The purpose of this study is to identify the core of the problem of why the democratization in Russia didn’t achieve a full consolidation after the Soviet Union fell as well as why the country returned to an authoritarian regime. This is a theory based study, where the two theories are tested against the case of Russia in 1991-2004. This, in order to find a common factor in response to the questions. The chosen time perspective is based on Gorbachev's resignation until Putin's first term of office. The theories used are Linz and Stepan's five arenas for a successful consolidation of democracy and Huntington's theory of authoritarian nostalgia. Since the theories will be tested and found support in different texts, the method used is a qualitative text analysis, more specifically a content analysis. The result indicates that the lack of economic stability is a major issue that plays a central role. Unless this criteria is met, there will be no successful consolidation in the country and a backlash to the authoritarian regime will happen. In conclusion, the study also shows common factors in both theories that are of an explanatory element to the study's existing problem.

En Argentine, pendant le Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, une mobilisation voit le jour en 1981, Teatro Abierto : elle durera jusqu’en 1986. Au Chili, sous le régime de Pinochet, des foyers de protestation théâtraux essaiment à Santiago, sans que la profession théâtrale ne parvienne ni à s’unir ni à gagner en visibilité. Cette thèse interroge les notions de résistance et de mobilisation en cherchant à résoudre ce paradoxe de départ : pourquoi et comment une profession artistique parvient-elle à se mobiliser dans une situation autoritaire a priori plus fermée qu'une autre? Outre les caractéristiques historiques, macro, méso et micro-sociologiques des deux milieux professionnels considérés, on s’aperçoit que la nature de la répression (structurelle ou individuelle) et ses effets sont une variable cruciale pour comprendre les dynamiques d’engagement. A l’aide d’une enquête qualitative de neuf mois conjuguant entretiens, récits de vie, observations participantes et travail sur archives, nous démontrons que la répression à l’oeuvre sous le Proceso entraîne une économie affective spécifique chez les membres de Teatro Abierto, qui explique en partie le passage à la mobilisation. Les artistes effectuent une double conversion émotionnelle, pour, d’une part, passer du sentiment d’humiliation au sentiment d’indignation, et, d’autre part, réhabiliter dans l’espace public grâce à des outils théâtraux précis les émotions euphoriques et ludiques que le régime avait censurées. A terme, la mobilisation permet aux acteurs de reconstruire une estime de soi défaillante, gagner en capital symbolique et politique, et autorise les spectateurs à militer et à vivre par procuration. / In Argentina, the Proceso de Reorganización Nacional is soon challenged by the emergence of a mobilisation movement in 1981, Teatro Abierto, which will last until 1986. In Chile, under Pinochet's regime, many hubs of theatrical protest proliferate in Santiago, however, the theatrical profession does not succeed in creating unity or gaining visibility. This thesis questions the concepts of resistance and mobilisation, and endeavours to solve this initial paradox: why and how does a branch of the performing arts manage to mobilise itself in an authoritarian context which seems, at first glance, more closed than any other. Besides the historical and macro, meso, micro-sociological characteristics of the two professional groups under study, it appears that the nature of the repression (whether structural or individual) and its consequences are a crucial variable to understand the dynamics of political commitment. The results of the qualitative survey, carried out over a period of nine months, and including interviews, collection of life stories, participatory observation and research based on records, show that the repression at stake under the Proceso leads to a specific economy of affection among the members of Teatro Abierto; which explains in some respect the transition towards mobilisation. The artists undergo a double emotional transformation, in order to, on one hand, move from humiliation to indignation, and, on the other hand, rehabilitate – within the public place and thanks to the specificity of the theatrical mechanisms – the euphoric and playful emotions that were banned by the regime. On the long run, mobilisation enables the actors to rebuild their damaged self esteem, to increase their symbolic and political capital and to allow the audience to militate against the regime and live by proxy.

The outline of this project begins with the exploration of basic idea of leadership and further linking it with Chinese political environment. Subsequently the transformational leadership model is used to analyze Chinese students’ perception of President Xi Jinping, while the traits of followers — in this case Chinese students — are defined using Robert Kelly’s followership model. The central piece of this research was to conduct survey among Chinese students, while the survey questionnaire was analytically designed to reveal the follower’s level of agreement with Xi Jinping’s policies as well as overall popularity. The survey data also helped indicate the types of followers and to examine relevant connections to their viewpoints, which aided in investigating their perception of Chinese president as a leader. This framework would conceivably be an effective attempt to indicate that how followers define themselves and how their standpoint conceives leadership. This study can not only help identify the popularity of Chinese leader among students but also evaluate the effects of policies introduced by Xi Jinping. Finally, the research is included to understand to what extend current policies meet students’ expectations, which can predict the trend and help weigh future reforms, formulation of new policies and development of the governing system.

