In 1965, Singapore became independent. While this country¡¦s history is not a long one, nor is its surface area expansive, its economic prowess has astounded all. It is truly a city state which deserves closer examination. The long rule of the People¡¦s Action Party includes the terms of Prime Ministers Lee Kuan Yew, Goh Chok Tong, and Lee Hsien Loong. While this period has been marked with outstanding economic accomplishments, Singapore¡¦s political development has been primarily under an authoritarian leadership model. This study divides these three administrations into the Lee Kuan Yew period and post Lee Kuan Yew period and analyzes methods of rule the People¡¦s Action Party takes with respect to politics, economic issues, and social issues in creating its authoritarian regime today. In the political realm, the People¡¦s Action Party limited opposition from gaining political control through intended and actual operations. In the economic realm, they created large nationally owned companies covering an enormous scope and, through the cooperation of labor, capital, and governance, kept their hand on the levers of the economy. With respect to society, the People¡¦s Action Party controlled media and news publications in order to slow the development of civil society. Thus, they have achieved stability in their authoritarian rule. The same time, the theory through Western authoritarian, it is attributed to the authoritarian rule of the common features in order to distinguish between Singapore today is what type of authoritarian regime. Found that Singapore, although from time to time that congressional elections are held regularly, but still did not have a fair and free election system, therefore be classified as a mixed constitution "competitive authoritarian" regimes. Contemporaneously,western theories are utilized to draw conclusions concerning the common characteristics of authoritarianism and distinguish what type of authoritarian regime Singapore is today. This study finds though Singapore holds regular parliamentary elections from time to time, it has never held fair or free elections and must therefore be classified as a hybrid ¡§competitive authoritarian¡¨ form of government.

The purpose of this study was to examine the leadership style that is preferred by the employees from a psychosocial- and productive perspective. The study is based on Lewin et al´s research on the three leadership styles authoritarian, democratic and laissez-faire leader. This is a quantitative study with a questionnaires as data collection method. The sample consisted of individuals working in a municipality in one nursing unit. The data from the survey were analyzed by three separate one-way depending ANOVA in IBM statistics SPSS 22. As the leadership groups were compared with each other, the results showed, just as previous research, that the democratic leadership style was most preferable from both psychosocial and productivity perspective. The study is based on three hypotheses, hypotheses 1 and 3 was confirmed by the results while hypothesis 2 was rejected. Employees prefer a leadership style that promotes participation and collaboration that creates a foundation to work independently. / Syftet med studien var att undersöka vilken ledarstil som är önskvärd av medarbetarna ur ett psykosocialt- och produktivt perspektiv. Studien baseras på Lewin et al´s forskning om de tre ledarstilarna auktoritär, demokratisk samt låt-gå ledaren. Detta är en kvantitativ studie med enkäter som datainsamlingsmetod. Urvalet bestod av individer som arbetar på en kommun inom omvårdnadenheten. Datat från enkäten analyserades genom tre separata envägs-beroende ANOVA i IBM statistics SPSS 22. Då ledarstilsgrupperna jämfördes med varandra visade de på, precis som tidigare forskning, att den demokratiska ledarstilen var mest önskvärd ur både psykosocialt och produktivitetsperspektiv. Studien baseras på tre hypoteser, hypotes 1 och 3 bekräftades genom resultatet medan hypotes 2 förkastades. Medarbetarna föredrar en ledarstil som förespråkar delaktighet och samverkan som skapar en grund och trygghet för ett självständigt arbete.

