In the twenty first century the Pink Tide arrived in Latin America with left wing governments who claimed to be socialists. Research has shown that there were two types of socialism in the region, one globalized and the other anti-globalization. The latter better portrayed as socialists' populists are the focus of this work. This study aims to find how the actions taken by the socialist populist governments disregarded democracy and shows how because on this; the security of the nations has deteriorated. Grounded on existing work of the current left wing in the region, the question is: How have the socialist-populist regimes who were situated in governments of Latin American countries, during the beginning of the twenty first century, contributed in the increased deterioration of human security of their nations and region during their term and post term years? Based on the review of the concentration of power, nationalization policies and media activism actions that Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador and Nicaragua have imposed I show the deterioration of Human Security inside each case. The results indicate that because of the actions taken against democracy, the human security has decreased posing a threat in each country and the region.

As the United States began to expand imperially beyond the continent, conflicts grew over control of what terms such as “America” and “American” represented—and how to depict them. The so-called “Golden Age of American Imperialism” spawned excited, jingoistic texts that asserted an American identity predicated on exceptionalism and beneficence. Meanwhile, protests arose from, and in, the margins of American literature. Though scholars have rigorously examined the fingerprints left by empire in U.S. culture and literature, we now need to dust for its protestors: the elements and aesthetics of the forces resisting it require further examination. “War in the Margins: Illustrating Anti-Imperialism in American Culture” demonstrates the interplay of grapheme, graphics, and propaganda integral to the anti-imperialist movement in American literature and culture. It argues that hybrid media was essential to anti-imperialist propaganda in the United States at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century. Beginning with Mark Twain's adventure novels and ending with W. E. B. Du Bois's work with the Crisis, “War in the Margins” analyzes intermedia dynamics to highlight how currents of empire play out between aesthetics and imperial politics across and through the page. Each chapter considers intergroup dynamics central to the annexation debates, relying particularly on visual theory, neoformalism, and humor studies, but also attending to book history, especially in the development of imaging technologies. I open by discussing the fluctuating space of home created by narratives in Mark Twain and Daniel Carter Beard's Tom Sawyer Abroad. The second chapter addresses the impact of humor and empathy on intergroup dynamics in Ernest Howard Crosby and Daniel Carter Beard's Captain Jinks, Hero. I move beyond the domestic in my third and fourth chapters. The third examines the use of photography and hybrid media in the battle between Mark Twain and King Leopold II, a conflict exemplified in King Leopold's Soliloquy and its response, An Answer to Mark Twain. The final chapter returns to the United States through the proto-modernist periodical work of Pauline Hopkins and W. E. B. Du Bois. I emphasize the ways textual aesthetics articulate national and international dynamics central to conceptions of what it means to be an American, concentrating on the ways aesthetic concerns amplify currents and voices that would ordinarily be marginalized. I contend that a close attention to multimodal aesthetics significantly contributes to discourses surrounding narratives of national and transnational communities and provides a deepened understanding of the struggles surrounding constructions of American citizenry.

A feminist content analysis of writings and speeches of two main political figures of the Islamic government of Iran, Khomeini and Ahmadinejad, demonstrates the centrality of discourses around gender in their use of anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist and nationalist narratives. Essentialist beliefs about gender and the symbolic meaning of gender as social order and the "natural law of the universe" are the notions embedded in Khoemini and Ahmadinejad's narratives to suggest that changes in traditional gender relations are a threat to the order of the society. This study of dominance also reveals how the dominant culture produced by the Islamic state grasps on to the cultural elements of hegemonic discourse to bond coercion with legitimacy. Creating moral panics around changes in traditional gender relations and traditional definitions of femininity and masculinity is the main character of political speeches around women's issues and women's rights of these two figures. According to these narratives, femininity and gender "ideals" such as chastity, devotional motherhood, and women's role in maintaining the basis of the structure of the family are pivotal to the protection of the nation, its independence and its future.

