O tema desta dissertação é o patrimonialismo como um estilo político ainda atuante nos dias de hoje. Sob o ponto de vista da cultura política, o patrimonialismo pode ser entendido como um tipo de comportamento que deriva de crenças e valores tradicionais cultivados na história brasileira. Além da sua sobrevivência por meio da cultura, é argumentado que a ideologia do Estado autoritário também seja um meio sustentador e disseminador do fenômeno. O estilo político patrimonialista é caracterizado pelo poder arbitrário legitimado por uma tradição em tratar a coisa pública como privada. Sustenta e é sustentado pela cooptação política e pelas relações clientelistas e assimétricas entre os atores políticos. Esse comportamento antirrepublicano e antidemocrático é composto por uma lógica corrupta em sua essência podendo ser um estimulador da desmobilização social (que culmina na baixa participação política) e da reduzida qualidade democrática em nosso país. O objetivo é apontar alguns vínculos teóricos entre patrimonialismo, cultura política, ideologia do Estado autoritário, participação política e qualidade democrática. / The theme of this dissertation is the patrimonialism as a current political style. According to the theory of political culture, patrimonialism can be understood as a type of behavior that derives from traditional beliefs and values maintained alive during Brazilian history. Besides its survival through culture, it is argumented that the ideology of the authoritarian State is another way of sustaining and disseminating the behavior. The patrimonialist political style is characterized by the arbitrary power legitimated by a tradition used to treat the public as a private matter. It sustains and is sustained by political co-option and by client-based and asymmetric political relationships. This anti republican and antidemocratic behavior carries within a corrupt logic that can stimulate social demobilization (which results in low political participation) and the reduced democratic quality of Brazil. The objective is to point a few theoretical ties between patrimonialism, political culture, ideology of the authoritarian State, political participation and the quality of democracy.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:16:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Natalina Ribeiro.pdf: 1437637 bytes, checksum: f617712bb67864255a715b9ef54ab8fd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-11-18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The thesis examines the historical origins of the debate on policy councils through the trajectory of subjects, projects and proposals in dispute in Brazilian society. The survey is based on the analysis of documents and literature, complemented by interviews with privileged persons of the studied dynamics. In the process of the survey, the area of health policies was focused on for its pioneer role in the implementation of channels for popular participation, created as a result of the dynamics and struggles brought about by the popular movements for health care and sanitarian, foremost protagonists of the initiatives that originated the health councils, acknowledged as a reference for other public policies. Supported by its consolidated legitimacy together with the people represented, these actors craved for the construction of spaces of dispute within the State and the conquest of the right to interfere in the health policies. As such, in the context of the military dictatorship (1964-1984) and under the influence of international agencies, we observe the inclusion of these sectors of the opposition in various instances of the state apparatus, designed as a strategy for the struggle for rights, the appropriation and resignification of the concepts and spaces hegemonized by the authoritarian project. As a result of these struggles, the councils were implemented in the early 1990s, at the same time as neo-liberal adjustment measures were imposed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). In this adverse situation, the councils constituted themselves as mechanisms of resistance, social control and propositions, with the potential to articulate actors and proposals within the perspective of democratic construction. The survey concludes that such a potential can only be realized insofar as they are inserted in the strategies of a democratic political project, capable of providing backup to the counselors in their struggles, giving a collective meaning to the exercise of participation. At the moment, it remains to be seen what space and role the councils have in the construction of the dispute for hegemony in Brazil / A tese analisa o debate das origens históricas dos conselhos de políticas públicas através da trajetória de sujeitos, propostas e projetos em disputa na sociedade brasileira. A pesquisa apoiou-se em análises documental e da literatura, complementadas por entrevistas com interlocutores privilegiados das dinâmicas investigadas. A área da saúde foi priorizada no processo de pesquisa por seu pioneirismo na implementação de canais de participação popular, criados a partir de dinâmicas e enfrentamentos desencadeados pelos movimentos populares de saúde e sanitarista, principais protagonistas das iniciativas que deram origem aos conselhos de saúde, apontados como referência para as demais áreas das políticas públicas. Apoiados na legitimidade consolidada junto às suas bases, tais atores almejaram a construção de espaços de disputa no interior da esfera estatal e a conquista de autoridade para interferir nas políticas de saúde. Assim, no contexto da ditadura militar (1964-1984) e sob influência