My dissertation offers insight into the political epistemology of the Chinese Communist Party and state on the basis of their activities during the post-2008 Wenchuan earthquake reconstruction. By “political epistemology,” I mean how the Party thinks about the nature of politics, including but not limited to the role of the state in the economy. An important facet of this approach is taking seriously the CCP’s distinctive manner of thinking, writing, and talking about politics that is too often dismissed as empty jargon that means little in post-Mao China. I show how a Maoist conception of politics remains at the bedrock of how the CCP understands its own political identity and actions. Certainly, many of the salient features of Maoism have been discarded, such as the emphasis on class struggle, continuous revolution, and the role of the masses in political movements. Despite these trends toward de-politicization and technocracy, the Party’s confidence in the rationality of its planning apparatus and in its ability to mobilize politically to achieve the ends of market construction and biopolitical social transformation constitutes what I call Maoist neo-developmentalism. Each of my empirical case chapters examines a localized combination of post-disaster reconstruction with a national strategy for long-term, “great leap” development. Thus, each chapter traces how the Party’s plans to capitalize the countryside - by way of urbanization, tourism, and ecology – have become stuck in transitional processes. The spectacular market transitions and transformations envisioned by Party leaders became cycles of state investment in local economies that only function by virtue of continued state involvement. The Party’s massive expenditures of maintaining the appearance of success, however, generated local resentment at perceived waste, indifference, and corruption. Each case chapter shows evidence not so much of social resistance to the state (although of course that happened, too) but an intimate negotiation between state and society of high expectations, broken promises, and frustrations. I argue that these “perforations” deep within the tissue of the state-society relationship only make sense when viewed from the context of a Maoist social contact in which the Party’s legitimacy depends on its perceived ability to serve the people. / text

The aim is to examine how teachers view their leadership, how leadership is used and developed, and what kind of perceptions teachers have of leadership and how it is important to their students. My questions are:  In what ways can the teachers develop their leadership? In what ways can the teachers make use of leadership in the classroom? What do the teachers in the study consider to be a good leadership? What do the teachers inte the study think of their leadership and its´ importance to students? The study uses a qualitative research method and consists of interviews with four teachers working in a school south of Stockholm. The results of the study shows that teachers´ leadership in the classroom has a significance for students´ learning and development. The teachers´style of leadership should not be static and should be adapted to students´development level. The results also shows that teachers´ leadership in the classroom is about various tasks. The conclusions are that the teacher in her/his leadership needs to be democratic and allow students to affect the activities in the classroom, but also use an authoritarian leadership to get an effective classroom.

Terror management theory predicts that when people are reminded of their own mortality (mortality salience), they cling more strongly to cultural worldviews which provide them with a sense of security (Greenberg et al., 1986). For some people, this reaction to mortality salience also involves derogation of, and discrimination against, “other” people and cultures. An increasing tendency towards sensationalism in the news media has resulted in even more frequent reminders of vulnerability and death (e.g., terrorism, violent crime, health and safety concerns). In two experiments involving 868 introductory psychology students, the present research examined the extent to which their (a) support for authoritarian social policies relevant to Canada and (b) authoritarian attitudes in general are influenced by mortality salience. Specifically, right-wing authoritarianism, attachment security, and political orientation were measured in participants in both experiments. Participants were then prompted to think about either their own mortality or about another aversive experience having nothing to do with mortality. Next, participants were asked their opinions regarding authoritarian social policies (Experiment 1) and beliefs indicative of right-wing authoritarianism (Experiment 2). Multiple regression, analysis of variance, and t-tests revealed that individuals with (a) high pre-existing right-wing authoritarian attitudes and (b) conservative political beliefs increased their support for authoritarian social policies following mortality salience (Experiment 1). In contrast, individuals with (a) high attachment security and (b) moderate political beliefs decreased their support for right-wing authoritarian beliefs following mortality salience (Experiment 2), although the former relationship only approached statistical significance. The findings are discussed in terms of their implications for the news media, for social policies and political opinions, and for social justice.

As a high school teacher I took to authoritarian methods in order to give students education and ultimately formation. It was an original force that made me react to chaos and harassment in classroom. In the essay, I examine my own reactions and frustrations in my efforts to create endurable and friendlier environment in class. The discussion is about authority and freedom and to what extent it is reasonable to use authoritarian methods to facilitate for students to reach potential freedom. The conclusion is that methods that can be described as authoritarian are not consistent with modern education, but teachers have to get means and resources to meet all pupils. An other conclusion is that we have to change perspective from the individual teacher to an overall discussion on authority and freedom in high school education. / Uppsatsen utgår från ett exempel där den dagliga samvaron präglas av kaos och trakasserier och där jag som lärare använder mig av auktoritära metoder för att ge elever en möjlighet att klara studierna på gymnasiet. I essäform beskriver jag mina tankar och utmaningar för att skapa ett bättre arbetsklimat i skolklassen. Diskussionen handlar om auktoritet och frihet, om utbildning och bildning och i vilken utsträckning det är rimligt att ta till auktoritära metoder för att ungdomar ska kunna nå sin potentiella frihet. Samhället lägger stort ansvar på enskilda lärare när det gäller att få arbetet att fungera i klassrummet. Min slutsats är att auktoritära metoder inte har en plats i dagens skola men att lärare måste få resurser för att kunna möta alla elever och att frågan om hur vi ska förstå begreppet auktoritet som medel för att elever ska kunna nå sin potentiella frihet bör diskuteras och behandlas inte bara inom skolan utan även i samhället i ett vidare sammanhang.

