radical transformative function of social movements. For example Castells’ work on urban movements pictures: “collective conscious action aimed at the transformation of the institutionalized urban meaning against the logic, interest and values of the dominant class.”2 We will draw from Murray’s assumption that such movements “actively contest the prevailing forms of political representation and the legitimacy of political rule.”3 New social movements (NSM) will be seen within the context of anti-normative approaches to democracy. An alternative pole of reference will emerge in contrast to what we will term low intensity, liberal, parliamentary or bourgeois forms of democracy. All this will be lodged in an understanding of old social movements. We hold these to be single issue movements that fail to forge links to other sites of oppression and exploitation, or movements which take on a narrow class composition and understanding of change. Implicit in moving on from narrow, and or,Marxist-Leninist positions over class, is the multiplicity of relations humans have within the social body. This refutes crude economism conceptions regarding the make-up of the working class.4 However, capitalism and our relations to production, still remain central in understanding the relationship of the subject to the social body. We suggest recent crisis points and weaknesses in capitalism (detected as neo-liberal trends) provide plenty of scope for weaving an historical dialectic back in. Evidence for this comes from critical theory which claims, perhaps falsely, to be founded on anti-essentialism.5 We argue that it is commodification which breeds this resistance against the totalizing effect of capitalism at every level of the structure. Thus neo-liberalism embodies for much of this critical thought the subject of a “Fourth World War” fought by the multitude. 6 The mobile nature of contemporary capital and the immaterial essence of its production to define the multitude – essentially disenfranchised and disaffected subjects – has led to an expanded definition of the old working class.7 The multitude is the reinvention of some social subject invested in an historical project. This multitude has taken on a particular guise, moving away from traditional conceptions of a revolutionary class. As Negri and Hardt note: “The closer we look at the lives and activity of the poor, the more we see how enormously creative and powerful they are”.8 The poor embody the ontological condition not only of resistance but also of productive life itself.9 However, we will also attempt to locate moments within the subject that go beyond the indeterminacies and moments of rupture within the structure. Careful attention will be paid to Zizek’s subject of lack, in assessing the carnivalesque and irrational moments of today’s movements and the role of what we will view as a renewed sense of voluntarism. We remain conscious that we are forging a vision of new social movements which forges an at times uneasy alliance across a variety of groups who challenge dominant structures at different times, spaces and ways. It is sometimes tempting to lump various “anti-globalisation” groups together, without grasping the intricacies and nuances that bind as well as divide them. Ultimately, we accept some of the essentialist critique that can be levelled at NSM theory, recognizing a trope of romanticism around struggle is deliberately and necessarily invented. This will be fully discussed in the controversial claim that some movements and elements of civil society have more validity than others. It will be considered in claiming that moments of oppression, subordination and exploitation require articulation and don’t erupt into historical trajectories of struggle. This requires the development and expression of relative rather than fixed universals (e.g. around democracy, right to water, right to land). It is commodification and neo-liberalism that provides the stimulus for such relative universals. We shall see that they revolve around issues that are real to subjects in the narratives of their struggles and lives.11 Finding some fixity of meaning and experience ensures our analysis is not post-structuralist. Post-structuralism has fostered awkward relationships with truths which have, as Mamdani has noted, not always led to a basis of a “healthy humanism”.12 It leads to a universalized aestheticization whereby truth, reduced to merely a style effect of discursive articulation, forges an endless spectrum of interpretation/re-interpretation. 13 Moreover, it can be utilized to create legitimacy for fascist, colonialist and imperialist discourses. Part 1 attempts to provide the basis for the rest of the work by developing an understanding of the historicity of new social movements and what makes them different to other forms of political and social organisation. This is critical for later discussion which will draw upon the experiences of South Africa. In Part 2 we seek to build from the radical civil society theory and tease out features and characteristics of it within anti-apartheid social movements. This will involve an exploration around township civics which were and are often bundled under the umbrella of the United Democratic Front (UDF). Many of these were built around notions of People’s Power, economic transformation and social justice. We will consider the ideology present in these movements and how it played out in realities, acknowledging the highly repressive scenario of the apartheid state. Within these movements we will flesh out radical spaces and visions which appeared to have dissipated in the ANC hegemony over the decolonisation process and subsequent “transformation” project. We will not shy away from advocating that there were features within such radical spaces, such as Charterist, and or, unity projects, which emerged at various times to create implicitly anti-democratic politics. 14 Such problems as we will see went to the core of the UDF and also into the geo-polities of South Africa which became “ungovernable” in the 1980s. Depoliticization was not just a performative effect of ANC strength or “Stalinism” as often narrated by the left, but a weakness in the structure and formation of civil society. 