The purpose of the study was to investigate what employees in fine-dining restaurants perceive to be desirable characteristics of a leader based on transformative, transactional, and authoritarian leadership. The study was qualitative and used a deductive thematic analysis with eight semi-structured interviews. The Multifactor Leadership Questionnaire (MLQ) designed by Bass (1985) and authoritarian leadership was used as the theoretical background.   The two requirements to participate was for the respondents to have worked in a fine-dining restaurant within the last two years. The results showed that the desirable characteristics of a leader were committed, encouraging, solution-oriented, creative, patient, responsive, caring, ambitious, relationship-building, and communicative. The desirable qualities characterize a transformative leadership. The results of the study may be relevant to the development of leadership in fine-dining restaurants.

Diplomová práce Nedemokratické režimy, neformální instituce a sdílení moci se věnuje autoritářským institucím a problému sdílení moci v nedemokratických režimech ve vztahu k autoritářským parlamentům ve středoasijských republikách. Konkrétně se zabývá úlohou autoritářských parlamentů v neopatrimoniálních režimech a jejich vlivem na sdílení moci. Abychom pochopili efekt a funkci středoasijských parlamentů, práce analyzuje jak neformální, tak formální instituce v politickém režimu a principy jejich interakce. Nejprve představuje hlavní teoretické přístupy k autoritářským institucím a parlamentům. Další části se zabývají Střední Asií a zvláště popisují případy Uzbekistánu a Kyrgyzstánu. Klíčová slova: Střední Asie Neopatrimonialismus Kyrgyzstán Uzbekistán Neformální instituce Autoritářské Instituce

Despite promising prospects to transition towards a democracy after attaining its independence in 1980, Zimbabwe somehow fell into authoritarian rule and became increasingly undemocratic compared to other countries in southern Africa. Therefore, this thesis seeks to understand why a “most likely” case of democratization in the region failed and instead slipped into authoritarianism between 1980 and 2000. The single case study investigates a set of elite level dynamics, using components of process tracing and case study techniques. The analysis is built upon a theoretical framework focusing on dimensions of power dynamics in terms of Bratton’s power capture, power division and power sharing along with Svolik’s politics of authoritarian rule and the dominant party system. The research indicates that the political party Zanu-Pf, under the leadership of Mugabe, has dominated the political arena since the first democratic elections of 1980. With the help of the party’s majority, the ruling elites captured, divided, shared and controlled power; to serve authoritarian ends that ensured regime survival at the expense of democracy.

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This thesis seeks to explain the evolution of non-state welfare provision in the People’s Republic of China under Xi Jinping and his recent predecessors. In particular, it examines the emergence, spread and institutionalization of a policy of government contracting services to non-governmental organizational (NGOs) and related political dynamics at the national, local, and state-NGO interaction levels. This thesis makes several theoretical claims regarding the causes and process of institutional change and the political implications of these transformations. I contend that decentralization, international influences, and authoritarian consolidation have combined to produce gradual institutional change characterized by processes of layering, conversion, and drift. These incremental changes have led to local institutional frameworks and practices of government contracting that remain incomplete and beset by unequal power dynamics between party-state and NGO actors. Notwithstanding the intent to increase the supply of services and promote state-NGO collaboration at local levels, purchase-of-service contracting policies are inseparable from strategies of political control, consent making, and governing techniques deployed by the ruling party-state. This dissertation reveals the presence of informal rules and power relations between purchasers and regulators (local governments) and service providers (NGOs) behind the façade of increasingly institutionalized state-NGO partnerships and of market-based standardized bidding competition processes. In this context, NGOs have adopted mitigating and adaptive strategies in order to cope with new opportunities and constraints. This thesis draws on interviews with NGO leaders and subject matter experts conducted during fieldwork in Shanghai, Beijing and Nanjing. It also leverages policy documents, media sources, and an extensive review of distinct bodies of scholarly literature.