das agências internacionais, observouse a inserção destes setores da oposição em diferentes instâncias do aparelho de Estado, adotando como estratégia de lutas por direitos a apropriação e ressignificação dos conceitos e espaços hegemonizados pelo projeto autoritário. Fruto destes enfrentamentos, os conselhos foram criados e implementados, a partir da década de 1990, ao mesmo tempo das medidas de ajuste neoliberal impostas pelo Fundo Monetário Internacional (FMI). Nesta conjuntura adversa, constituíram-se em mecanismos de resistência, controle social e proposições, com potencial de articular atores e propostas na perspectiva da construção democrática. O processo investigativo concluiu que tal potencial só pode ser realizado na medida em que estejam inseridos nas estratégias de um projeto político democrático capaz de fornecer retaguarda aos conselheiros nos seus processos de enfrentamento e conferir sentido coletivo ao exercício da participação. No entanto, resta saber o lugar e o papel ocupado pelos conselhos na arquitetura da disputa pela hegemonia no Brasil

A presente tese objetiva fazer uma análise histórico-estrutural do padrão de crescimento econômico do regime autoritário-militar brasileiro (1964-1985), mostrando que, muito mais do que fatores conjunturais externos, como, por exemplo, as crises mundiais do petróleo de 1973 e 1979, a sua natureza, dinâmica e as contradições que lhe eram imanentes foram os principais fatores que impediram o Brasil de vir a se tornar uma potência mundial até o ano 2000, tal como pretendia a cúpula militar. Expõe o eixo sobre o qual giravam os planos econômicos dos governos deste regime, em especial dos presidentes Castelo Branco e Ernesto Geisel, argumentando que os mesmos, consubstanciados em estratégias não autonomistas, porque excessivamente dependentes de tecnologia e de capital industrial-financeiro forâneos, reduziram o poder de barganha do Estado brasileiro no cenário internacional. Enfoca também os pontos convergentes da economia política com a política externa, mostrando que - pelo fato dos governos militares terem se rendido à idéia de interdependência, crendo, com isso, que a limitação da soberania nacional era \"conveniente\" para que o Brasil recebesse créditos do Primeiro Mundo, em especial dos EUA -, isso impediu o fortalecimento do Poder Nacional. / This thesis is a historical-structural analysis of the Brazilian economic development pattern pursued by the military-authoritarian regime (1964-1985), showing that, more than non-domestic short-term causes, such as the world energy crisis due to oil price rises in 1973 and 1979, its nature, dynamics and the contradictions which were inherent in that pattern were the determining factors in the failure of Brazil to become a Great Power until 2000, as it was determined by the officialdom. It exposes the axis on which the then general-presidents\' economical plans turned round, specially Castelo Branco and Ernesto Geisel\'s, arguing that these plans, based on nonautonomous strategies, as they were too much dependent upon foreign capital and technology, reduced Brazil\'s bargaining power in the international environment. It also focuses on the connection between political economy and foreign policy, showing that - since the military governments surrendered to the idea of interdependence, believing that the limitation of national sovereignty was \"useful\" for receiving credit from First World, notably from the USA -, this impeded the fortification of National Power.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2017-03-16T16:02:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodolfo Wild_.pdf: 1773117 bytes, checksum: bbda9b70b598a0771e3426f68e5ea663 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-16T16:02:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodolfo Wild_.pdf: 1773117 bytes, checksum: bbda9b70b598a0771e3426f68e5ea663 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-21 / Nenhuma / O presente estudo tem, por objetivo, demonstrar o estágio atual da jurisprudência brasileira relativamente ao livre convencimento, especialmente em face aos sinais de sua manutenção, mesmo sob a vigência do Novo Código de Processo Civil de 2015. Com base nisso, pretende mostrar como o livre convencimento vem contribuindo para o exacerbamento da discricionariedade nas decisões judiciais, mediante seleção do material probatório com vistas a conferir uma capa de aparente racionalidade nas referidas decisões. Nesse contexto, também pretende demonstrar como tal concepção é fruto de um paradigma autoritário de processo, introduzido no Brasil a partir do Código de Processo Civil de 1939, com base nas influências da obra de Giuseppe Chiovenda. Ainda, como a manutenção desse paradigma foi facilitada, de um lado, pela permanência de determinadas concepções do positivismo jurídico, diferenciando, para tanto, o positivismo normativista inspirado na obra de Hans Kelsen daquele que lhe precedeu, qual seja, o legalista ou exegético. Por outro lado, também foi facilitada por uma equivocada compreensão do livre convencimento como um princípio processual. Assim, resgata o estudo, tanto do objeto do processo quanto do objeto do debate, focando suas diferentes correntes doutrinárias para demonstrar que, na teoria geral do processo, o livre convencimento não encontra lugar como parte específica em nenhum dos objetos estudados. Disso decorre a imprecisão – e mesmo ausência de rigor - doutrinária acerca da natureza jurídica do livre convencimento, o que está contribuindo para que esse continue a iludir, tanto no plano teórico quanto no prático, os problemas ligados à justificação das decisões