15 We explore whether it was not just the ANC that “demobilized” the grassroots, but that the form and functioning of civil society that contributed to the conditions in which movements’ own radical notions of People’s Power and direct democracy dissipated. Part 3 will look at this demobilization within the context of the transition to democracy during the negotiated settlement.16 We scrutinize the nature of the period from apartheid to liberal democracy, noting trajectories of struggle which mark both eras. We argue that elements and goals in the struggle that sought a very different democracy to that gained at the CODESA talks have re-emerged in the deepening disillusionment of the ANC project after ten years of governance. This has within some discourse included the ability of the nation-state generally, within neo-liberalism, to bring about social justice. Yet, the suggestion that this is the period of “economic” rather than “racial” apartheid will need to be carefully explored in the context of Fanon’s characterization of national liberation elites.17 While noting the benefit an economic approach has in distinguishing the role of dominant classes, we suggest it can overshadow explicit structures of racism that penetrate to the core of South African society. They are brought out for example by grassroots movements such as the Landless People’s Movement (LPM), in their campaign that equated landlessness with racism. Finally Part 4 examines the extent characteristics we ascribe to the new social movements of South Africa correspond with the features of anti-apartheid struggles of the 1980s. Moreover, it requires us to assess the critical theory developed in Part 1 in terms of realities in post-Apartheid South Africa. We note the apprehension in considering parallels between anti-apartheid struggles and current rights based struggles. While there have been a few attempts to make links within a continuation of struggle from apartheid to neo-liberalism18, all too often, the anti-apartheid struggles that invoked notions of People’s Power have been dismissed as undemocratic, authoritarian and reactionary.19 While an attempt to wipe the slate clean might be useful in carving out a fresh and dynamic image for contemporary social movements, it perhaps ignores that there are similar issues, rhetoric and ideologies being played out today. We will explore whether the historiography simply seeks to justify and re-create contemporary social movements to create ammunition for particular strands of political theory judged to be liberationist and correct within the current historical juncture. Are we carving out a fictional historicity within the identity of struggle that doesn’t exist? Are narratives created more for attachments to a belief in certain “historical” processes than less sharply defined realities? Is the multitude, merely Marx’s 19th century industrial working class, vested with an imaginary historical project? Noting the background of many individuals involved within the APF (trade union, SACP), we need to discuss how they have been placed on a new trajectory of thought given the features which define today’s subjects in NSM compared to orthodox Marxist-Leninist thought around the revolutionary subject. We hope a sketch of the past and an analysis of the present may contribute in the current debates within the social movements during a critical time for anti-capitalist struggles in South Africa. This work is not concerned with producing exhaustive lists of repressive acts conducted by the state, the brutality of private security firms, or broken election promises, but in uncovering the structure of the post-apartheid state and how social movements respond and re-create themselves. Despite their youth, they represent the first serious contestation of ANC hegemony in terms of an alternative discourse around democracy, social justice and transformation. This work has been made possible through regular contact with social movements in Gauteng. Informal participatory discussions with various activists and communities within these struggles have been invaluable and enlightening. Such first hand experience has provided an insight into the operative nature and democratic functioning of a variety of movements including the role of vanguards and leadership. My attendance at various forums and discussions, such as the Social Movements Indaba (SMI), has also been vital. Fundamentally, the work hinges upon a critical exploration from three areas. Firstly, in the discussion necessary to establish a historicity of new social movements which will point to their methodological and epistemic construction. Secondly, upon an understanding of the South African experience that can cover an immense ground from apartheid into liberal-democracy which is aware and responsive to a wide range of historiography. Thirdly, a series of interviews and personal reflections from discussions with various activists across South Africa. Some are well known leaders. Others form part of the collective multitudes beginning to emerge and speak through the fissures of South African society. Relationships that I have made, as well as recent political events, culminated in the choices of the Khayelitsha township of Cape Town, Alexandra in Johannesburg and Harrismith in the Free State as the sites for this part of the research.21 The methodology hinges upon an accurate reflection and assessment of contemporary social movements from the people who participate and function within them, together with an historiographical account of social movements in the South African experience. Limitations here are perhaps obvious. Interviewees may have the tendency to be modest or emphasize their own personal role in struggles. Attendance of community meetings and forums is hoped to counter-balance this together with the use of contemporary subject work. However, there can be no objective yardstick by which to judge the contributions found in this paper. Furthermore, the lack of rigour within the methodology would alarm the majority of modernist and positivist historians and commentators. Yet, it is with this aim that the work attempts to accept the criticisms of romanticism, myth, euphoria and narratives in seeking to forge the very conditions outlined by Boal in which we might find the same “imagined meeting place” and discussion of freedom.

