Orientador: Bela Feldman-Bianco / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-12-19T11:57:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Evangelista_RafaeldeAlmeida_D.pdf: 2715296 bytes, checksum: 68290478e5a4916a8b6a4ec1928e3411 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Esta tese procura investigar o movimento software livre entendendo-o como um movimento social amplo, formado não apenas por militantes dedicados à escrita de software, mas por um complexo conjunto de entusiasta e promotores, dando especial ênfase a questões que envolvem cultura, poder, trabalho e ideologia. Afirma-se uma divisão política fundamental de âmbito internacional entre os grupos free e open e procura-se entender sua resignificação no contexto brasileiro. O método para a realização dessa análise é um relato etnográfico da nona edição do Fórum Internacional de Software Livre, maior evento mundial a envolver de forma ampla os militantes do movimento brasileiro, enquanto drama social. A tese destaca elementos contidos na etnografia, mas sintetiza um percurso de pesquisa de seis anos em eventos, listas de discussões, entrevistas e encontros do movimento brasileiro. Examina-se detidamente as relações entre a ideologia do software livre e outras questões que emergem ao final do século XX, como o neoliberalismo e seus movimentos de resistência e contestação. Procurase observar como essas relações articulam-se com alguns personagens e conceitos imaginados pelo movimento, como liberdade, o hacker - e a cultura hacker -, o nerd e o geek / Abstract: This thesis aims to investigate the free software movement seen as a broad social movement, constituded not only by programmers and developers but also by a complex group of promoters and enthusiasts. This work gives special emphasis to topics involving culture, power, labor and ideology, stating that there is a fundamental political division between the "free" and "open" groups in the international free software movement scenario. It also tries to understand how this process re-signifies such categories in regard to the Brazilian context. The method of analysis is an ethnography report of the ninth edition of the Fórum Internacional de Software Livre, the world's biggest event in the area, and the one which brings together the militants of the Brazilian movement in a social drama. The thesis highlights elements found on the ethnography and puts together data gathered in more than six years of field work, as well as information collected in other events, mailing lists, interviews and meetings of the Brazilian social movement. The relations between the free software ideology and some of the issues that emerged in the end of the 20th century, such as Neoliberalism and the acts of resistance to it, are strongly analyzed. The aim is to observe how these relations articulate themselves with some of the characters and ideas imagined by the movement, such as "freedom", the "hacker" - and their culture -, the "nerd" and the "geek" / Doutorado / Cultura e Poder / Doutor em Antropologia Social

Using a framework of feminism and poststructuralism, this thesis aims to interrogate the utilisation of the body as a contested site of struggle for meaning in contemporary theatre dance in South Africa. "Both feminism, as a politics, and dance, as a cultural practice, share a concern for the body" (Brown, 1983: 198). A feminist analysis of dance can offer a tool to interrogate the dominant discourses of gender and race that surround and permeate both the female and male body in contemporary theatre dance. The body is not a neutral site onto which cultural codes and conventions are inscribed, as the dancer's body is always marked in the physical sense of gender and race. This thesis aims to decode the body and examine how the discourses of gender and race are embodied by the moving body on stage - specifically in the South African (KwaZulu-Natal) context. By a feminist appropriation of the poststructural endeavour, this research will look at how the body, as discourse, can be interrogated to examine how the interconnected discourses of gender and race surround and permeate the moving body. The utilisation of a poststructural paradigm will aid in the examination of how the dominant discourses of gender and race are hegemonically imposed onto the body. Poststructuralism also offers an understanding that there exist counter-discourses that have the ability to resist the dominant discourses of gender and race. This notion becomes important to the study of contemporary theatre dance as an art form. This thesis will examine how South African (Durban-based) contemporary theatre dance choreographers explore the body's potential to be subversive in performance. The thesis will focus on the body's ability to interrogate the discourses that operate in its surroundings and permeate its lived reality. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2000.