judiciais. Todo esse complexo conjunto de fatores, enfim, vem contribuindo para que a jurisprudência continue a repetir, na atualidade, as lições de Chiovenda, inspiradas em um paradigma autoritário, relativamente ao livre convencimento. / The purpose of this study is to demonstrate the “status quo” of Brazilian judicial decision´ formation in regard to the “rational persuasion model” in the judicial decision-making process, especially in light of the signs of its maintenance, even under the New Civil Procedure Code of 2015. Based on this, the research intends to show how the use of the “rational persuasion model” in the judicial decision-making process has contributed to the exacerbation of judicial discretion on such decisions, through the selection of material evidence with a view to conferring a layer of apparent rationality in said decisions. In this context, it also intends to demonstrate how this conception or technique is the result of an authoritarian paradigm of process, introduced in Brazil with the 1939 Civil Procedure Code, based mainly on the influences of the work of scholars as Giuseppe Chiovenda. Furthermore, as the maintenance of this paradigm was facilitated, on one hand, by the continuity of certain conceptions of legal positivism, differentiating, for that, normativist positivism inspired by the work of Hans Kelsen of the one who preceded him, that is, legalistic or exegetical theory. On the other hand, it was also facilitated by a mistaken understanding of the rational persuasion model as a procedural principle to be applied in the judicial decision-making process. Thus, the study investigates both, the object of the process and the object of the debate, focusing in its different doctrinal approaches to demonstrate that, in the general theory of the judicial process, rational persuasion model does not find a place as a specific part in any of the studied objects. From this model or principle arises the imprecision - and even lack of doctrinal rigor - about the legal nature of “rational persuasion model”, which is helping to continue to elude both the theoretical and the practical problems related to the motivation of judicial decisions. All this complex set of factors, in short, has contributed to the fact that the judicial decision-making process and developing precedents continues to repeat, at the present time, the lessons of Chiovenda, inspired by an authoritarian paradigm, with respect to applying a rational persuasion model and enhancing judicial discretion in the decision-making process.

La présente thèse vise à comprendre les ressorts sociaux de la conversion politique d’un pionnier de la Résistance, le journaliste Emmanuel d’Astier (1900-1969). Issu de l’aristocratie catholique et conservatrice, proche de l’Action française et journaliste bohême auteur d’articles antisémites et antirépublicains dans l’entre-deux-guerres, d’Astier est en 1940 lefondateur d’une des premières organisations de résistance à l’occupation nazie. Á l’avant-garde de l’antivichysme sous l’Occupation, haut dirigeant de la Résistance, d’Astier devient à la Libération député et compagnon de route du Parti communiste. Son engagement dans la Résistance joue un rôle majeur dans sa conversion politique. Pour comprendre la trajectoire d’Emmanuel d’Astier, il convient d’entrer dans la fabrique sociale de l’acteur, c’est-à-dire de décortiquer les mécanismes et processus continus de la construction sociale de sa personne. Dans cette perspective, il s’agit d’abord de considérer le temps long biographique au cours duquel l’individu est socialement façonné par les multiplesexpériences qu’il est amené à vivre. Il s’agit ensuite d’analyser comment le temps court de l’engagement résistant s’articule au temps long de l’expérience biographique. Ainsi, l’un des enjeux de ce travail est de comprendre à la fois les conditions sociales de possibilité et les incidences biographiques de l’engagement contestataire en contexte autoritaire et critique.Articulant sociologie de la socialisation et sociologie de l’action collective, cette thèse interroge in fine les multiples façons dont histoires sociales individuelles et histoires sociales collectives se percutent, et comment les cheminements des trajectoires individuelles dépendent de ces rencontres. / This thesis questions the social causes of the political conversion of a pioneer of Resistance, the journalist Emmanuel d’Astier (1900-1969). Born in a family of the catholic and conservative aristocracy, Emmanuel d’Astier act during the 1930’s as a bohemian journalist and the author of anti-Semitic and anti-republican articles. In 1940, he is the former of one of the first collective organizations whici fight against the Nazi occupation of France. A great opponant of the regime of Vichy during the Second World War, he becomes a deputy and a friend of communism after the Liberation. His activism in the Resistance plays a major role in his political conversion.To understand the social path of Emmanuel d’Astier, we must analyze the mechanisms and the processes of his social construction. First, we must examine the long-term temporality during which the actor is formed by his biographical experiences. Secondly, we must examine how the short-term temporality of activism articulates with the biographical long-termtemporality. We must understand the social conditions and the biographical consequences of high-risk activism.Ultimately, this thesis articulates a sociology of the socialization with a sociology of collective action. It questions the many ways in which individual paths and collective paths meet, and how individual paths stems from these confluences.

