Esta tese refere-se à problemática das transições políticas de regimes militares para democracias articulada com a cultura política. Busca-se, com isso, verificar nos contextos de Brasil e Argentina, as diferenças nas percepções dos cidadãos em termos de confiança nos militares, avaliação da situação dos seus governos, interesse por política, preferência pelo regime democrático, satisfação com a democracia, opinião sobre o voto e capital social, plasmado pela confiança interpessoal e institucional. Estas diferenças poderiam ser provenientes de dois o poder de mobilização que os indivíduos possuem em relação a um grupo. É um eguido individualmente porgentina o processo foi mais abrupto, com um fracasso mais evidente dos militares, que saíram de cena completamente derrotados (O’DONNELL e SCHMITTER, 1988). Busca-se examinar, assim, se uma transição gradual e negociada, como a brasileira, gera vínculos e predisposições mais fracos dos cidadãos em relação à democracia, ou seja, uma menor qualidade democrática de um ponto de vista maximalista (DIAMOND e MORLINO, 2004), além de menores índices de capital social, em contraponto com o caso argentino, em que o apelo democrático tenderia a ser maior pelo fato de a ditadura ter saído de cena com uma imagem mais clara de fracasso político. Para verificar tais impactos na prática, serão utilizados dados do Latinobarómetro de 1995, 2000, 2005 e 2010- eventualmente complementados por dados do World Values Survey de 1990- analisando as diferenças em termos de cultura política e capital social nos dois países, levando em consideração a diferença entre os seus legados. / This thesis refers to the matter of political transition of military regimes to democracy combined with political culture. Thus it aims to verify, both in Brazil and in Argentina, the differences in perception of citizens in terms of trust in militaries, evaluation of their governments' situation, interest in politics, preference for democratic regime, satisfaction with democracy, opinion about vote and social capital, represented by interpersonal and institutional trust. These differences could be derived form two distinct models of transition: while in Brazil the transition happened in a slow, gradual and negotiated way, in Argentina the process was more abrupt, presenting a more evident failure of militaries, who left the scene completely defeated (O'DONNELL and SCHIMITTER, 1988). Therefore, the thesis aims to examinate if a negotiated and gradual transition, like the Brazilian, generates weaker ties and predispositions of citizens in relation to democracy, which means a lower democratic quality from a maximalist point of view (DIAMOND and MORLINO, 2004), in addition to lower levels of social capital, in contrast to the Argentinean case, in which the democratic appeal would tend to be enhanced due to the fact that the dictatorship ended with a clearer image of failure. In order to verify these impacts in practice, data from Latinobarómetro for 1995, 2000, 2005 and 2010 will be used- complemented by data from the World Values Survey for 1990 when necessary- analyzing the differences in terms of political culture and social capital in the two countries, taking into account the differences between their legacies.