The aim of the Master Thesis is to identify the proportion of authoritarian personality of future social workers. In line with the objective of the work, the research question has been formulated in the following way: On what factors does the proportion of the authoritarian personalities of future social workers depend? Based on the research question the following hypothesis has been determined: Students of the programme Social Work in Public Administration are more authoritarian than the students of the programme Rehabilitation Psychosocial Care of Handicapped Children, Adults and the Seniors. Students of part-time studies are more authoritarian than students of programme Rehabilitation Psychosocial Care of Handicapped Children, Adults and the Seniors. With the increasing age, the proportion of authoritarianism grows. The quantitative research strategy, which was implemented using the questionnaire method through a standardized questionnaire, was selected to achieve the goal. The questioned team consisted of future social workers, namely students of Faculty of Health and Social Sciences in České Budějovice programme Social Work in Public Administration and Rehabilitation Psychosocial Care for Children, Adults and Seniors. Translation of F-scale was taken from the publication of T. W. Adorno. Data analysis were evaluated using descriptive statistics in MS Excel and hypothesis testing was performed in the SPSS statistical program. The research shows that in the first hypothesis statistically significant relationship has been captured in the properties of conventionalisms, authoritarian submission, authoritarian aggression, anti-intraception, power and toughness, destructiveness, projectivity and sexuality. In the second hypothesis, it was tested whether the students studying part-time are more authoritarian than students of full-time studies. A significant relationship was noted in attributes of subordination and authoritarian aggression. In the third hypothesis, it was demonstrated that a statistically significant relationship was detected in the attributes of subordination, authoritarian aggression, and superstition. The outputs of the Master Thesis research can be provided as a feedback for students or social workers. The results could be of interest to the students of the Faculty of Health and Social Sciences at the University of South Bohemia in České Budějovice. Authoritarian personality has not yet been processed for social workers.

Este trabalho busca aprofundar a análise sobre os aspectos autoritários do sistema político brasileiro durante o período conhecido como Milagre Econômico (1969-1973), cujo suporte ideológico foi fundamentado e sustentado pela Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e Desenvolvimento, produzida pela Escola Superior de Guerra. Através de ampla pesquisa bibliográfica de autores que se debruçaram sobre o tema, dos manuais de segurança nacional e, sobretudo dos planos econômicos que correspondem ao período estudado, em especial o Plano de Ação Econômica, Programa Estratégico de Desenvolvimento e o Primeiro Plano Nacional de Desenvolvimento, percebemos o quanto o autoritarismo político foi necessário para que os governos militares impusessem um novo modelo econômico, que se de um lado propiciou o rápido desenvolvimento da economia e a redução da inflação, por outro, desvalorizou os salários dos trabalhadores, aumentou o processo de endividamento e de concentração de renda, aumentando ainda mais a desigualdade social no Brasil. Nossa pesquisa analisa também de que forma ocorre a renovação da tradição autoritária brasileira, do ponto de vista do sistema político que historicamente sempre reprimiu com violência movimentos de contestação a ordem vigente. Agora através da forte repressão política as forças de oposição aos militares, sob a égide do combate ao comunismo internacional no contexto da guerra fria. Por fim, o trabalho de pesquisa mostra que a acumulação capitalista do período estudado (1969-1973), só foi possível pelo emprego da violência institucional colocada em prática pelo Estado Autoritário, sob o comando das forças armadas. / This study seeks to deepen the analysis of the authoritarian aspects of the Brazilian political system during the period known as the Economic Miracle (1969-1973), whose ideological support was reasoned and supported by the National Security Doctrine and Development, produced by the War College. Through extensive literature survey of authors who have studied the subject, manuals and national security, especially economic plans that correspond to the period studied, in particular the Economic Action Plan, Strategic Program Development and the First National Development Plan, realize how the political authoritarianism that was necessary for the military government to impose a new economic model, which is a side facilitated the rapid