台灣地區自從一九八○年代以來，產生了一連串的社會運動與自力救濟事件，而其中有甚多是與公共政策的運作有關，這些頻繁發生的運動和事件，常使得民眾感覺似乎社會變得無秩序，亂象叢生。進而對國民黨政府的施政能力產生了質疑，也引發了「信心危機」。因此，為求瞭解其發生原因、影響以及思考如何減少類似事件發生，故從威權政體民主轉型過程中參與者互動情形來探討。並進而透過歷史性觀察，找出國民黨維繫政權的基本理念，以及運作的方法。在本論文亦經由反核四環保自力救濟事件個案分析，以明瞭在國內外政治、經濟、社會環境的影響下，政策參與者呈現出何種的互動情形和結果，和引用的理論與分析，作一對照。從論文分析中，吾人看到了一種內戰態勢下的互動。在中共軍事上、外交上、政治上及近年年來經濟上的威脅，使得國民黨政府為維繫其政權，戮力追求國家安全與生存，如加強國防戰備、維持外交關係、採行威權統治以及促進經濟發展等方面。而其中，經濟發展隨著國內外環境的變遷，更成為國民黨政權生存維繫的核心政策。在研究發現中，吾人看到了政策參與者互動關係的轉變，如：(1)失去絕對權威的總統。(2)感受立委壓力的行政院。(3)泛政治化的政黨競爭。(4)突破言論管制的大眾傳播媒介。(5)遊說活躍的利益團體。(6)權力意識高漲的民眾。而對於政策建議方面，由於經濟發展是國民黨決策階層的核心施政理念，但此種理念容易導致泛經濟化的決策模式，呈現出由上而下的菁英取向的政策制訂模式。為彌補其不足，有必要採取以由下而上的諮商系統，贏得多數民眾的政治支持。另外，從核四個案分析中，得知反核乃是由於不信任國民黨政府的行政決策。因此，國營事業單位在推動重大早邀集社區居民參與議題的決策過程，以減低民眾的疑慮慮、恐懼及被剝奪感。

在社會漸趨多元化的情勢下，我國政府與企業之間的關係發生了許多變化 ，其中最主要的變化尤以利益團體的影響活動為最。而自政府播遷來台後 ，政治統治由強硬的威權政體轉型為軟性的威權政體，企業所處的政策制 定環境也產生了變化。在現代國家體系中，企業不免會影響政治機器的運 作，再者社會日趨多元化，政策考量越來越專業化，尤其關於財經方面的 政策問題，更是有賴企業業者提供政府相當的資訊，以利作出較具可行性 的政策。是故，企業確有必要參與政策制定之過程。檢視我國企業參與政 府政策制定過程之關係，本研究之主要目的在於瞭解企業如何影響政策之 制定，為此，本文討論之內容如下:第一章緒論，主要在探討筆者為此文 之動機及目的，同時就研究範圍界定文中之重要名詞，並據此提出本文之 流程架構。第二章企業參與公共政策制定之基礎理論，主要探討包括有政 策問題之形成、政策規劃、政策合法化等三階段的政策制定過程，並說明 企業在政策制定上的影響動力來源及原因，以及企業參與政策制定的途徑 。第三章我國企業政策制定環境概說，主要探討我國政治環境之轉變，以 及在當前環境下我國政府體制和政黨政治影響政策制定之情形，期冀藉由 對企業經營所面對環境變遷之分析，瞭解企業對政策制定所應採用的各種 策略以及所應施用的對象所在。第四章我國企業對政策制定的影響策略， 主要探討我國企業在特殊的政府體制及政黨政治下，企業參與政策制定之 主要接近管道及影響策略，接近管道包括有：行政機關、立法機關、政黨 及監察機關；而主要的影響策略則包括有政治性的策略、遊說活動策略、 組織策略聯盟及關係網絡的建立。第五章個案分析: 以中華民國全國工業 總會為例，主要探討全國工總之組織及權力架構，並透過深入的訪問以明 瞭該會對於政府政策制定過程之影響策略，以進一步檢視筆者就所得之資 料及個人觀察所得的結果，同時對於企業參與政策制定之影響策略及活動 作一番之推論。第六章結論，就以上各章節之研究結果提出筆者之發現， 並提出建議供相關機關、人員作為政策制定之參考，並提出未來相關研究 之建議，期冀未來之相關研究者能對我國企業與政府間關係作更進一步的 研究。

<p>The essay discusses a process of change at probationservice office. The purpose of the change was to decrease specialisation and increase flexibility of the probation officers. The change encountered several problems where the correctional supervisor was percieved to act unsurely and indecisively whilst parts of the staff constructed and implimented several courses of action to prevent the process of change.</p> / <p>Uppsatsen behandlar en förändringsprocess på ett frivårdskontor. Förändringen syftade till att minska specialiseringen och öka flexibiliteten hos frivårdsinspektörerna. Förändringsprocessen stötte på flera problem där kriminalvårdsinspektören upplevdes agera osäkert och veligt samtidigt som delar av personalgruppen konstruerade och använde sig av flertalet handlingsstrategier för att motverka förändringen.</p>

