The aim of this paper is to examine how the size of the Egyptian state has developed during the last three decades. The questions that I will try to answer during the paper are following: Has the Egyptian state contracted the last three decades? Can I based on the result of the study draw some conclusions about if the states dominant position in the society has been reduced? The theory and the method are built on the theoretical framework of the authoritarian state. The modern authoritarian state bases its dominant role in the society on a large centralized and hierarchical bureaucracy. This composes the main theoretical assumption that the method is based on. The method is built on the operationalization of four indicators that examine the size of the state. The conclusion of the first question is that the Egyptian state can be said both has contracted and maintained status quo, and the conclusion of the second question is that the states ability to dominate the society still is big, this assumption is mostly based on the high rate of employment in the public sector witch creates the foundation of the large bureaucracy.

O tema desta dissertação é o patrimonialismo como um estilo político ainda atuante nos dias de hoje. Sob o ponto de vista da cultura política, o patrimonialismo pode ser entendido como um tipo de comportamento que deriva de crenças e valores tradicionais cultivados na história brasileira. Além da sua sobrevivência por meio da cultura, é argumentado que a ideologia do Estado autoritário também seja um meio sustentador e disseminador do fenômeno. O estilo político patrimonialista é caracterizado pelo poder arbitrário legitimado por uma tradição em tratar a coisa pública como privada. Sustenta e é sustentado pela cooptação política e pelas relações clientelistas e assimétricas entre os atores políticos. Esse comportamento antirrepublicano e antidemocrático é composto por uma lógica corrupta em sua essência podendo ser um estimulador da desmobilização social (que culmina na baixa participação política) e da reduzida qualidade democrática em nosso país. O objetivo é apontar alguns vínculos teóricos entre patrimonialismo, cultura política, ideologia do Estado autoritário, participação política e qualidade democrática. / The theme of this dissertation is the patrimonialism as a current political style. According to the theory of political culture, patrimonialism can be understood as a type of behavior that derives from traditional beliefs and values maintained alive during Brazilian history. Besides its survival through culture, it is argumented that the ideology of the authoritarian State is another way of sustaining and disseminating the behavior. The patrimonialist political style is characterized by the arbitrary power legitimated by a tradition used to treat the public as a private matter. It sustains and is sustained by political co-option and by client-based and asymmetric political relationships. This anti republican and antidemocratic behavior carries within a corrupt logic that can stimulate social demobilization (which results in low political participation) and the reduced democratic quality of Brazil. The objective is to point a few theoretical ties between patrimonialism, political culture, ideology of the authoritarian State, political participation and the quality of democracy.

改革開放以來實施的經濟改革，造成中共內部貪汙腐敗之現象日益嚴重，因此，新聞傳播媒體被賦予扮演權力監督機制的一環，針對一些違法亂紀的政府單位或商人進行監督懲處。然而，不同於西方新聞媒體的角色，在中共威權政體之下，輿論監督必須遵守黨國體制的輿論監督規範，以維持中共統治之合法性。為了探討中共輿論監督之樣貌，以及影響輿論監督的背後因素，本文以中央電視臺《焦點訪談》節目內容作為分析個案，在理論觀點上，以葛蘭西的文化霸權為基礎，結合理論與實證，以2013年該節目之新聞報導內容作為個案資料，討論國家對傳媒的影響，以及《焦點訪談》對政治和社會造成的影響，在此論述過程中，試圖釐清威權主義國家輿論監督的報導原則。 / The economic reforms in China after the opening policy, the corruption in the Communist Party of China (CPC) has become more and more severe.The media, consequently, has been used to endow itself with mechanism of supervising power, aiming at supervising and punishing the government department and businessman breaking laws and violating discipline.However, different from the western media, the public opinion supervision needs under the authentic regime of CPC,to abide by the public opinion supervision regulations of Party-State system.This thesis taking the Focus Report, program of China Central Television (CCTV) as the analysis case, will inquire into the public opinion supervision of CPC and the influencing factors behind it.And based on the cultural hegemony of Gramsci as the theoretical perspective, this thesis, combing the news report of Focus Report in 2013 to discuss how a country to influence its media and the influence for the politics and society of the program itself, will clarify the report principle of public opinion supervision of authoritarian state.