The thesis focuses on the protracted tripartite conflict within and between local oilbearing communities of the Niger Delta on the one hand, and between them, the state and foreign oil multinationals in the region, on the other hand. The focus also centers around how this has attracted international attention and the impact of internationalization on the conflict itself. The series of crises have been underpinned by tortuous issues on the ground for over four decades. There was a new dimension to the struggle in the early 1990s, which redefined the focus of the crises, when organized pressure groups protested against the inhuman and environmental hazards in the region. The thesis therefore examines the interest(s) of the main actors involved in the crisis in the period between 1993 and 2003 in order to establish the issues that accounted for the involvement of the international civil societies. The thesis makes three significant arguments: one, that the differences in interests among the actors in relation to the issue of oil production and its impact on the local people laid the basis for the persistent struggle between the social movements/militant youths on one side and the state and oil multinationals operating in the region on the other. The second argument the thesis advances is that the age-long crisis in the region became an agenda for the international community in the 1990s because of the trend and impact of globalization This invariably allowed international Non-Governmental Organizations to intervene in exerting pressures on oil companies and the state to re-examine their policies in the region. Finally, the recent internationalization of the crisis has not impacted enough to significantly address the demands of the people with the locally based pressure and, later, INGOs. This approach is intended to establish a pattern of alliances in the Niger Delta crisis. It might be healthy to state, ab initio, that there was a convergence of interests between the state and MNOCs on the one hand and between the social movements, local NGOs and INGOs on the other hand. The thesis employed a multivariate form of data collection from primary sources like Multinational Oil Companies in the area especially, Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC), Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), interviews with local people, NGOs and some government officials, with extensive use of secondary data on the Niger Delta. The study’s findings suggest that the internationalization of the crisis has engendered new approaches and attitudes on the part of the key actors in the Niger Delta. For its part, the state has adopted the agency approach in dealing with the issues confronting the region. Shell has increased its direct intervention efforts in addressing the demands of the local communities. However, these new approaches and attitudes have yielded minimal results in view of the militarization of the Niger Delta through the continuous deployment of troops by the state and the oil multinationals under the guise of security imperatives in response to the people’s agitations, which are poverty driven.

I denna uppsats har vi undersökt ledarskap och motivation i ideella organisationer. Vårt syfte var att ta reda på om det krävs någon specifik ledarskapsstil för att leda arbetet i en ideell verksamhet samt om det krävs någon specifik form av motivation för att lyckas med frivilligt arbete. Vi har genom kvalitativ metod utfört nio semistrukturerade djupintervjuer med tre olika organisationer vilka har legat till grund för vårt empiriska material. Då vi inspirerats av hermeneutiken gick vi in i processen med en förförståelse som handlade om att det krävs mer av en ledare i en ideell organisation än hos ett kommersiellt företag. Vår uppfattning var att kommersiella och ideella organisationer använder sig av motivation på olika sätt då ekonomisk ersättning saknas för arbete i en ideell organisation. För att bearbeta vårt empiriska material har vi använt oss av kodning för att på ett enkelt vis få ut viktig information ur vårt utskrivna material. För att vidare analysera materialet har vi tagit hjälp av fyra vetenskapliga artiklar, en doktorsavhandling samt begreppen ledarskap, motivation och makt. Vårt resultat visar att det ledarskap som passar bäst i en ideell organisation är ett situationsanpassat ledarskap. Det krävs dock ingen specifik ledarskapsstil utan detta beror på verksamhetens syfte, värderingar samt dess arbetsform. Motivationen hos volontärer kommer främst från eget intresse, engagemang och deltagande i organisationen. Därmed bestrids den förförståelse vi gick in med då de individer som engagerar sig ideellt har ett grundat intresse för organisationens arbete och därför inte är i behov av ytterligare motivation. / In this bachelor’s thesis we have studied leadership and motivation in non-profit organizations. Our purpose was to find out if there is a specific leadership style required in a non-profit organisation and if it there is a special form of motivation needed to succeed with volunteering. We have, through qualitative method, performed nine semi-structured in-depth interviews with three different organizations, which have been the base for our empirical material. Inspired by the hermeneutics we went into the process with a pre-understanding that it requires more from a leader in a non-profit organization than it does in a commercial enterprise. Our understanding was that commercial and non-profit organizations use different ways of motivation because financial compensation is lacking in non-profit organizations. In order to process our empirical data, we used coding to easily retrieve important information from our printed material. In order to further analyze the material, we have taken the help of four scientific articles, a doctoral dissertation and the theories of leadership, motivation and power. Our result shows that the leadership that works best in a non-profit organization is a situational leadership style. However, no specific leadership style is required, it depends on the purpose of the business, its values ​​and working methods. The motivation of volunteers comes primarily from their own interest, involvement and participation in the organization. Thus, the pre-understanding we entered into is disputed, as the individuals who engage voluntarily have a basic interest in the organization's work and therefore are not in need of further motivation.