Summary in German and English / This thesis aims at the integration of the concept of habitus, as introduced by Pierre Bourdieu, with the concept of worldview as defined by Paul G. Hiebert develop implications for the missiological discipline and the analysis of the human condition. In a first step the concept of worldview is introduced and integrated into the anthropological discipline from within the life and work of Paul G. Hiebert. The confinement of the concept within the cognitive realm is worked out subsequently and the necessity of a complimentary concept is underlined. In a second step the concept of habitus as defined by Pierre Bourdieu is introduced and explained within his biography, research tradition and his sociological framework. In the concluding chapter a synthesis is provided to integrate habitus with worldview building upon the complimentary nature of the concepts. The cognitive bias of worldview is amended through the incorporated nature of habitus. This leads to an augmented research methodology which includes practical analysis of habitus. / Ziel dieser Masterarbeit ist es, das in der Missionswissenschaft gebräuchliche Konzept der Weltanschauung, vorgestellt von Paul G. Hiebert, durch das Konzept des Habitus, vorgestellt von Pierre Bourdieu, zu ergänzen und Schlussfolgerungen für die missiologische Disziplin und die praktische Analyse menschlicher Wirklichkeit zu ziehen. Zunächst wird das Konzept der Weltanschauung anthropologisch verortet und am Leben und Werk Paul G. Hieberts konkret dargestellt. Die kognitive Engführung des Begriffs wird dabei herausgearbeitet, die Notwendigkeit einer Ergänzung zur vollständigeren Beschreibung menschlicher Wirklichkeit herausgestellt. In einem zweiten Schritt wird Pierre Bourdieu seiner Tradition und Biographie nach eingeordnet, sein Habituskonzept eingeführt und innerhalb seiner soziologischen Konzepte erklärt. In der abschließenden Synthese wird auf die vorher ausgearbeitete Komplementarität der Konzepte aufgebaut und die kognitive Engführung von Weltanschauung durch das Habituskonzept ergänzt. Die Zusammenschau von Habitus und Weltanschauung ermöglicht eine breitere Darstellung menschlicher Wirklichkeit. Erweiterte Forschungsmethoden und -gebiete, welche den Habitus mit einbeziehen, werden im Abschluss definiert und vorgestellt. / Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology / M.Th. (Missiology)

The community development issue faced by the Christian mission in Central African Republic was the topic of this work. Due to multiple insecurity and political instability causes, it has created many negatives effects, especially on the poor population and Christian Churches. Ideally, the Christian mission through the Ngoubagara Baptist Church when faced with Central African Republic tragic and successive socio-politic wars should have been to promote community development, peace, social justice, education for all, good health, national reconciliation, respect for human rights and to denounce all harm and discrimination against the human being. The church has a sacred mission to announce the gospel to all humanity and to assist the people towards the positive transformation of Central African Republic. This study will be of help to missiological scholars and to the church so that it may better carry out its prophetic and holistic missions according to God’s vision and with the purpose to change the Central African society. In fact, Christian church as well as Ngoubagara Baptist Church can be the voice of millions of voiceless people regarding poverty, joblessness, rebel wars and rethink community development issues. Through its missionary work, can be the main factor in transforming Central African Republic society, because, the church should “face the difficulties of the present time, not with ready-made answers or simplistic, over-simplifying ideologies, but with a realistic attitude and with discernment. This is the church’s duty of scrutinizing the signs of the times and of interpreting them in the light of the Gospel” (Czerny 2012:70). The church mission is supposed to be a continuation of Jesus Christ’s ministry, which is total salvation. However, human being development is a church work matter, in touching body, soul and spirit. The Ngoubagara Baptist Church’s prophetic and holistic mission duty should be the life and dignity of the Central African people. Then, missiology can promote community development where Christians can play an important leadership role. The lack of such leadership affects individuals and communities negatively. The church should be present in the world and guide the people. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology)

Orientador: Mauro William Barbosa de Almeida / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-13T16:59:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Moura_AntonioEustaquio_D.pdf: 26226553 bytes, checksum: c3d50e948cbc48a5d311e5ad12af122f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: O Quilombo Mata Cavalo está localizado no município de Nossa Senhora do Livramento/MT, a 10 km da sede do município e a 42 km de Cuiabá. Integra a mesoregião 130, da microregião 534 de Cuiabá, centro sul mato-grossense. A área desse quilombo é de 14.700 hectares e nele há 418 famílias quilombolas, parte residindo na área e parte nas cidades vizinhas. Mata Cavalo é formado pelas comunidades quilombolas do Aguassú, Ourinhos/Ponte da Estiva, Mata Cavalo de Baixo, Mata Cavalo de Cima, Mutuca, e Capim Verde, cada qual com sua associação. Estas comunidades formaram a Associação Sesmaria Boa Vida - Quilombo Mata Cavalo ("associação mãe") para representá-las junto aos órgãos públicos e para receber o Titulo de Domínio da área. Em Mata Cavalo, também, existe a comunidade Gleba União formada por famílias de Sem Terras (não ligadas ao Movimento de Sem Terras- MST), a comunidade do Aguassú, formada por Sem Terras e