development of economy and reducing inflation, on the other hand, played down the wages of workers, increased the process of borrowing and concentration of income, further increasing social inequality in Brazil. Our research also analyzes how is the renewal of the Brazilian authoritarian tradition, from the standpoint of the political system that has historically repressed violently protest movements established order. Now through strong political repression of opposition forces to the military, under the aegis of the fight against international communism in the context of the Cold War. Finally, the research work shows that the capital accumulation of the period studied (1969-1973), was made possible by the use of institutional violence put in place by authoritarian rule, under the command of the armed forces.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:35:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniel Francisco Nagao Menezes.pdf: 1685292 bytes, checksum: 06c84e0f5b4ecf98307dd014bf587d28 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-11-27 / Doctoral thesis comparing the authoritarian thinking of the Brazilian Francisco Campos and the German Carl Schmitt. Both have their intellectual apex in the 20 and 30 century helping to build the political economic model of their countries from an array of anti liberal thinking. Even without direct contact with one another, the thought of the two lawyers is very close, advocating a model of centralized state with high capacity to intervene in society. The power of intervention in society leads to changing economic and social forces, in the economic field eventually leads to a state action that organizes and guarantees a liberal model of economy, contradicting the fundamentals of anti liberal authors. Both in Brazil and in Germany we find the economic sector operating under the old rules liberals, however, with a new form of state intervention, creating a pragmatic authoritarianism I sought the efficient results of capitalism without running the risk of their ills. / Tese de doutorado que compara o pensamento autoritário do brasileiro Francisco Campos e do alemão Carl Schmitt. Ambos possuem seu ápice intelectual nas décadas de 20 e 30 do século XX ajudando a construir o modelo político econômico de seus países a partir de uma matriz de pensamento antiliberal. Mesmo não tendo contato direto um com o outro, o pensamento dos dois juristas é muito próximo, defendendo um modelo de Estado centralizado com alta capacidade de intervenção na sociedade. O poder de intervenção na sociedade leva a alteração da conjuntura de forças sociais e, no campo econômico acaba por levar a uma atuação estatal que organiza e garante um modelo liberal de economia, contradizendo os fundamentos antiliberais dos autores. Tanto no Brasil como na Alemanha encontramos o setor econômico atuando segundo as antigas regras liberais, porém, com uma nova forma de intervenção estatal, criando um autoritarismo pragmático eu buscava os resultados eficientes do capitalismo sem correr o risco de suas mazelas.

A presente pesquisa trata sobre alguns dos principais legados e heranças que o regime militar de 1964-1985 trouxe ao Brasil. Num primeiro momento abordou-se a formação sócio-política da América Latina, se restringindo mais especificamente à América do Sul, chegando-se ao período que genericamente conhecemos por populismo. E, na sequência, um panorama histórico dos regimes militares que permearam a vida política de várias nações sul-americanas, como Peru, Chile e Argentina, a partir da década de 1960. A análise torna-se centrada no Brasil, a partir da exposição da participação dos militares na política nacional, desde a proclamação da República, em 1889, passando-se pela República Velha, a Era Vargas (1930-1945) e pelo período democrático, iniciado em 1946, até a renúncia de Jânio Quadros, em 1961. Ao chegar-se no período de João Goulart (1961-1964), a análise se torna mais detalhada por aquele ter sido o governo derrubado pelo golpe de 1964. Segue-se um panorama histórico bastante abrangente dos cinco presidentes-generais que governaram o Brasil entre 1964 a 1985: Castelo Branco; Costa e Silva; Médici; Ernesto Geisel; e João Figueiredo. Naquele momento, o trabalho se detém num exame mais acurado do milagre econômico; dos anos de chumbo; da distensão ou abertura; e da transição democrática, com o movimento das Diretas-Já e o Colégio Eleitoral que elegeu Tancredo Neves, presidente da República, em 1985. Após esta longa retomada histórica, são abordados os legados e as heranças do regime militar ao espaço geográfico-territorial brasileiro tomando-se como fio norteador o conceito e o processo de modernização conservadora/centralizadora. Este processo é analisado desde as suas raízes, na Revolução de 1930 e início da Era Vargas, destacando-se o Estado Novo varguista (1937-1945), prosseguindo-se