Though Quintilian introduced the term in loco parentis in his Institutio Oratoria by suggesting that teachers think of themselves as parents of a student's mind, composition scholars have let parenting as a metaphor for teaching fall by the wayside in recent discussions of classroom authority. Podis and Podis have recently revived the term, though, and investigated the ways writing teachers enact Lakoff's "Strict Father" and "Nurturing Mother" authority models. Unfortunately, their treatment of these two opposite authority styles reduces classroom authority styles to a mutually exclusive binary of two less than satisfactory options. I propose clinical and developmental psychologist Diana Baumrind's taxonomy of parenting styles as the ideal way to reform our thinking as a field about the authority model we should adopt in our writing classrooms. While Baumrind includes the inferior models Podis and Podis work from in her authoritarian and permissive parenting styles, she found that the authoritative style, which is both strict and nurturing, promises the best results for parenting children: autonomy and academic achievement. By applying her descriptions of authoritative parents and the outcomes for their children to the practices of composition instructors and their students, I reveal how useful Baumrind's taxonomy of parenting styles could be for a field that often uses nuanced terms for authority without either clearly defining them or backing claims with replicable, aggregable, data-driven (RAD) research. If our field chooses to adopt Baumrind's terminology and definitions, then, we will be able to communicate about classroom authority in terms anchored in a coherent paradigm and garner more respect for our field as we probe the outcomes of Baumrind's authoritative parenting style as a college composition teaching style through our own empirical research.

The main research question was What are the relationships between parenting style, self-regulated learning (SRL) and the academic achievement of selected (upper) primary school students in Ethiopia? The following specific research questions were formulated: • What are the views of the students on the parenting styles, and on parental acceptance and control, the cognitive strategies they use, and their self-regulated learning? • What is the relationship between parenting style and SRL? • What is the relationship between parenting style and academic achievement? • What is the relationship between SRL and academic achievement? • Does SRL moderate the relationship between parenting style and academic achievement? In this study a correlational design was used, but it was also exploratory and descriptive. Data were collected by means of a self-report questionnaire, while the academic achievements of the students were derived from official records. The questionnaire was completed by 477 randomly selected students from two classes in each of five schools in Hawasa, Ethiopia. The analysis of the data was done by means of descriptive, correlation, and ANOVA tests. The major findings included the following: Most of the children experienced acceptance by their parents, in particular from their female parents/guardians. The best levels of acceptance were, for example, “When I get a poor grade at school, my parents encourage me to try harder”, or “I can count on my parents to help me if I have some kind of a problem”, and “My parents keep pushing me to do my best in whatever I do”. However, it was found that the parents seldom spent time merely talking to their children. The female parents/guardians seemed to control their children more than the male parents/guardians, and were more involved with their children. The children, though, also believed that their parents/guardians did not really know how they spent their leisure time. More often the children perceived their parents as being neglectful. Regarding their cognitive strategies, the students particularly made use of memorization. The cognitive strategies of the children whose parents were authoritative were significantly better than those of the other children. When a student’s self-regulation increased, his/her cognitive strategies also increased, and when the cognitive strategies improved, so did the average achievement. The parents’ parenting styles were also significantly related to their children’s achievement, and were moderated by cognitive strategies as co-variants. / Psychology of Education / D. Ed. (Psychology of Education)