À l'instar des héros de l'indépendance Simón Bolívar et José Martí pendant le premier XIXe siècle, Ernesto Guevara marqua profondément l'histoire de l'Amérique latine pendant le second XXe siècle. Il eut aussi un impact politique, idéologique, culturel et moral dans le monde entier. Aujourd'hui, on retrouve encore son portrait en tête des manifestations ainsi que sur des produits dérivés. Quelles sont donc les origines de ces postérités multiples d'Ernesto « Che » Guevara ? Cette recherche se propose d'étudier ses représentations, sa médiatisation et ses influences en France de 1957 à 1974, aussi bien dans la presse que chez les intellectuels ou dans les milieux d'extrême gauche. En exposant les différents regards français sur Ernesto Guevara et le guévarisme des éditeurs de ses textes et écrits, de ses premiers biographes, des journalistes et éditorialistes, des universitaires et intellectuels, des témoins et révolutionnaires, on peut mieux évaluer son impact de son vivant et les premières années après sa mort, de « Mai 68 » à la baisse des idéaux révolutionnaires et internationalistes au début des années 1970 / Like the heroes of independence Simón Bolívar and José Martí during the first part of the 19th century, Ernesto Guevara left his mark on the second part of the 20th century. He also had a political, ideological, cultural and moral impact all around the world. Nowadays, we still find his portrait in the lead of the demonstrations and on the derivatives. What are the origins of Ernesto « Che » Guevara numerous posterities? This research offers to study his representations, his exposure and his influences in France from 1957 to 1974 in the press as well as among the intellectuals or the extreme left circles. In presenting the different French points of view of his texts and writings editors, of his first biographers, of the journalists and columnists, of the academics and intellectuals, of the witnesses and revolutionaries on Ernesto Guevara and on the Guevarism, we can better assess his impact during his lifetime and the first days after his death, from « Mai 1968 » to the decrease of the revolutionary and internationalist ideas in the early 70’s

Historians have long been fascinated by the last decade of the nineteenth century. It was in these years that one of the great industrial reform movements arose, spearheaded in much of the West and South by the Populists. It was also a decade in which the nation fought its first foreign war in half a century and forcibly took possession of its first major overseas colonial possessions. Scholars have frequently attempted to discuss the two phenomena in conjunction, but their attempts thus far have been shallow and unsatisfactory. This study examines the Populists of the U.S. West in detail, with a special focus upon the years from 1898 to 1900. Within the first years of the decade, the Populists had developed a substantial following by demanding a reorganization of the national economy for the benefit of small-scale producers and laborers. By 1896, the party formed a vital component of the reform coalition that won most of the elected offices of the region. The Populists and their allies appeared poised to become a substantial force for change, but it was not to be. Wars---the first with Spain over Cuba, the second in the Philippines to quash an independence movement---shifted public attention to other matters. Western Populists and Democrats responded by extending their critique of concentrated wealth to foreign affairs, and they attributed the drive for empire to the demands of financiers and industrialists. Yet by attacking the American war efforts, they laid themselves open to charges of disloyalty. President McKinley and the western Republicans who followed him saw the opportunities provided by the conflicts. They declared that colonies would promote trade and promised that the wealth generated by this commerce would trickle down to all classes. To an even greater degree, they skillfully used the wars to rally support around the nation's soldiers and the "flag." And finally, western Republicans successfully labeled the Populists and Democrats who opposed the wars as traitors and "copperheads." In this way conservatives destroyed the most serious challenge to the American industrial order.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Paulo Bocca.pdf: 1906096 bytes, checksum: d50830c017c3e2a87945e705a9bb1133 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-23 / This dissertation analyzes the Latin American political scenario after the failure of the proposed Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), which represented the implementation of the neoliberal model in Latin America, sponsored by the United States and its allied different bourgeois factions in the different social formations in the region. To this proposal, a strong resistance led by social movements and leftist political parties emerged victorious, culminating in the election of progressive governments that, regard to the differences between them, seek an autonomy politics from the greatest imperialist power of our time. In this conjuncture of crisis in the U.S. hegemony, we examine three trends: an imperialist neoliberal offensive, a neo-developmental integration process, and the so called "Socialism of the XXI Century" / Esta dissertação analisa o cenário político latinoamericano após o fracasso da proposta da Área de Livre-comércio das Américas (ALCA), que representava a aplicação do modelo neoliberal na América Latina, patrocinada pelos Estados Unidos e suas frações burguesas aliadas nas distintas formações sociais da região. À esta proposta, uma forte resistência liderada por movimentos sociais e partidos políticos de esquerda saiu vitoriosa, culminando nas eleições de governos progressistas que, levando-se em conta as diferenças entre eles, buscam uma política de autonomia em relação à maior potência imperialista de nossa época. Nesta conjuntura de crise da hegemonia estadunidense, examinamos três tendências: uma ofensiva imperialista neoliberal; um processo de integração neodesenvolvimentista; e o chamado Socialismo do Século XXI