quilombolas. Possui, também, pequenos proprietários, sendo alguns negros, e fazendas, dentre as quais se destacam Ourinhos, Romale, Flamboyant, São Carlos e Capim Verde. Devido à diversidade social do Quilombo Mata Cavalo, ele é também denominado, principalmente pelos órgãos públicos, de Complexo Sesmaria Boa Vida - Quilombo Mata Cavalo. O Quilombo se formou na sesmaria Boa Vida e sesmaria Rondon. Os negros obtiveram terra, em 1883, através de doação do senhorio da sesmaria Boa Vida, e posteriormente através de compras de terras em ambas sesmarias. Desde a sua formação os agrupamentos negros de Mata Cavalo foram alvos de tentativas de expropriação de suas terras realizadas por fazendeiros da região, mas que foram sem sucesso devido a resistência da população local. No final da década de 1940, inicio da década de 1950, ocorreu a expropriação da maior parte das terras do quilombo (em torno de 90% da área) realizada pelo Sr Manoel Monteiro, político livramentense, e, posteriormente, continuada pelas pessoas para as quais ele vendeu parcelas das terras expropriadas. São inúmeros os relatos de violência praticadas diretamente pelos "novos donos" das terras e/ou seus empregados e pistoleiros, com a participação ou omissão da justiça e da policia local. Houve resistência das famílias da área, principalmente as da Mutuca, entretanto poucas conseguiram manter suas terras. A maior parte das famílias negras saiu da área, se dirigindo para Livramento, Cuiabá, Várzea Grande e Poconé. As que migraram para Cuiabá e Várzea Grande se concentraram respectivamente no bairro Ribeirão do Lipa e Cristo Rei (ex Capão dos Negros). Nestes locais, devido aos laços de parentesco e culturais, e lembranças em comum, as mesmas reconstituíram, parcialmente, a Comunidade de Mata Cavalo. A partir dessa perda quase total das terras, algumas famílias iniciaram um processo de retorno à área, inicialmente, através de compra de terras. Em 1996, parte das famílias descendentes de antigos moradores de Mata Cavalo, juntamente com algumas famílias Sem Terra, ocuparam trechos em diversos locais do Complexo Sesmaria Boa Vida-Quilombo Mata Cavalo, instalando acampamentos para facilitar a permanência na área. Nesse processo de luta pela terra, as famílias negras, através dos mediadores sociais que os apoiavam, descobriram a Legislação Estadual e Federal relacionadas aos direitos dos "remanescentes de quilombos". A partir daí, solicitaram a propriedade das terras de Mata Cavalo, tendo como referencia essas legislações. Foi iniciado um processo de territorialização, ocorrendo um processo de etnogênese que levou à formação da identidade de remanescente de quilombo entre as famílias descendentes de antigos moradores em Mata Cavalo. Nesse processo de territorialização ocorrido com as famílias negras de Mata Cavalo houve: 1) a etnogênese da identidade de "remanescente de quilombo"; 2) a intensificação da organização formal das comunidades, através da criação de associações locais e de uma associação geral representando todas as comunidades; 3) uma intensa reelaboração da cultura local, ressaltando as manifestações culturais da população do quilombo e suas raízes africanas; 4) a reelaboração da memória social através da valorização das lembranças dos mais velhos; 5) a valorização de aspectos relacionados à identidade de remanescente de quilombo e considerados como positivos, tais como a preservação da natureza e o caráter não-mercantil da terra; 6) a apropriação pela comunidade do processo de identificação étnica, ou endoidentificação. Ao longo desse processo, a palavra "remanescente de quilombo" deixou de significar sobreviventes de antigos quilombos para designar parentes de escravos que foram antigos moradores da terra. Como parte desse último processo, ocorreu a valorização das árvores genealógicas, ou seja, "troncos". O processo de luta pela terra do Quilombo Mata Cavalo não terminou no início de 2009, pois o INCRA não removeu os membros do movimento "Sem Terra", nem os fazendeiros e posseiros. Entretanto, ocorreram mudanças significativas, além da adoção de uma posição firme por parte do Ministério Público Federal em defesa dos direitos dos quilombolas, a polícia deixou de agir em favor dos fazendeiros, alternando medidas contra os quilombolas com algumas ações em defesa deles. Diversas ONGs, movimentos sociais e meios de comunicação passaram a acompanhar mais de perto a luta dos quilombolas. O uso do termo "comunidade" colocado nas designações dos nomes do quilombo Mata Cavalo e suas comunidades internas não significa ausência de conflitos internos e de diferenciação social. Existem conflitos internos, e há diferenciação social baseada em aspectos econômicos (área de terra, quantidade de gado, rendimentos não agropecuários etc.) e em aspectos sociais (facilidade de acesso aos mediadores sociais, aos órgãos governamentais, à imprensa etc.). Entretanto essa diferenciação social não impediu os quilombolas de Mata Cavalo de se constituírem enquanto grupo étnico, capaz para enfrentar grupos adversários, desenvolvendo estratégias comuns, para se relacionarem com mediadores sociais e para pressionarem de ganharem visibilidade suficiente para pressionar e/ou negociar com órgãos públicos visando a retomada de seus territórios e a obtenção de melhorias para a comunidade e seus moradores e moradoras / Abstract: The Quilombo Mata Cavalo is located 10 kilometers away from the municipality of Nossa Senhora do Livramento, State of Mato Grosso, and 42 kilometers from Cuiaba, in the south of the state. The 14,700 hectares of this quilombo are home to 418 quilombola families, 60% of which reside in the area or at neighboring towns. Mata Cavalo is part or the Sesmaria Boa Vida complex, and consists of the quilombola communities of Aguassú, Ourinhos/Ponte da Estiva, Mata Cavalo de Baixo, Mata Cavalo de Cima, Mutuca, and Capim Verde, and also includes the community of Gleba Uniao, composed of "Sem Terra" (landless) families (although not linked to the Movimento Sem Terra-MST), and the community of Aguassú, constituted by "Sem Terra" and "Quilombolas". There are also small homestead owners - some of them black farmers - and cattle ranches, of which Ourinhos, Romale, Flamboyant, Sao Carlos and Capim Verde can be singled out. Quilombo Mata Cavalo was formed in "sesmaria" Boa Vida and "sesmaria" Rondon in 1883, when some slaves were granted land by the owners of "sesmaria" Boa Vida. The amount of land was later increased through purchases in both "sesmarias", which were originally large land extensions granted by the colonial government to individual persons. From the beginning, the black settlers of Mata Cavalo were targets of expropriation attempts by landowners in the region. These attempts were unsuccessful due to resistance from the local population. At the end of the 1940's and early in the the 50's most of the land in the quilombo (approximately 90% of the area) was expropriated through the actions of a Livramento politician, Manuel Monteiro. Those actions were continued by persons to whom he had sold plots of the expropriated land. There were many acts of violence perpetrated by the new landowners with their employees and hitmen, with the participation or omission of local justice and police officers. Some of the families in the area resisted, mainly those from Mutuca, but very few were able to keep their land. Most of the black families left the area and went on to Livramento, Cuiabá, Várzea Grande and Poconé. Those that migrated to Cuiabá and Várzea Grande concentrated respectively in the neighborhoods of Ribeirao do Lipa and Cristo Rei (formerly Capão dos Negros). Those groups were able to parcially reconstruct the Mata Cavalo community thanks to their family and cultural ties. After the near total loss of their homes, some of the families began returning to the area, initially through the purchase of land. This process intensified in 1996 when dozens of families composed of descendants of the original dwellers of Mata Cavalo, together with some "Sem Terra" families, occupied areas in diverse sections of Complexo Sesmaria Boa Vida-Quilombo Mata Cavalo, installing camps to facilitate the permanence in the area. During this struggle to regain their land, family groups - with the aid of social mediators that supported them - discovered existing state and federal legislation related to the rights of remaining quilombos. After this discovery they initiated a territorialization process that began with a request of ownership over the lands of Mata Cavalo, having as reference Article 68 of the Act of Constitutional and Transitory Dispositions (ADCT) of the Federal Constitution, and Article 33 of the ADCT of the State Constitution. In April 23 of 1998 Mata Cavalo was recognized as a remaining quilombo by the government of Mato Grosso, having as reference the redefined concept of a quilombo. In 2000 the Palmares Cultural Foundation issued a Domain Title of 11, 722 hectares for the associations that groups all of the black communities of Mata Cavalo. The consequences of this process of territorialization in Mata Cavalo were the following: 1) the ethnogenesis of the identity of "remaining quilombo" (remanescente de quilombo); 2) the intensification of the formal organizing of the communities through the creation of local associations and a general association representing all of the communities; 3) an intense reelaboration of local culture, highlighting the cultural manifestations of the "quilombo" population and its African roots; 4) the re-elaboration of social memory through valorization of the memories of the elders; 5) the valorization of positive aspects related to the quilombo identity, such as the preservation of nature and the non-mercantile character of the land; 6) the community's appropriation of the ethnic identification process (endo-identification). Throughout this process, the expression remaining of quilombo stopped signifying survivors of former quilombos and was used to designate relatives of slaves who were early dwellers of the land. A valorization of genealogic trees, or "troncos", occurred as part of this last process. The process of reclaiming the lands of Quilombo Mata Cavalo is not yet over (2009), for the INCRA did not remove members of the "Sem Terra" movement, farmers and squatters. Meanwhile, significant changes have taken place in the struggle for the land at the Quilombo. In addition to the adoption of a firm position by the Federal Public Ministry in defense of the rights of the local quilombolas, the police have also stopped acting in favor of landowners, taking occasional measures against the "quilombolas" but also some actions in their defense. Diverse ONGs, social movements and the mass media have followed more closely the struggle carried out by the "quilombolas". There is racial and religious diversity and also internal conflicts , social differentiation, and different projects on how to use the land among the quilombola families of Mata Cavalo, but none of this prevents them from being an ethnic group, maintaining unity in order to face adversarial social groups, develop common strategies to relate with social mediators, have enough visibility to pressure and/or negotiate with public organs which regulate the reclaiming of their territories, and obtaining benefits for the community and its dwellers / Doutorado / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

