本文的研究主旨在於 ： 從中央與地方政治權力關係變動的主軸來探 討台灣威權政體的轉型過程。在概念的界定上，早期（ 1972 年前）或狹 義的中央與地方政治權力關係，主要係指涉國民黨與地方派系的結盟關係 ，後期（ 1972 年後）或廣義的意涵，則主要係指涉中央政治勢力和地方 基層間的關係，其中，國民黨、反對運動及地方派系三者間的關係，乃是 著重焦點所在。至於分析架構的安排，首先，本文先敘述國民黨威權政體 形成的歷史背景，繼之分析國民黨威權政體的建構，包括國民黨威權政體的控制與支配，及其內在脆弱性。其次，本文將中央與地方政治權力關係的演變劃分為三個時期：第一個時期是 1949-1972 年， 主要劃分的依據在於 1972 年增額選舉的舉辦（象徵中央大門的開啟），分析焦點則是國民黨與地方派系依侍結盟的建立； 第二個時期是 1972-1986 年，主要劃分的依據在於民進黨的成立（象徵中央政治權力的分化），分析的焦點則是本土地方勢力（包括反對運動和地方派系）的向中央挺進，及其和外來政權之間的互動、激盪；第三個時期是 1986 年後，分析的焦點在於黨國體制的瓦解 -- 國民黨的轉化、國會的全面改選 -- 立法院的轉型及地方派系的變與不變 -- 政經結合體。再者，在分析的流程中，本文援引了兩 個貫穿上述三個時期的環境仲介變數：一是意識的發展，主要係指「大中國意識」和「台灣主體意識」彼此間的消長；二是選舉機制的發展，包括選舉角色和選舉層次的改變。

This thesis examines the impact of one party dominant systems on liberal democracy in developing countries. It is insufficient to argue that one party dominant systems – systems where one party dominates over a prolonged period - need not be further scrutinised because they occur within democracies. Instead it is contended that the term ‘democracy’ is but one public virtue in a political system and thus needs to be prefixed for it to have meaning beyond a method of government selection. The importance of this is highlighted when looking at two major trends in the understanding of democracy. The first is democracy as rule by the people -a non-authoritarian democracy- where governmental control is limited, and agents of voice and accountability are protected. Voice and accountability refers to citizens being able to exercise power over the process of decision-making and not merely power to select decision-makers. The second type of democracy is rule for the people -an authoritarian democracy- where governmental control extends over all spheres of society, and the operating space for agents of voice and accountability is constrained. Since unchecked centralisation is the anti-thesis of a non-authoritarian democracy, the observed tendency of dominant parties to use their predominant position to further consolidate their control is a concern. The apprehension is, as power is centralised so the operating space of agents of voice and accountability (including political and civil society) is constrained. Despite differences in the type of one party dominant system, whether they be hegemonic (Mexico) or dominant (South Africa) the ruling dominant/ hegemonic party uses similar methods of consolidating dominance – they essentially centralise power through the establishment of (1) economic, (2) political, and sometimes (3) ideological monopolies. These monopolies are established using internal and external methods of control (centralising of political power; party controlled process of political leadership selection; institutional arrangements and electoral amendments, which favour the ruling party; patronage and corporatism), which in turn effectively close down or limit the operating space of civil and political society, especially in developing countries which do not have histories of liberal-constitutionalism, and have vast socio-economic inequalities making them especially susceptible to the manipulation of ruling elites. Although one party dominant systems may initially have a uniting, stabilising effect, if continued they tend to lead towards either the entrenchment of authoritarianism or the establishment of authoritarianism, since dominance is achieved at the expense of competition, and independent and alternative voices. Uncompetitive democracies result in unresponsive governments. Pursuing a liberal democracy, while simultaneously monopolising power is to indulge in serious programmatic contradictions. Eventually something has to give and it is usually liberal democracy. Voice and accountability inevitably become inhibited in one party dominant systems due to the mechanisms of internal and external control used by the dominant or hegemonic party. These mechanisms of control culminate in, as they did in Mexico, there being ‘no life outside the ruling party’. Only when the economic, political and ideological monopolies are dismantled through either economic liberalisation, opposition maintaining its integrity, civil society keeping its independence and societies refusing to be drawn into relationships of patronage, can the space for voice and accountability be prised open again. In the interests of its citizens and the future success of its country, the ruling party of a one party dominant system needs to recognise that it is not the sole channel for the voice of its citizens and to acknowledge the space for agents of voice and accountability. Ensuring that non-authoritarian democracy remains the only game in town in a one party dominant system requires responsive and accountable government and effective agents of voice and accountability. / Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