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Paulo Bocca.pdf: 1906096 bytes, checksum: d50830c017c3e2a87945e705a9bb1133 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-23 / This dissertation analyzes the Latin American political scenario after the failure of the proposed Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), which represented the implementation of the neoliberal model in Latin America, sponsored by the United States and its allied different bourgeois factions in the different social formations in the region. To this proposal, a strong resistance led by social movements and leftist political parties emerged victorious, culminating in the election of progressive governments that, regard to the differences between them, seek an autonomy politics from the greatest imperialist power of our time. In this conjuncture of crisis in the U.S. hegemony, we examine three trends: an imperialist neoliberal offensive, a neo-developmental integration process, and the so called "Socialism of the XXI Century" / Esta dissertação analisa o cenário político latinoamericano após o fracasso da proposta da Área de Livre-comércio das Américas (ALCA), que representava a aplicação do modelo neoliberal na América Latina, patrocinada pelos Estados Unidos e suas frações burguesas aliadas nas distintas formações sociais da região. À esta proposta, uma forte resistência liderada por movimentos sociais e partidos políticos de esquerda saiu vitoriosa, culminando nas eleições de governos progressistas que, levando-se em conta as diferenças entre eles, buscam uma política de autonomia em relação à maior potência imperialista de nossa época. Nesta conjuntura de crise da hegemonia estadunidense, examinamos três tendências: uma ofensiva imperialista neoliberal; um processo de integração neodesenvolvimentista; e o chamado Socialismo do Século XXI

In 1919, the Bolshevik Party of Russia formed the Communist International (Comintern) to lead the international communist movement. As part of its efforts, it maintained a strong commitment to supporting colonial liberation, self-determination of nations, and racial equality. Many scholars of the Comintern and the Soviet Union assume that Moscow demanded firm discipline of all member parties and these parties largely followed its lead. But the Comintern was not as monolithic as is often presumed. Colonial affairs frequently were overlooked and European Communist Parties often skirted their commitment to supporting their colonial counterparts. Individual communists took it upon themselves to promote anti-imperialism or racial equality, but their efforts were frequently hampered by the tactical shifts of the Comintern and eventually, the erosion of Moscow’s interest. Frequently, the prioritization of certain issues in the Comintern proved to be the most important factor in determining Comintern interference in member parties. This dissertation includes the first comparative analysis of the Communist Parties of South Africa, Canada and Australia on issues of anti-imperialism, nationality, and race. In comparing these parties, this study explores the limits of Moscow’s control of other Communist Parties, while detailing the similarities and differences in the efforts of these three parties to combat imperialism, support colonial liberation, and fight for national rights and racial equality. This dissertation is the first to detail the Canadian and Australian communism’s efforts, sometimes on their own initiative, on anti-imperialism, nationality and racial equality during the interwar period, to provide new conclusions about Comintern intervention in South Africa, and to highlight the prioritization of the Comintern as each party sees Moscow’s intervention on these issues to very different degrees. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / In 1919, the Bolshevik Party of Russia created the Communist International, an organization to lead communist parties throughout the world. Through this body, the Bolsheviks and international communists promoted colonial liberation, racial equality, and self-determination of nations. This dissertation uses the examples of the Communist Parties of South Africa, Canada, and Australia to show that each party dealt with these issues differently, saw different levels of intervention from the Communist International, and the severity of this intervention is directly tied to the priorities of the Soviet Union and the Communist International. Also included in this study is a comparative analysis of the tactics of all three parties, including the efforts of individual communists in each nation in developing platforms unique to the local conditions they were facing.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.