Orientador: Guita Grin Debert / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Insituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-15T07:22:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alcantara_AdrianadeOliveira_D.pdf: 1830987 bytes, checksum: 68df3abd480569d71d864a8e37a46562 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: A questão central desta pesquisa foi saber como as trocas intergeracionais de apoio familiar se configuravam em unidades domésticas, compostas de, pelo menos, três gerações, no meio rural e urbano, levando em conta a oposição cunhada por Camarano entre "família de idosos", em que o chefe da unidade doméstica é o idoso, e "família com idosos", em que o idoso é parente do chefe. Com base em etnografias realizadas em Fortaleza (CE) e no Distrito de Jordão (Sobral-CE), o trabalho aponta as singularidades do processo de envelhecimento nesses dois contextos. A descrição do cotidiano de tais famílias, dos significados atribuídos às relações entre gerações e do impacto das transformações acarretadas pelo direito à aposentadoria exige uma revisão de determinadas convenções, pois as experiências aqui trazidas revelam-se de tal modo heterogêneas, que bloqueiam a tentativa de padronizar seja a família, seja a velhice. / Abstract: The central question of this research was how the Intergeneration relations of family support is configured in households composed of at least three generations in country and urban areas, taking into account the opposition coined by Camarano and "family nursing" in which the head of household is elderly and "elderly family" in which the elderly is related to the head. Based on ethnographic studies conducted in Fortaleza (CE) and the District of Jordan (Sobral-CE), the study analyzes the singularities of the aging process in these two contexts. The description of the daily life of such families, the meanings attributed to the relations between generations and the impact of changes brought about by the retirement law requires a revision of certain agreements, since experiments show brought here is so heterogeneous, that block attempt standardize it's family, is old age. / Doutorado / Doutor em Antropologia Social

Orientador: Vanessa Rosemary Lea / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-15T10:32:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FrancoNeto_JoaoVeridiano_M.pdf: 8359968 bytes, checksum: 5445033d8280dd10ba03fc66c179c7e8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Esta dissertação é resultado de doze meses intercalados de pesquisa de campo realizada entre os índios Kalapalo do Alto Xingu, Terra Indígena do Xingu, Mato Grosso. Busca empreender uma descrição e análise do modo pelo qual ocorre uma interação entre o xamanismo dos Kalapalo e o saber biomédico tal como esta se dá no âmbito das práticas da política nacional de atenção à saúde dos povos alto-xinguanos. O xamanismo kalapalo não difere do xamanismo praticado no Alto Xingu como um todo: consiste, basicamente, em um sistema terapêutico que aborda o fenômeno da doença como um acontecimento em que uma determinada pessoa tem a sua 'alma-sombra' (akua) capturada por um 'espírito' (itseke). O conceito de itseke se relaciona com as formas 'animais' definidas no interior da cosmologia kalapalo, e seus modos de existência são mais bem compreendidos sob a luz do conceito de ponto de vista, articulado com a lógica predatória e com o regime alimentar alto-xinguano. O xamã é acionado para que, por meio do transe induzido pela fumaça do tabaco, entre em comunicação com o itseke causador da doença e possa trazer de volta a akua do doente. A possibilidade de cura é então concebida nos termos do resgate da 'almasombra', realizado pelo xamã. As relações construídas a partir da situação de contato entre os alto-xinguanos e a sociedade envolvente engendraram a elaboração de duas categorias cruciais: doenças-de-índio e doenças-de-branco, onde as primeiras figuram como enfermidades causadas por itseke e as segundas aparecem na forma das doenças infectocontagiosas, como gripe, sarampo, caxumba, catapora, etc. A problemática que delineia nosso trabalho se fundamenta no caráter ambíguo que é assumido pela oposição entre doenças-de-índio e doenças-de-branco: da perspectiva dos Kalapalo essa dicotomia não define uma separação de natureza entre as duas categorias, servindo apenas como modo de comunicação instrumental com as equipes de assistência médica. Por outro lado, as equipes de assistência médica estabelecem um corte entre doenças-de-índio e doenças-de-branco de maneira que as primeiras configurariam uma manifestação singular da cultura indígena. Essa singularidade é pensada a partir da ideia de uma psicossomatização dos aspectos culturais, entendendo-se 'cultura' enquanto conjunto de crenças. Assim, a separação entre doenças-de-índio e doenças-de-branco, do modo como é concebida pelas equipes de assistência médica, atribui uma causa psicológica para as primeiras e uma causa fisiológica para as segundas. Essa redução das doenças-de-índio ao âmbito da crença é explorada como a configuração de uma estrutura hierárquica na qual a cosmologia indígena é englobada pela cosmologia ocidental. Tal englobamento encontra sustentação a partir do relativismo cultural, que supõe a coexistência de uma diversidade de culturas com a existência de uma única natureza. Os dados de nossa pesquisa etnográfica apontam para um arranjo distinto quando o foco de análise toma em consideração o modo como os índios kalapalo recorrem ao tratamento médico ocidental: a terapêutica xamanística não é descartada pelos índios mesmo quando o que está em jogo é aquilo que a assistência médica entende por doençasde- branco, o que sugere uma origem comum entre doenças-de-índio e doenças-de-branco: os itsekeko ('espíritos') ou os kugihé-ótomo (feiticeiros) / Abstract: This dissertation is the result of an interpolated twelve-month fieldwork among the Kalapalo of Upper Xingu (Xingu Indigenous Land, Mato Grosso, Brazil). It seeks to undertake a description and analysis about the way in which an interaction takes place between the Kalapalo shamanism and biomedical knowledge the way it happens within the practices of the national health care policies to the Indian people of Upper Xingu. Kalapalo shamanism is not different from Upper Xingu shamanism as a whole. Upper Xinguano shamanism is basically a therapeutic system that