This dissertation aims to position train surfing as a visual spectacle that is practised by Sowetan train surfers within the context of post-authoritarian Johannesburg. The author argues that train surfing is a visual and spatial phenomenon that is theoretically under-researched. As such, this study aims to decode seven train surfing videos to establish what train surfing looks like, where train surfing occurs and why individuals participate in such a high risk activity. This study, furthermore, aims to frame train surfing as a spectacle by investigating the similarities between train surfing and rites of passage (initiation rites). The author also regards train surfing as a very specific form of storytelling. The narratives conveyed in the seven videos are, therefore, interpreted to establish that train surfing is practised to ‘voice’ fatalistic feelings, societal as well as individual crises. After establishing the visual aspects of train surfing, the author focuses on the spatial context of train surfing. Johannesburg is described as both an authoritarian and post-authoritarian construct by tracing the spatial and political history of the city. When the discussion turns to the post-authoritarian city, townships and squatter settlements are analysed as being both marginal and hybrid spaces. It is argued that townships are marginal spaces due to their location, they are inhabited by the underclass and they are formed by processes of capitalism and urbanisation, and as a result of these factors, township residents might have fatalistic mindsets (Gulick 1989). The author, however, contends that township space is an ambivalent construct, and as such, it can also be read as hybrid space. Here, hybrid space is interpreted as a platform from which township residents can resist oppressing spatial and political ideologies. In this context, train surfing is regarded as one way in which train surfers use hybrid space to express tactics of resistance. After establishing the spatial context of train surfing, the socio-economic and material living conditions of train surfers are investigated. The discussion firstly, explores the underclass, as theorised by Jencks and Peterson (1990), and thereafter highlights why train surfers can be classified as being part of this sub-category. It is, furthermore, argued that Sowetan train surfers are part of a new lost generation due to high unemployment rates, the HIV/AIDS pandemic and bleak future outlooks. The author aims to establish that, as a result of their socio-economic status and material living conditions, train surfers are fatalistic, and practice an extreme activity to exert control over one area of their lives, namely their bodies. Lastly, the dissertation aims to explore train surfing as being both a risk-taking activity and a new spatial practice. The dynamics of adolescent risk-taking behaviour is explored by emphasising the psychological motivations behind high risk activities. The author argues that alienating space can be regarded as an additional factor that usher adolescents into risk-taking activities. As such, the place(s) and space(s) inhabited by train surfers, namely Johannesburg, Soweto and township train stations, are discussed as alienating spaces. Moreover, it is argued that alienating spaces create opportunities for resistance (following the power-resistance dialectic inherent to space), and as such, train surfing is interpreted as a de-alienating spatial practice that enables the marginalised train surfer to exert control over his surroundings. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Visual Arts / unrestricted

This thesis will deal with a topic of the second Czechoslovak republic as a case of authoritarian situation, which transforms into authoritarian regime. The regime of the second republic will be compared with similar cases of interwar Portugal and Austria. Also, conditions of establishing democracy and its preservation, the influence of individual branches of the nondemocratic right on breakdown of democracy, authoritarian situation and building of authoritarian regime will be analyzed. In the end, this thesis will focus on cases of borrowing elements of fascist political style by mentioned regimes.

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The role of unfair elections in breakdown or maintenance of electoral authoritarian regimes has been subject to debate in recent research. On the one hand, the conduct of elections may serve to enhance popular legitimacy and deter challenges to the regime. On the other hand, electoral manipulation may contribute to grievances that fuel mass protest. However, empirical research on the consequences of electoral manipulation for popular support has been limited by the availability of appropriate survey data and has mostly focused on summary or process-based assessments of electoral unfairness. The premise of this study is that electoral manipulation is difficult to assess due to its inherent complexity and ambiguity. As a result, citizens are likely to use cognitive shortcuts to interpret electoral manipulation. Applying psychological theories of justice and motivated political reasoning in this context, this project aims to investigate how both process- and outcome-based assessments of election unfairness influence summary judgments of election quality, regime support, and support for electoral protest. It further seeks to determine how voters' political preferences bias, or condition, the impact of election unfairness evaluations. These propositions are tested using novel data from the XIX New Russia Barometer survey, conducted shortly after the controversial 2011 Russian State Duma election that triggered mass electoral protests. This study finds that perceived election outcome unfairness affects reactions to elections alongside assessments of the electoral process; it also shows evidence of partisan reasoning in evaluations of election unfairness. Ultimately, this project points to some factors that may explain the diverging consequences of electoral manipulation for popular support.

This essay aims to answer how domestic politics and events have affected the democratic development in Turkey from 2005 until 2015. Two questions are being discussed and answered; how has the democratic development in Turkey between 2005 and 2015 played out, and; which internal factors have contributed to the democratic development direction. The study is a theory consuming case study with both an explanatory and descriptive approach. The theoretical framework is built upon theories regarding democratization, regime types challenges of democratic consolidation are collected from well-established scientists. This framework is used on the empirical material of the study to bring forward answers to the research questions. The results of the study show that after some positive democratic around 2005, the democratic development has taken an anti-democratic turn after 2011. What could be described as an electoral democracy with liberal democratic tendencies in 2005 is 2015 better described as a hybrid regime, with authoritarian tendencies.