Studies about the consolidation process in the post- Soviet era has become more popular since the countries gained their independence, one of them was Azerbaijan. However, the country has difficulties in consolidating democracy since it regained its independence. The mail goal of this study is to find out why the democratization process in Azerbaijan have faltered and the main factors behind it. Such as the role of the electoral process, civil society, and the constitutional state. This qualitative case study will mainly rely on material from Freedom House Index report & Nations in Transit. The theories that will be used in this study is Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan's theories "Towards consolidated democracies". They argue that in order to achieve a consolidated democracy there has to be a functioning political society, active civil society and a constitutional state. To strengthen the main theory in this study, we will rely on Robert Dahls five criterions that are needed in order to achieve a democracy. Results show that main factors behind Azerbaijan's faltering democratization is a relatively weak opposition, fragmented civil society and a legislative body that is not independent. Other main reasons for the faltering of democracy is high institutionalized corruption on every level of society

O presente estudo tem o objetivo de apresentar e problematizar as concepções do que se convencionou chamar \"terceiro setor\", situando-o na perspectiva de análise sobre formas de atuação e intervenção da sociedade civil brasileira no processo de construção democrática do país. Para tanto, é analisada a definição do que é atualmente entendido como terceiro setor, problematizando sua imprecisão conceitual e a inclusão das chamadas ONGS nessa categoria. Procura mostrar também as interações das organizações do terceiro setor com o Estado e o mercado, e por fim, analisa as perspectivas críticas à idéia de terceiro setor, apontando-o como categoria que contribui para desarticular o padrão de resposta pública estatal à questão social brasileira, devido ao seu potencial despolitizador na luta por direitos sociais. Conclui-se, com isso, que as ações do terceiro, na perspectiva da ação solidária com ênfase em ações voluntárias e filantrópicas, se contrapõem à concepção de ação política dos atores da sociedade civil, pautada pela luta por direitos de cidadania. / This work intends to present and discuss the conceptions and ideas about so called \"third sector\". Such category will be analyzed under the perspective of brazilian civil society´s atuation and intervention plans in the country´s democratic construction. We will examine the actual usage definition for third sector, questioning its conceptual imprecise and the inclusion of ONGs on such category. Besides, we will present the connections between State and third sector´s institutions, and between these last ones and the market. We will also analyze the critical ideas about third sector: such ideas consider it as a category that contributes for the destabilization of the public state actions and for the fight for social right´s reduction. As a result, we concluded that the third sector´s actions (engaged in voluntary work) contradict the social actor´s political actions, based on the fight for citizen and social rights.

Esta dissertação discute o aparecimento histórico dos chamados movimentos antiglobalização na cena política contemporânea. Sobretudo a partir de Jacques Rancière e Hannah Arendt, o percurso do texto busca relacionar esse fenômeno a diferentes sentidos atribuídos à idéia de política, e, também, à profunda transformação do contexto político mundial que ocorreu a partir dos anos neoliberais da década de 1990. A exposição aborda a trajetória política desses movimentos e alguns de seus debates internos, explorando as potencialidades de efetiva criação de cenas de dissenso, bem como as possibilidades existentes de ruptura interna. No contexto policial atual a sempre iminente supressão da política através do estado de exceção, evidencia que a reinvenção das tradições, ações e modos de subjetivação destes movimentos continua na ordem do dia. / The present dissertation discusses the historical emergence of the so called antiglobalization movements into the contemporary political scene. Based mainly in Jacques Rancière and Hannah Arendt, the trajectory of the text aims at relating this phenomenon to the idea of politics in some of its different aceptions; as well as to the deep transformation in the world\'s political scenario since the 1990\'s neoliberal years. The presentation approaches these movements\' political paths and some of their internal debates, exploring the potential for effective creation of scenes of dissent, as well as the existing possibilities of internal rupture. In the current police order the always imminent suppression of politics by means of an exception state, exposes that the need to reinvent traditions, actions and modes of subjectivizing within these movements still remains present.