addresses the phenomenon of illness as an event in which a person has his/her 'soul-shadow' (akua) captured by a 'spirit' (itseke). The itseke concept is related to the 'animal' forms as defined within the Kalapalo cosmology, and their ways of existence are better understood when it is associated with the concept of point of view, along with the predatory logic and the Upper Xinguano diet. The shaman is called in order to, through the trance led by tobacco smoke, communicate with the itseke that is the illness cause, so that he might bring the 'soul-shadow' back into the ill. The possibility of cure is so understood in terms of the 'soul-shadow' rescue, performed by the shaman. The relations created from the contact situation between the Upper Xinguano and the surrounding society engendered the development of two-key categories, named Indian Illnesses and White Illnesses. The first category indicates illnesses caused by itsekeko and the second appears as infectious illnesses such as influenza, measles, mumps, chicken pox, etc. The issue that outlines our work is based on the ambiguous character that is taken upon the opposition between Indian Illnesses and White Illnesses. From the Kalapalo perspective this dichotomy does not determine a separation of nature between the two categories, but it defines an instrumental mode of communication with the health care teams. On the other hand, the medical teams conceive a division between Indian Illnesses and White Illnesses and consider the first one as a particular manifestation of indigenous culture. This uniqueness is perceived from the idea of a psychosomatization of cultural aspects, it is understood that 'culture' is a set of beliefs. Thus, the dichotomy between the Indian Illnesses and White Illnesses, from the way it is conceived by the health care teams, impute a psichological cause for the first and physiological cause for the second. This reduction of Indian Illnesses regarding Indian beliefs is explored as a hierarchical structure configuration, in which, the Indigenous cosmology is embodied by the Western cosmology. Such embodiment finds its basis in cultural relativism, which pressuposes the coexistence of a cultural diversity along with the existence of a universal nature. Data from our ethnographic research suggests a different arrangement when the focus of analysis shows the way by which the Kalapalo indians search for the Western medical treatment. The shamanistic therapy is not ruled out by the indians, even when what the health care understands as White Illnesses is what is at stake. This suggests that there is a common origin of Indian Illnesses and White Illnesses: itsekeko ('spirits') or kugihé-ótomo (sorcerers) / Mestrado / Etnologia Indigena / Mestre em Antropologia Social

Le théâtre thérapeutique est une espèce de spectacle vivant qui augmente la sensibilité des participants afin qu’ils puissent améliorer leur habileté à exprimer des émotions et des pensées verbales et gestuelles. Comme genre hybride, il fonctionne de la même manière que le théâtre pour le changement social (TPCS) dans lequel la praxis théâtrale est utilisée pour le changement des participants et des communautés ainsi que pour la promotion du bien-être. Cette pratique (le TPCS) est donc utilisée pour le changement social, mental, et surtout émotionnel. Au cours de ces dernières décennies, ces deux pratiques ont été considérées et traitées distinctement. Contrairement à cette perception historique, cette thèse prétend qu’il existe un paradigme dans lequel ces formes se rejoignent. Appelé théâtre thérapeutique, il est beaucoup plus appliqué au Cameroun dans des communautés. Ce cas hypothétique est examiné sous le titre :« Pour un Développement du Théâtre Thérapeutique au Cameroun :enquête sur sa pratique et sa réception à travers une évaluation de cas. » Trois productions du TPCS/théâtre thérapeutique sont donc utilisées :The Boomerang, Ndop et SOS Village Mbalmayo workshops. <p>Le cadre théorique convoqué à cet effet est la sémiologie théâtrale telle que vue et énoncée par André Helbo. Développée de la pragmatique, sa sémiologie théâtrale est basée sur l’émission et la réception d’un message dans le spectacle. À cet égard, il existe des fonctions réciproques d’acteurs et de spectateurs dans l’événement théâtral. Ceci signifie que la distinction entre la production et la réception est tout simplement considérée comme une « distinction pédagogique ». <p>Le langage du théâtre dans sa production et/ou sa réception fonctionne dans un contexte d’expérience sociale partagée. Dans cette perspective, Helbo parle de « codes de spectacle (conventions spécifiquement applicables au spectacle, au genre, à la période historique), de codes généraux (linguistiques, idéologiques/culturels, perceptuels), et de codes mixtes (codes généraux fonctionnant dans un contexte spécifique de spectacle) » .Néanmoins, dans la démarche sémiologique d’Helbo tout comme dans ce travail, le privilège est accordé au dépassement de la division précédemment mentionnée, pour aboutir à ce qu’il nomme « l’énonciation collective » et la « notion d’observateur actant ». <p>Ces concepts dépassent le modèle de la communication linéaire évoqués par Mounin, pour souligner que les participants dans un phénomène théâtral sont impliqués dans le processus de création collective ou de l’énonciation collective sous des normes culturelles spécifiques. Dans ce processus, l’observateur représente une fonction spécifique, l’une des conditions de l’existence de l’énoncé spectaculaire. La notion de l’observateur actant « raffine considérablement l’analyse de l’identification initiée par Brecht », notion qui a été incorporée ou prolongée dans le théâtre thérapeutique de la même manière que le processus de co-création. Ce qui est central dans l’application de la sémiologie théâtrale dans cette thèse, c’est le postulat selon lequel le destinataire d’aujourd’hui deviendra le destinateur de demain.