Dans un film « tout est politique. Toutes les scènes du quotidien cachent en fait des informations politiques. Tous les changements des personnages, dans leur vie quotidienne, révèlent en réalité quelque chose de politique ». Cette observation du réalisateur Jia Zhangke résonne de façon encore plus aigüe quand il s'agit de la République populaire de Chine (RPC).Si l'on a pu assister depuis ces dernières années à une libéralisation économique sans précédent, la RPC, d'un point de vue politique, reste encore au XXIe siècle un régime autoritaire. Domaine sensible en Chine, le cinéma, à la fois art et industrie, fait l'objet de toutes les attentions de la part du pouvoir.Notre étude se propose d'analyser les interactions qui peuvent exister entre cinéma et pouvoir politique. Quatre axes principaux de recherche ont été privilégiés dans ce travail : l'analyse des lois et règlements en droit audiovisuel, l'analyse d'un corpus de deux-cents films, le recueil d'entretiens de plus vingt réalisateurs et gens du cinéma, recueil réalisé en grande majorité en Chine et une enquête sur l'évolution des pratiques dans le domaine du cinéma, que nous avons menée sur cinq ans sur un panel de cent-trente étudiants.On observe ainsi que les films font l'objet d'un encadrement rigoureux par les autorités. Censure, propagande sont au centre de ce système de contrôle. Cependant des tentatives de résistance apparaissent pour déjouer cette censure. La société chinoise en pleine mutation offre aux cinéastes un vaste champ d'investigation. La question reste alors de savoir si le regard que pose la caméra sur cette société propose ou non une réalité déformée. Ce regard pluriel invite le spectateur à considérer la place du cinéma chinois dans le cadre d'une économie socialiste de marché. / In a film “all is politics. Every scene of day to day life in reality hides political information. Every change of character, in their day to day life reveals in fact something political”. This observation by the director Jia Zhangke resonates even more strongly when it relates to the People's Republic of China (PRC).Even if these last years have witnessed a liberalization of its economy without precedent, the PRC, from a political point of view, remains an authoritarian regime in the 21st century. Cinema, a sensitive field in China, which combines both art and industry, is the subject of much attention by the powers that be.Our study proposes an analysis of the interactions which can exist between cinema and the political powers. We have focused on four main directions of research in this work: analysis of the laws and regulations under audiovisual law, analysis of a corpus of two hundred films, a collection of interviews of more than twenty directors and people of the film industry, mainly performed in China, and a survey on the evolution of practices in the film industry that we have performed over five years on a panel of one hundred and thirty students.Hence we observe that films are strictly controlled by the authorities. Censure and propaganda are at the centre of this control system. However, attempts of resistance aiming to foil this censure are being observed. Rapidly evolving Chinese society offers filmmakers a broad scope for investigation. The question that remains is to know whether the perspective that the camera shows on this society presents or not a deformed reality. This plural perspective invites the viewer to consider the place of cinema in the framework of a socialist market economy.

Voting in an election is the most basic and fundamental form of political participation in a democracy. Citizens are given the opportunity to elect legislators that take political decisions on their behalf. As immigration is increasing globally, many immigrants find themselves with this opportunity for the very first time immigrating from authoritarian regimes. Are immigrants from authoritarian regime able to adapt to their new political setting, or is there an observable difference in voter turnout based on the regime-type of the immigrant’s native country? There exist three branches of theories within the theoretical framework of political resocializa-tion: the theory of exposure, the theory of transferability and the theory of resistance. Previous research on the adaptability of immigrants from authoritarian regimes is often single case stud-ies that only analyse one of the three branches or analyse different forms of political participa-tion and have produced somewhat contradicting results. With empirical evidence remaining the relationship between voter turnout and regime-type is yet to be fully comprehended. By using data from the European Value Survey, this study tests all three theories of political resocializa-tion in 34 countries, to further generate insight into this matter. The results show that immigrants from authoritarian regimes are not less likely to vote in the national election of their new host country. The amount of exposure to the new host country, or whether the immigrant spent his “formative years” in the authoritarian regime are not statisti-cally significant to voting. Age, marital status, education and income are shown to be more statistically significant predictors to voter turnout, compared to regime-type.