Notre thèse, « récit autoritaire, thème de la pureté et place du lecteur dans Yūkoku (Patriotisme) et Honba (Chevaux échappés) de Mishima Yukio » interroge les rapports entre littérature et idéologie dans deux textes qui sont parmi les plus controversés de l’écrivain Mishima : la nouvelle Yūkoku, qui est paru pour la première fois en janvier 1961, et Honba, le second volume de la tétralogie Hōjō no umi (La mer de la fertilité, 1965-1970) publié d’abord en feuilleton entre février 1967 et août 1968 puis en un seul volume en février 1969. La première partie de notre travail est consacrée à une lecture théorique de Yūkoku et de Honba sous l’angle du « récit autoritaire ». Mettant en scène des héros mythiques dévoués à l’empereur, opposant des personnages purs à des personnages impurs, les deux textes sur lesquels nous nous sommes penché correspondent schématiquement au genre du récit idéologique tel qu’il a notamment été décrit par Susan Rubin Suleiman dans Le roman à thèse ou l’autorité fictive (1983). Nombreux sont d’ailleurs ceux qui, au Japon comme en occident, ont fortement critiqué la dimension partisane (sinon sectaire) de ces récits. Dans la seconde et troisième parties de notre travail, consacrées respectivement à Yūkoku et à Honba, nous avons montré que ces deux textes sont plus complexes qu’une lecture cursive le laisse penser et qu’ils offrent des réponses originales au défi propre au récit à thèse (ou récit autoritaire) qui consiste à concilier l’idéologie (qui implique la monosémie, le manichéisme, la redondance) avec la littérature (qui implique la polysémie et l’ambiguïté). Le recours singulier et retors aux stéréotypes, les thèmes du nihilisme et du simulacre ou encore la complexité des procédés rhétoriques et manipulatoires présents dans ces textes offrent de nouveaux éclairages et champs de réflexion aussi bien dans le domaine de la théorie littéraire que dans celui des études sur Mishima. / My thesis, entitled “Authoritarian Fiction, the Theme of Purity and the Place of the Reader in Yūkoku (Patriotism) and Honba (Runaway Horses) by Mishima Yukio”, questions the relation between ideology and literature in two of Mishima’s most controversial works: the short story Yūkoku, first published in January 1961, and the novel Honba, the second volume of Hōjō no umi (The Sea of Fertility, 1965-1970), serialized between February 1967 and August 1968, and published in one volume in February 1969. In the first part of my dissertation, I show that Yūkoku and Honba —by staging mythical heroes devoted to the Emperor, opposing pure and young characters to corrupted ones— schematically correspond to the genre of ideological novel as depicted in the seminal work of Susan Rubin Suleiman on French “roman à thèse” (Authoritarian Fictions, the Ideological Novel as a Literary Genre, 1983). In Japan as in the Western world, many critics have reacted adversely to the biased (if not sectarian) content of these texts. In the second and third parts of my thesis — the former devoted to Yūkoku and the latter to Honba — I unveil the complexity of these texts and show how they also provide original answers to authoritarian fiction’s specific challenge of reconciling ideology (which implies monosemy, manicheism and redundancies) with literature (which implies polysemy and ambiguity). The specific and twisted use of stereotypes, the themes of nihilism and simulacrum, or the complex rhetorical devices present in these texts offer new insights in both the fields of literary theory and Mishima studies.

High self-compassion has been shown to provide many benefits for overall well-being. Some studies have suggested that the environment in which an individual grew up could have some effect on this trait in adulthood. The present research examined the relationship between the parenting style with which an individual was raised and their later adulthood self-compassion and compassion for others. It was hypothesized that the responsiveness of the parent would be directly related to the way that an individual learns to respond to themselves and others. Authoritative parenting style was expected to be related to higher self-compassion and compassion for others as it is characterized by parents who respond positively to their child. Authoritarian parenting was expected to be related to lower levels of each construct as it is characterized by negative responses to the child’s actions. It was found that both authoritative and authoritarian parenting styles are associated with higher levels of self-compassion. The two parenting styles considered to negatively affect children raised in the style, authoritarian and permissive, were found to be related to higher levels of compassion for others. Future research directions for the relationship are discussed.

abstract: This dissertation proposes a theory of authoritarian control of the armed forces using the economic theory of the firm. To establish a “master-servant” relationship, an organization structures governance as a long-term contractual agreement to mitigate the vulnerabilities associated with uncertainty and bilateral dependency. The bargaining power for civilian and military actors entering a contractual relationship is assessed by two dimensions: the negotiated political property rights and the credible guarantee of those rights. These dimensions outline four civil-military institutional arrangements or army types (cartel, cadre, entrepreneur, and patron armies) in an authoritarian system. In the cycle of repression, the more the dictator relies on the military for repression to stay in office, the more negotiated political property rights obtained by the military; and the more rights obtained by the military the less civilian control. Thus, the dependence on coercive violence entails a paradox for the dictator—the agents empowered to manage violence are also empowered to act against the regime. To minimize this threat, the dictator may choose to default on the political bargain through coup-proofing strategies at the cost to the regime’s credibility and reputation, later impacting a military’s decision to defend, defect, or coup during times of crisis. The cycle of repression captures the various stages in the life-cycle of the political contract between the regime and the armed forces providing insights into institutional changes governing the relationship. As such, this project furthers our understanding of the complexities of authoritarian civil–military relations and contributes conceptual tools for future studies. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Political Science 2019