The essay discusses a process of change at probationservice office. The purpose of the change was to decrease specialisation and increase flexibility of the probation officers. The change encountered several problems where the correctional supervisor was percieved to act unsurely and indecisively whilst parts of the staff constructed and implimented several courses of action to prevent the process of change. / Uppsatsen behandlar en förändringsprocess på ett frivårdskontor. Förändringen syftade till att minska specialiseringen och öka flexibiliteten hos frivårdsinspektörerna. Förändringsprocessen stötte på flera problem där kriminalvårdsinspektören upplevdes agera osäkert och veligt samtidigt som delar av personalgruppen konstruerade och använde sig av flertalet handlingsstrategier för att motverka förändringen.

<p>This thesis will show how authoritarian governments rest legitimacy on their ability to create socio-economic development. It will point to some methods used to consolidate power by authoritarian leaders in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia. An authoritarian regime that successfully creates development is strengthened and does not call for democratic change in the short run. It is suggested that the widely endorsed Lipset hypothesis, that development will eventually bring democratic transition, is true only when further socio-economic development requires that the economy transfers from being based on industrial manufacturing to knowledge and creativity – not on lower levels of development. Malaysia and Singapore have reached – or try to reach – this level of development today, but restrictions on their civil societies have still not been lifted.</p><p>This thesis describes modern political history in Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia in a Machiavellian tradition. The historical perspective will give a more or less plausible idea of how authoritarian regimes consolidated au-thority and what role development policies played in the leaders’ claims for authority. The conclusion will give a suggestion on how the political future in these three countries might evolve. It will point to the importance of an active and free civil society as a means to develop the nations further, rather than oppression.</p><p>This thesis will try to point to the dos and don’ts for authoritarian regimes. The ideas of Plato, Machiavelli and Hobbes provide the structures and methods that authoritarian regimes apply. It will be shown that a regime will disintegrate when it fails to comply with Plato’s and Machiavelli’s ideas. Although ancient, Plato and Machiavelli provide methods and structures that seem to carry relevance to the modern history of Southeast Asia.</p><p>I will point to how authoritarian rule can be maintained in the long run. What is required from the political leadership, what are their strategies and methods? What makes people to tolerate or topple authoritarian regimes? Why do some authoritarian regimes successfully create development while others do not? These are some of the questions this thesis will try to answer.</p>