pelo período democrático pós-1946, tratando-se, em especial, do outro governo de Getúlio Vargas (1951-1954) e o de Juscelino Kubitschek (1956-1960). E chega-se ao regime militar iniciado em 1964. O foco desta parte do trabalho são as políticas territoriais adotadas e implementadas pelo governo federal ao longo dessas diferentes fases político-institucionais do Brasil e que afetaram o território nacional trazendo reflexos até hoje, bem como a implantação, estruturação e a consolidação de redes por parte dos governos militares pós- 1964 como a de transportes, a urbana, a de telecomunicações, a elétrica, etc., procurando-se salientar que essa modernização autoritária, imposta pelo governo central brasileiro, apresentou notória continuidade apesar das mudanças político-institucionais que o Brasil experimentou naquelas décadas, fazendo-se então um balanço dos legados e das heranças que esse modelo modernizante, reforçado sobremaneira pelo regime militar, trouxe ao espaço geográfico e território brasileiro, em nome da unificação e da integração nacionais. Finalmente, este trabalho faz uma breve retomada histórica da Geografia Política e da Geopolítica,desde o século XIX até ao século XX, posteriormente adentrando-se no pensamento geopolítico brasileiro, desde a década de 1930 até a visão triunfalista do Brasil-Potência dos anos 1970, com especial destaque ao pensamento de Golbery do Couto e Silva. E depois, as críticas à esta visão triunfalista e ao pensamento geopolítico no Brasil, com a necessidade de se repensar a Geografia Política em nosso país. / The present research about some major legacies to the 1964-1985 military regime brought to Brazil. At first approached the formation social and policy of Latin America, if restricting more specifically to South America, the period generally known as populism. And, as a result, a history of the military regimes that permeated the political life of several South American Nations, such as Peru, Chile and Argentina, from the early 60s. The analysis becomes centered in Brazil, from the exposure of military participation in national politics, since the proclamation of the Republic in 1889, passing by the old Republic, the Vargas Era (1930-1945) and the democratic period, which started in 1946, until the resignation of President Jânio Quadros in 1961. Upon arriving in the period of João Goulart (1961-1964), the analysis becomes more detail for that have been the Government overthrown by the coup détat of 1964. Below is a comprehensive historical overview of the five Presidents-generals who ruled Brazil between 1964 to 1985: Castelo Branco; Costa e Silva; Medici; Ernesto Geisel; and João Figueiredo. At that time, the work comes to a halt in a more accurate examination of the \"economic miracle\"; the \"years of lead\"; the \"bloating\" or opening; and the democratic transition, with the movement of the \"direct\" and the electoral college that elected Tancredo Neves, President of the Republic, in 1985. After this long historical resume, are covered and the legacies of the military regime to the geographical space-Brazilian territorial taking as \"guiding wire\" the concept and the conservative modernization process/centering. This process is analyzed from its roots in the revolution of 1930 and early Vargas highlighting New Vargas State (1937-1945), continuing the democratic period post 1946, dealing, in particular, of another Government of Getúlio Vargas (1951-1954) and the Juscelino Kubitschek (1956-1960). And arrive at the military regime started in 1964. The focus of this part of the job are territorial policies adopted and implemented by the federal Government over these different political and institutional stages of Brazil and that affected the country bringing reflections until today, as well as deployment, structuring and consolidation of networks by military governments post 1964 as urbanization, transports, telecommunications, electric , etc., should be noted that this authoritarian modernization, imposed by the central Government of Brazil, presented notorious continuity despite political and institutional changes that Brazil experienced in those decades, doing a legacy and balance of the legacies that this model of modernization greatly reinforced by the military regime, brought to the geographical space and Brazilian territory, in the name of national integration and unification. Finally, this work makes a brief resumption of political geography and Geopolitics since the 19th century until the 20th century, later entering in the Brazilian geopolitical thinking, since the 1930 until the vision \"triumphalist\" of \"Brazil-power\" of the 70´s, with special emphasis on thought of Golbery do Couto e Silva. And then, the criticism of this vision \"triumphalist\" and geopolitical thinking in Brazil, with the need to rethink the political geography in our country.