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<p>Föräldrar kan ha olika typer av uppfostringsstil gentemot sina barn: auktoritär, auktoritativ och släpphänt. Den auktoritativa föräldrastilen har enligt tidigare forskning visat sig påverka sannolikheten för hög empati hos barnen. Syftet med denna studie var att undersöka betydelsen av olika föräldrastilar för individens empatiska förmåga. En enkätstudie utfördes med en kombination av ett mätinstrument för föräldrastilar, <em>Parental Styles Dimensions Questionnaire (PSDQ) samt en för empati, <em>A Questionnaire Measure of Emotional Empathy (QMEE). Deltagarna var 191 gymnasiestudenter från tre olika skolor i Mellansverige. Resultatet visade att föräldrastil har betydelse för empati, men endast den auktoritativa föräldrastilen visade sig ha ett signifikant samband med empati, särskilt hos män. Detta tolkades som att ju mer auktoritativa föräldrarna är desto mer sannolikt är det att barn har en hög nivå av empati. </em></em></p>

<p>The aim of this paper is to examine how the size of the Egyptian state has developed during the last three decades. The questions that I will try to answer during the paper are following: Has the Egyptian state contracted the last three decades? Can I based on the result of the study draw some conclusions about if the states dominant position in the society has been reduced? The theory and the method are built on the theoretical framework of the authoritarian state. The modern authoritarian state bases its dominant role in the society on a large centralized and hierarchical bureaucracy. This composes the main theoretical assumption that the method is based on. The method is built on the operationalization of four indicators that examine the size of the state. The conclusion of the first question is that the Egyptian state can be said both has contracted and maintained status quo, and the conclusion of the second question is that the states ability to dominate the society still is big, this assumption is mostly based on the high rate of employment in the public sector witch creates the foundation of the large bureaucracy.</p>

Föräldrar kan ha olika typer av uppfostringsstil gentemot sina barn: auktoritär, auktoritativ och släpphänt. Den auktoritativa föräldrastilen har enligt tidigare forskning visat sig påverka sannolikheten för hög empati hos barnen. Syftet med denna studie var att undersöka betydelsen av olika föräldrastilar för individens empatiska förmåga. En enkätstudie utfördes med en kombination av ett mätinstrument för föräldrastilar, Parental Styles Dimensions Questionnaire (PSDQ) samt en för empati, A Questionnaire Measure of Emotional Empathy (QMEE). Deltagarna var 191 gymnasiestudenter från tre olika skolor i Mellansverige. Resultatet visade att föräldrastil har betydelse för empati, men endast den auktoritativa föräldrastilen visade sig ha ett signifikant samband med empati, särskilt hos män. Detta tolkades som att ju mer auktoritativa föräldrarna är desto mer sannolikt är det att barn har en hög nivå av empati.

<p>This thesis is an investigation into the causes behind the emergence, maintenance and defeat of dominant authoritarian party regimes (DPARs). The emergence of these regimes during certain critical junctures in a country's history is attributed to the ability of charismatic leaders to co-opt political elites using electoral instruments and incentives under the banner of a single party. The presence of institutional mechanisms that can smooth the leadership transition process, provide rewards for elites to remain in the dominant party and increase the costs of elite defections are important explanatory factors in DPAR maintenance. DPARs also employ different strategies to co-opt and divide the opposition in order to reassert their political dominance. Intra regime splits are a necessary but not sufficient condition to weaken a DPAR. Institutional reform which further weakens a DPAR and increases the probability of future elite splits is introduced when the opposition can play a veto card. The mutually reinforcing effects of elite splits and institutional reform explain the downfall of DPARs in Mexico, Taiwan, Senegal and Paraguay. The DPAR in Malaysia is at a critical juncture whereby an opposition veto which can possibly lead to institutional reform currently hangs in balance.</p> / Dissertation

With the blooming of economy after the policy of reforming and opening up, China has become the world's factory, and meanwhile, the increasing income level has led to the demand for luxury consumption. However, those who cannot afford luxury consumption in the Chinese market turned to the counterfeit goods to meet their needs for a conspicuous satisfaction. For the counterfeiting issues in Chinese market, Chinese cultural has been blamed for the main cause, but rarely have researchers taken a delicate view of Chinese culture. This study take the concepts of authoritarian personality and face maintenance which are important in the Chinese cultural characteristics, combining with normative beliefs and cognition of regulative failure as independent variables to identify their relations with the attitude toward counterfeit boutique purchasing behavior, the dependent variable in this study. Meanwhile, we discovered some interesting findings after comparing data from Taiwan and China. In this study, cultural dimensions are used in market segmentation of strategic consideration, hoping for discuss the rampant counterfeiting problems in China. This study provides quality brands in the Chinese market different ways of thinking to fight against counterfeiting.