No description available.

O presente estudo se propõe a uma análise que parte do Cinema Novo, no início dos anos 1960, atravessando todo o período da Ditadura Militar até chegar à extinção da Embrafilme (1990), no governo Collor (1990-1992), procurando compreender como o campo cinematográfico constituiu uma arena de representações de imagens em movimento, disputada por agentes sociais pela obtenção da produção hegemônica das imagens cinematográficas da nação. De um lado, o Cinema Novo, com uma perspectiva cultural nacionalista, e de outro, a política cultural governamental do Estado autoritário e também nacionalista, promotor de uma modernização econômica, e entre elas, outros agentes cinematográficos (exibidores, distribuidores, Embrafilme, Cinema Marginal, pornochanchada, filmes estrangeiros entre outros) interagindo na luta pelo predomínio no processo de produção de filmes que construíam a identidade nacional no campo cinematográfico. Entremeada de contradições, envolvendo concepções sobre cultura popular e cultura de massa, a produção cinematográfica brasileira expressava o conjunto dos projetos em disputa considerando a questão nacional e a cultura popular. O resultado foi uma rica diversidade cinematográfica. / The present study proposes an analysis which ranges from Cinema Novo, in the beginning of the 1960s, covers the years of the military dictatorship and eventually reaches the demise of Embrafilme (1990), during the Collor years (1990-1992), trying to understand how cinema became an arena of representations of moving images, contended by different social agents in their attempt to obtain the hegemonic production of the cinematographic images of the nation. On one side, Cinema Novo, with a nationalist cultural perspective, and, on the other, the official cultural policy of the authoritarian and nationalist State too, which was promoting an economic modernization of the Nation, and, between them, other cinematographic agents (exhibitors, distributors, Embrafilme, Cinema Marginal, pornochanchada, foreign movies among others) interacting in the fight for the preponderance in the process of producing movies which would constitute the national identity in the cinematographic field. Brimming with contradictions, involving conceptions about popular culture and mass culture, the Brazilian cinematographic production expressed the sum of the projects in contention taking into account the issues of the national question and popular culture. The result was a rich cinematographic diversity.

O presente estudo se propõe a uma análise que parte do Cinema Novo, no início dos anos 1960, atravessando todo o período da Ditadura Militar até chegar à extinção da Embrafilme (1990), no governo Collor (1990-1992), procurando compreender como o campo cinematográfico constituiu uma arena de representações de imagens em movimento, disputada por agentes sociais pela obtenção da produção hegemônica das imagens cinematográficas da nação. De um lado, o Cinema Novo, com uma perspectiva cultural nacionalista, e de outro, a política cultural governamental do Estado autoritário e também nacionalista, promotor de uma modernização econômica, e entre elas, outros agentes cinematográficos (exibidores, distribuidores, Embrafilme, Cinema Marginal, pornochanchada, filmes estrangeiros entre outros) interagindo na luta pelo predomínio no processo de produção de filmes que construíam a identidade nacional no campo cinematográfico. Entremeada de contradições, envolvendo concepções sobre cultura popular e cultura de massa, a produção cinematográfica brasileira expressava o conjunto dos projetos em disputa considerando a questão nacional e a cultura popular. O resultado foi uma rica diversidade cinematográfica. / The present study proposes an analysis which ranges from Cinema Novo, in the beginning of the 1960s, covers the years of the military dictatorship and eventually reaches the demise of Embrafilme (1990), during the Collor years (1990-1992), trying to understand how cinema became an arena of representations of moving images, contended by different social agents in their attempt to obtain the hegemonic production of the cinematographic images of the nation. On one side, Cinema Novo, with a nationalist cultural perspective, and, on the other, the official cultural policy of the authoritarian and nationalist State too, which was promoting an economic modernization of the Nation, and, between them, other cinematographic agents (exhibitors, distributors, Embrafilme, Cinema Marginal, pornochanchada, foreign movies among others) interacting in the fight for the preponderance in the process of producing movies which would constitute the national identity in the cinematographic field. Brimming with contradictions, involving conceptions about popular culture and mass culture, the Brazilian cinematographic production expressed the sum of the projects in contention taking into account the issues of the national question and popular culture. The result was a rich cinematographic diversity.