<p>À la fin de cette étude, nous montrons (sans chercher une reproduction du modèle occidental), que le théâtre thérapeutique est pratiqué au Cameroun. L’utilisation des techniques théâtrales favorise le bien-être des participants et contribuent au changement à tous les niveaux de la vie. Cette approche est orientée vers la communauté et par conséquent constitue un paradigme thérapeutique à visé communautaire nommé « théâtre communautaire à visé thérapeutique ». Considéré comme tel, ce paradigme peut être utilisé concomitamment dans le cadre de la santé mentale et de la santé communautaire au Cameroun. Dans ce cas, il sert comme une modalité thérapeutique intégrée et établit un lien entre le spectacle vivant, la santé en générale et la santé mentale en particulier. <p><p><p>Therapeutic theatre is an improvisational method of performing arts that heightens participants' sensitivity to improve their ability to communicate feelings and thoughts verbally and by gestures. As a hybrid form, it functions in the same way as theatre for social change (TFSC) wherein theatre praxis is used to change participants or communities and promote wellbeing. TFSC is seen as an articulated intention to use theatre praxis in the service of change (social, mental, and emotional). Tradition has held these practices distinctly for the past decades. This thesis however, contends that despite these historic perceptions, there is a paradigm where these forms, previously viewed as distinctly different, come together in a spectacle that is therapeutic and applied to mental health in hospitals and community settings in Cameroon. This hypothetical case is examined under the general topic: ‘Towards the development of a therapeutic theatre in Cameroon: investigating its practice and reception through a cross-case evaluation.’ This thesis is based on the analysis of three TFSC/therapeutic theatre productions from the same practitioner: The Boomerang, Ndop and SOS Village Mbalmayo workshop productions respectively. <p>The research is inserted under theoretical considerations of theatre semiology and particularly, André Helbo's semiotic concepts. Developed from pragmatics, this method of theatre semiology focuses on the manner in which a message is sent and received. In this respect, there are reciprocal functions of actor and spectator in the theatrical event. From this, semiology is applied to understand the theatrical phenomenon in its entirety: production and reception. This implies, the division between production and reception is viewed as “a pedagogical distinction” only. Privilege in this thesis therefore is given to the surpassing of the aforementioned division to what he terms “enunciating collective” (co-creation process), and the “notion of the observer actant”. <p>These concepts go beyond the linear form of communication in theatre evoked by Mounin to highlight that the participants in a theatrical phenomenon are involved in a collective creation process or enunciating collective under specific cultural norms, and the observer represents a specific function, one of the conditions of existence of the performance utterance (l’énoncé spectaculaire). The notion of the observer actant in effect “refines considerably the analysis of identification initiated by Brecht” and which has been incorporated or prolonged in therapeutic theatre in the same way as the process of co-creation. Vital therefore to the application of theatre semiology in this work is the postulate that the theatrical phenomenon is an act of interaction wherein today’s receiver can be transformed into tomorrow’s sender. <p>At the end of this research, it is proven that without seeking a reproduction of a Western form, "therapeutic theatre" is practised in Cameroon. The utilisation of theatrical techniques fosters participants’ wellbeing and enhance change at all levels. It is community centred thereby constituting a community-based therapeutic paradigm which is named "community-based therapeutic theatre". Understood as such, this paradigm can be used concomitantly in cases of mental and community health in Cameroon. In this case, it serves as an integrated therapeutic modality and bridges the gap that exists in the health domain in general and mental health in particular.<p> / Doctorat en Information et communication / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Cette étude est une réflexion sur le phénomène de création en matière d’oralité. Elle vise non seulement à étudier la mise en spectacle du Nguon et du Ngondo mais aussi et surtout, à vérifier la pertinence des outils d’analyse sémiologique appliqués à ces deux pratiques rituelles. Dans cette perspective, la grille d’interprétation que propose Anne Ubersfeld ,soutenue par André Helbo et Patrice Pavis ,nous a été d’une importance heuristique considérable.<p>S’appuyant sur le fait que le corpus de ce travail est constitué de deux rites appartenant à deux régions diamétralement opposées du Cameroun et que chacun d’eux procède d’un style particulier, le besoin de recourir à l’approche comparatiste de temps à autre s’est fait sentir. Fort de ce constat, la sémiologie du spectacle vivant qui sert de support méthodologique et théorique est complétée par l’approche comparatiste. Approche qui ne vise pas à assimiler le Nguon et le Ngondo, mais à mettre en évidence les spécificités de chaque rite grâce à la mise en rapport de l’un avec l’autre. <p>Les résultats auxquels nous sommes parvenu montrent que ces deux pratiques rituelles sont des performances au sens Schechnerien du terme. Chacune d’elles ayant une certaine spécificité. <p>Le Nguon est à coup sûr une suite d’évènements représentés devant un public par des acteurs en un temps déterminé dont l’imitation et la dénégation en constituent l’essence. Dans cette perspective, il se rapprocherait plus d’une représentation théâtrale. Contrairement au Nguon, le Ngondo est une suite de