As the debate on greater socio-economic rights promulgated by China’s model of authoritarian capitalism or greater human rights and freedom championed by the US model of democratic governance continues to spread across developing countries, this thesis investigates how Africans perceive these two transnational political processes. This is an exploratory sequential mixed method research with data collected through an expert interview of 10 participants from 7 African countries and the quantitative data gotten from Afrobarometer Round 8 survey. This study permitted us to establish that the perception of Africans of these models of governance are shaped by the indicators of human rights and freedom and Foreign Direct Investments (FDI). The results of the study suggest that Africans perceive positively the US model of democratic governance on the promotion of human rights and Africans also perceive positively the impact of Western democratic countries’ FDI on the non-elite actors in Africa because of their level of transparency and accountability. On the other hand, the study suggests that Africans view negatively China’s model on both human rights as well as FDI. This is because of China’s disregard for human rights and principles of good governance in her interaction with African countries. Chinese FDI turn to profit the political elite class the more because of their lack of transparency and accountability. China’s model helps to perpetuate human rights violation and authoritarianism in Africa.

- Transformační proces v Alžírsku (1988-1999) Předkládaná práce analyzuje politické změny v Alžírsku po roce 1988, kdy byl po nepokojích v hlavním městě zahájen liberalizační proces a urychleny ekonomické tržní reformy. Politické reformy měly posílit postavení prezidenta Bendžedída a jeho spojenců na úkor konzervativních oponentů a zároveň obnovit legitimitu režimu. Autoři reforem každopádně nepočítali s výraznějším sdílením moci. Nečekaný úspěch islamistické strany mobilizoval konzervativce a protiislamisticky zaměřené armádní velení. Zrušení voleb kvůli jednoznačnému vítězství islamistů v lednu 1992 vedlo k eliminaci islamistické i sekulární opozice. Obnovený autoritářský režim dokázal dostat pod kontrolu islamistické povstání a s pomocí MMF i kritickou ekonomickou situaci. Návrat k ústavnímu režimu proběhl bez účasti islamistické i sekulární opozice, která byla fragmentovaná a režim ji dokázal částečně kontrolovat. Po roce 1996 byl nastolen autoritářský režim s omezenými pluralitními prvky s dominantním postavením prezidenta, které je však oslabováno výrazným vlivem armádního velení. Politické strany mohou působit, ale jejich vliv je omezen. Jisté limity má i svoboda tisku. Došlo k posílení soukromého sektoru, postavení státu je však stále výrazné a ekonomika je závislá na vývozu ropy a zemního...

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This study investigated how civil society organizations (CSOs) adapted to shifts in their external environment that threatened their survival. Specifically, the study considered how CSOs in Turkey were responding to growing authoritarianism and citizens’ demands for a voice and openness. Moreover, the study sought to explain why organizational responses varied across organizations operating in the same field and the challenges CSO leaders confronted as they implemented changes in response to this environment. These pressures, both authoritarian regimes and citizens’ demands for a voice in these organizations, reflect the democratic crisis in many countries and the overall distrust in institutions. In this respect, considering the consequences of both of these pressures for the legitimacy of CSOs simultaneously is both timely and necessary. This study blended theoretical insights from neo-institutional theory and resource dependency theory as well as strategic management literature and civil society literature to fill this theoretical gap. I argue that competing external pressures created conflicting logics by providing different stipulations about how CSOs had to be managed and that CSOs developed differentiated strategies by adopting some features of each logic. I grouped these responses into two main categories: survival and mission-related responses. I demonstrated that competing institutional logics pass through the organizational field and then they are filtered by the following organizational attributes: organizational form, stance toward government, risk tolerance and organizational capacity. Tensions and paradoxical situations resulting from selected practices created various management challenges for CSO leaders. These findings offer new perspectives to the literature on civil society under authoritarian regimes by pointing out the link between outside threats confronting CSOs and significant organizational management issues, thus illustrating how political regimes constrain CSOs’ capacity to contribute to democratic processes and perform internal democracy through soft and hard repression tools. / 2022-12-01

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The purpose of this study was to determine the existence and extent of the relationship of coaching styles and adolescent athletes in terms of Self Determination Theory (SDT). Specifically, this study adapted Baumrind’s parenting styles of authoritative, authoritarian, and permissiveness to coaching styles and examined the relationship between each coaching style and the tenets of SDT, namely competence, autonomy, and relatedness. This study also examined the effect of the number of years an athlete participated in a chosen sport, the number of years played on a specific team, and the number of years played for a particular coach. The sample consisted of 194 Brigham Young University students who had participated in either club or high school level sports for at least one year while in high school. Study participants completed the Basic Needs Sports Satisfaction Scale (BNSSS) and a sports-adapted version of the Parenting Authority Questionnaire (PAQ). Results from block entry method linear multi-regression analysis suggested Baumrind’s Parenting Typology could in fact be successfully applied to adolescent sports and that coaching style could impact athletes’ levels of perceived autonomy, and competence. Results revealed that an authoritative coaching style was a significant predictor of athlete autonomy and competence while an authoritarian coaching style was a significant negative predictor of athlete autonomy levels. Results hold practical implications for coaches, athletes, parents, and league administrators.