<p>This thesis will show how authoritarian governments rest legitimacy on their ability to create socio-economic development. It will point to some methods used to consolidate power by authoritarian leaders in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia. An authoritarian regime that successfully creates development is strengthened and does not call for democratic change in the short run. It is suggested that the widely endorsed Lipset hypothesis, that development will eventually bring democratic transition, is true only when further socio-economic development requires that the economy transfers from being based on industrial manufacturing to knowledge and creativity – not on lower levels of development. Malaysia and Singapore have reached – or try to reach – this level of development today, but restrictions on their civil societies have still not been lifted.</p><p>This thesis describes modern political history in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia in a Machiavellian tradition. The historical perspective will give a more or less plausible idea of how authoritarian regimes consolidated au-thority and what role development policies played in the leaders’ claims for authority. The conclusion will give a suggestion on how the political future in these three countries might evolve. It will point to the importance of an active and free civil society as a means to develop the nations further, rather than oppression.</p><p>This thesis will try to point to the dos and don’ts for authoritarian regimes. The ideas of Plato, Machiavelli and Hobbes provide the structures and methods that authoritarian regimes apply. It will be shown that a regime will disintegrate when it fails to comply with Plato’s and Machiavelli’s ideas. Al-though ancient, Plato and Machiavelli provide methods and structures that seem to carry relevance to the modern history of Southeast Asia.</p><p>I will point to how authoritarian rule can be maintained in the long run. What is required from the political leadership, what are their strategies and methods? What makes people to tolerate or topple authoritarian regimes? Why do some authoritarian regimes successfully create development while others do not? These are some of the questions this thesis will try to an-swer.</p>

Notre recherche interroge les modalités selon lesquelles une pratique artistique peut constituer un vecteur de contestation en contexte autoritaire. Elle se situe à l’intersection de deux aires de questionnement. D’une part, elle examine les multiples rapports qu’un monde de l’art peut entretenir avec un monde politique, éclairant les enjeux politiques qui traversent un champ cinématographique fortement dépendant de l’État, ainsi que les pratiques contestataires spécifiques qui y ont court. D’autre part, elle explore des formes de contestation qui se déploient à la marge d’un espace politique verrouillé, mettant au jour certains mécanismes de l’autoritarisme observés dans les négociations, arrangements et conflits entre acteurs du monde cinématographique et acteurs de l’appareil bureaucratique et étatique. Dans un premier temps, nous montrons comment les relations sociales qui se tissent autour de l’organisation et du fonctionnement de la production cinématographique polarisent et réfractent certaines pratiques et enjeux spécifiques au champ politique tout en les reformulant. Nous plaçons ensuite l’analyse au cœur des films afin de repérer et de décrire, à partir des différents procédés propres au langage cinématographique, des thématiques, des catégories et des objets qui relèvent du politique, sur lesquels les cinéastes posent un regard critique, alors même que l’expression d’une opinion contestataire dans l’espace public s’avère problématique / Our research investigates how an artistic activity can also be a vehicle for contention within an authoritarian context. It relies at the crossroad of two areas of questioning. On the one hand, we explore the various interactions between an art world and a political world, shedding light on the political logics at stake in a cinematographic field greatly dependent upon the state, as well as on the contentious practices emerging from this particular configuration. On the other hand, we scrutinize contention expressed at the margin of a locked political space, unveiling some mechanisms of authoritarianism produced by negotiations, arrangements and conflicts between actors belonging to the cinematographic world and actors of the bureaucratic apparatus. At first, we examine how the social relationships woven around the organization and the functioning of film production polarize and refract practices and issues proper to the political field while reformulating them. Then we shift the focus of our analysis on the very heart of the films to locate and describe, from the specific tools of the film language, subjects, categorizations and objects dealing with politics, upon which filmmakers cast a critical eye, whereas contentious expression in the public sphere proves to be problematic

Diploma thesis named "Communication between teacher and pupils at a primary school" considers adults attitude to children, specifically teachers attitude to pupils. It describes the development of attitude to children as an important factor which shapes educational attitude to children in a context of current changes in child education. The thesis defines two basic attitudes - the collegial and authoritarian. It provides information on components allowing an effective reception of information, which is neccessary to understand the meaningfulness of the collegial attitude. It characterizes effective and ineffective communicational skills that can be found in these educational attitudes. The practical part is an action research that maps abilities and skills of starting teacher which follow the colegial educational attitude in practice. It tries to assess the success rate of attempts of using the collegial attitude in teaching, which is being done through observation, self-reflection, observation of other pedagogues and getting feedback from them.