performances où gestes (minutieusement orchestrés, chorégraphiés), objets et certaines activités ludiques constituent un vocabulaire dont la syntaxe déroule un sens. Dans cette perspective, chaque esprit forge ses propres refuges, ses stratégies, ses fétiches pour affronter cette pratique rituelle où certains référentiels du théâtre tels que la frontalité, la dénégation, etc. paraissent estompés ou abolis pour céder place aux terrains d’action, d’expérimentation et de transformation. Ainsi, chaque moment du Ngondo est une performance accomplie. Fort de ce constat, le Ngondo a le caractère d’un festival où performances, musiques et danses rivalisent d’adresse avec des réminiscences mythiques et mystiques. <p>Afin de les démocratiser davantage et assurer leur exploitation optimale, nous avons pensé à la création des espaces culturels dans ces régions du Cameroun à partir du modèle que nous proposons dans ce travail. La multiplicité de ces espaces dans toutes les régions de notre pays et sur le continent africain et pourquoi pas dans le monde entier faciliterait le travail d’un collectif de chercheurs venus des quatre coins de la planète pour se réunir autour du concept de la « Négroscénologie », que chaque membre doit entériner et de promouvoir où qu’il soit.<p> / Doctorat en Information et communication / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Submitted by Biblioteca Central (biblioteca@unicap.br) on 2017-11-29T18:29:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 jussara_rocha_koury.pdf: 976386 bytes, checksum: 7eb41aa8583b0022ac63398cf6f0900a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-29T18:29:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 jussara_rocha_koury.pdf: 976386 bytes, checksum: 7eb41aa8583b0022ac63398cf6f0900a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-07 / The aim of the present study is to analyze some aspects of the origin of religious prejudice, found in the anthropological constitution of the Brazilian people in their originating matrices – the Brazilian indigenous, the Portuguese and the Black – as well as to inquire about the formation of our popular religiosity in order to understand the violence of Brazilian religious prejudice in relation to its African matrices. To do so, we used a qualitative approach and carried out our research through literary review as we wished to investigate, as far as possible, the socio-anthropological context that resulted (and still results at present) in implicit and/or explicit intolerance to Afro-Brazilian religious expressions. We seek shelter in Darcy Ribeiro‟s work because it is, if not the most important, one of the keys to understanding the ethnic and cultural formation of the Brazilian people. Our first concern was to inquire as to why a country as plural as ours is, at the same time, a bigoted country, at all levels of social relations, including the Afro-Brazilian religious practices. What is revealed, step by step, is the role that was played by the Catholic Church in the formation of religious prejudice, particularly with relation to the religions of African and indigenous matrices. The Catholic religion, like others with Jewish-Christian roots, adopts, in her monotheistic expression, the idea of a people chosen by the Only and True God. Thus, she expresses itself with a natural attitude of superiority over other peoples, dictating thought and behavior. And so, the Brazilian people repeat as they have learned: there is salvation only in the Jewish-Christian tradition. There is no room for questioning. The vision of all people as the children of God finds no place in this discussion. Is prejudice justified in this way? No. With awareness, one can understands its roots in order to build another kind of relationship with the originating matrices of the Brazilian people, in the hope of retrieving our identity also in the religious aspect. / Nossos objetivos nesta dissertação consistem em analisar aspectos da criação do preconceito religioso, presentes na constituição antropológica do povo brasileiro a partir de suas matrizes originantes – o índio, o luso e o negro –, como também em inquirir a formação de nossa religiosidade popular para, enfim, compreender a violência do preconceito religioso brasileiro em relação a suas matrizes africanas. Para tanto, utilizamos uma abordagem qualitativa e conduzimos nossa pesquisa por meio de uma revisão literária porque quisemos investigar, o quanto possível, o contexto socioantropológico que resultou (e resulta ainda hoje) na intolerância implícita e/ou explícita às expressões religiosas afro-brasileiras. Buscamos guarida em Darcy Ribeiro por ser, senão a mais importante, uma das chaves para compreendermos a formação étnica e cultural do povo brasileiro. Nossa inquietação primeira consistiu em indagar por que um país tão plural quanto o nosso é, ao mesmo tempo, um tão país preconceituoso, em todos os níveis de relações sociais, assim como no que se refere às práticas religiosas afro-brasileiras? O que se descortinou, passo a passo, foi o papel desempenhado pela Igreja Católica na formação do preconceito religioso, com recorte em relação às religiões de matrizes africanas e indígenas. Ela, como as outras de origem judaico-cristã, assume, em sua face monoteísta, a ideia de um povo escolhido pelo Deus Único e Verdadeiro. Assim sendo, reveste-se de uma natural – assim pensa, assim se comportou – superioridade em relação aos outros povos. E, desse modo, o povo brasileiro repete tal qual aprendeu: só existe salvação na tradição judaico-cristã. Aqui não há espaço para questionamentos. E a imagem de todos serem filhos de Deus não encontra espaço em tal discurso. Justifica-se, assim, o preconceito? Não. Compreendem-se suas raízes para, a partir do conhecimento, construir-se uma outra relação com as matrizes originantes do povo brasileiro, na esperança de conquistarmos nossa identidade também no aspecto religioso.