During the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) a mix of right-wing ideologies existed among the Francoist forces. In sharp contrast with the Republican forces, the Francoist insurgents were successful in banding together despite their ideological differences. However, in the postwar era, this relative unity gave way to a struggle among the different ideological positions, each striving to impose its agenda for the new State. The party Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista (FET y de las JONS) assumed power, but was not entirely successful in advancing its totalitarian project, which it had inherited from the prewar FE de las JONS party. Unsatisfied with this outcome, staunch Falangists employed political strategies to squelch the opposition of the military, conservatives, royalists and the Church, whose ideals differed in many ways. The purpose of this dissertation is to demonstrate how the political strategies used by the Falangists against opposing factions are mirrored in the cultural sphere, especially in literary and cinematographic portrayals of war. The propagandistic nature of these works is reflected in their narrative structures and literary characters, as in what Susan Suleiman refers to as “authoritarian fictions.” This study examines the ways in which Falangists propaganda exploits distinct features of the Rif War, the Civil War, and the Second World War, in order to promote key parts of the Nationalist Syndicalist ideology endorsed by core Falangists. This essay traces the transformation of these authoritarian narrative schemes as the hegemonic political position of National Syndicalism begins to deteriorate. In response to this unwelcome political change, Falangists propaganda becomes increasingly critical toward the other ideological positions of the Francoist Regime. This dissertation thus shows the way in which shifting political tides are mirrored in the cultural production of Falangist propaganda.

Dans toutes les étapes d'un procès pénal, dès son ouverture jusqu'à sa clôture et le prononcé du verdict, le juge dispose d'un pouvoir particulier, dit "discrétionnaire", qui n'est pas soumis à un contrôle par une cour supérieure. La latitude du pouvoir discrétionnaire du juge pénal a suscité plusieurs enjeux afin de déterminer sa nature juridique et son étendue. À plusieurs reprises, l'ampleur de ce pouvoir a aussi conduit à l'enchevêtrer avec certaines notions voisines, telles que le pouvoir arbitraire, pouvoir souverain et l'intime conviction du juge. En outre, dans le but de prévenir tout risque de pouvoir arbitraire, le législateur a imposé à la Cour d'assises, sous la loi n° 939-2011 du 10 août 2011, de motiver sa décision. Nonobstant, le pouvoir discrétionnaire demeure toujours pourvu d'une portée large durant le déroulement du procès. En conséquence, ce pouvoir produit des effets contestables sur le principe de l'impartialité du juge et celui de l'égalité des citoyens devant la loi. Dans cette optique, on estime opportun de traiter, d'une part, la concordance entre le pouvoir discrétionnaire du juge et le concept de la justice, et d'autre part, l'impact de son opinion subjective sur la mise en œuvre de la justice. Cette étude souligne aussi l'exercice du pouvoir discrétionnaire par le juge notamment en relation avec la prise en considération des preuves et le choix de la peine. À cet égard, cette étude a été mise en lumière sous certains systèmes juridiques arabes et étrangers. / At the various stages of the proceedings, from the start of the trial until its closure and the pronunciation of the verdict, the judge has a specific power called "discretionary". Such power is not subject to the control of a supreme court. The latitude of discretion of the judge raises several issues to determine its legal nature and essence. At several occasions, the extent of this power has also created a confusion with some related concepts, such as arbitrary power, sovereign power and the intimate conviction of the judge. In addition, to prevent any risk of arbitrary power, the legislator has imposed the Criminal Court, under Law No. 939-2011 of 10 August 2011, to provide a motivation of its sentence. Notwithstanding this obligation, the scope of such discretion remains wide during the trial. Consequently, it greatly affects the principle of impartiality of the judge and the principle of equality of citizens before the law. In this light, we consider appropriate to study, firstly, the extent of compatibility between this power and the ideological concept of justice, and the impact of his personal view to implement the justice. Secondly, we emphasize the exercise of the discretionary power by the judge with regard to the rules of evidence and the choice of sentence. The study also highlighted some foreign and Arab legal systems.

Strongmen leaders in the 21st century continue to have a role to play in organizations and business. This research is an inquiry to provide understanding behind the tendency to follow strongman leaders that exist in Eastern Europe. The term strongman leaders have attracted the attention of some researchers, but what lacks in terms of it, is the approach towards it on behalf of Eastern Europe, specifically with a focus in Russia and Turkey due to the fact that these countries serve as the most significant representatives of the area.   The research question which this work aims to answer is “Why is strongman leadership style prevalent in Eastern Europe?” In order to answer the research question, a conceptual model is built along with the literature review and theoretical framework. In addition, secondary data consisting of surveys and case studies conducted by previous researchers are collected in order to provide additional scientific background to the process of analysis. While building and using this model, we suggest that in Russia and Turkey, the prevalence of strongman leadership style is influenced by the history, economy, and culture. In this kind of environment, we think that the leader’s personality matching specific cultural dimensions establish an additional link to the interrelation between the concepts.   The contribution of this thesis stands on providing an understanding of the factors that influence innovation implementation within teams. The research is composed of the introduction, literature review, methodology, analysis, and conclusions which comprise of 64 pages. The bibliography is composed of books and scientific articles.