This is a study about the transition process and the consolidation of power in Belarus. In this paper the concept of "authoritarian state building and the sources of regime competitiveness in the fourth wave" is the major theory used. After giving a description of the theory‟s concepts a short historical background of Belarus follows. Chapters four describes and explain the political situation in Belarus during five periods. After each period I analyze the situation on the basis of the suppositions from the theory. The thesis also tries to explain the conditions needed for an authoritarian regime to be established. The result of the concluding discussion shows that the major theory in this thesis presents important factors that can help to explain why and how the autocratic rule in Belarus has been consolidated.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Cardonha.pdf: 3960682 bytes, checksum: b0fe5200b55869d7e2fa5e0481fcfad1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-16 / Investigates the reaction of the progressive Catholics against the military dictatorship in Brazil mainly based on official and formerly classified documents currently available at Arquivo Público do Estado de São Paulo - APESP. This work demonstrates that the progressive sectors of the Catholic Church resisted against the authoritarian state and worked for its moral deligitimation in several ways: politically, with the condemnation of the systematic violation of the Human Rights; ideologically, with the exposition of the totalitarian tendency of the National Security Doctrine; and economically, with critics to a model that stimulated income concentration and social marginalization / A Igreja Católica nos Anos de Chumbo: Resistência e Deslegitimação do Estado Autoritário Brasileiro (1968/1974) é um trabalho de pesquisa e reflexão sobre a ação dos católicos progressistas contra a ditadura militar. A pesquisa sobre a memória da resistência católica foi realizada nos arquivos da repressão política. A análise pretende demonstrar que os setores progressistas da Igreja resistiram e deslegitimaram moralmente o Estado autoritário: no plano político, combatendo a violação sistemática dos Direitos Humanos: no plano ideológico, denunciando o caráter totalitário da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional; e no plano econômico: condenando o modelo concentrador de renda e gerador de marginalização social

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Cardonha.pdf: 3960682 bytes, checksum: b0fe5200b55869d7e2fa5e0481fcfad1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-16 / Investigates the reaction of the progressive Catholics against the military dictatorship in Brazil mainly based on official and formerly classified documents currently available at Arquivo Público do Estado de São Paulo - APESP. This work demonstrates that the progressive sectors of the Catholic Church resisted against the authoritarian state and worked for its moral deligitimation in several ways: politically, with the condemnation of the systematic violation of the Human Rights; ideologically, with the exposition of the totalitarian tendency of the National Security Doctrine; and economically, with critics to a model that stimulated income concentration and social marginalization / A Igreja Católica nos Anos de Chumbo: Resistência e Deslegitimação do Estado Autoritário Brasileiro (1968/1974) é um trabalho de pesquisa e reflexão sobre a ação dos católicos progressistas contra a ditadura militar. A pesquisa sobre a memória da resistência católica foi realizada nos arquivos da repressão política. A análise pretende demonstrar que os setores progressistas da Igreja resistiram e deslegitimaram moralmente o Estado autoritário: no plano político, combatendo a violação sistemática dos Direitos Humanos: no plano ideológico, denunciando o caráter totalitário da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional; e no plano econômico: condenando o modelo concentrador de renda e gerador de marginalização social