Th.--Archiviste paléographe--Paris--Ecole des chartes, 1995. / Bibliogr. p. 1018-1050. Index.

Inaug.-diss.--Halle. / Lebenslauf. "Die einleitung zu einer kritischen ausgabe der werke des Audefroi", published in full (vi, 149, [1] p.) under title: Die lieder und romanzen des Audefroi le Bastard, Halle, M. Niemeyer, 1914.

The Lil’ Bastard’s Guide to Love is a compilation of poems I have written during two years of study in the creative writing program at the University of Texas. These poems mostly concern themselves with love. They also deal with the inadequacies of naming and language, and coming to terms with the fact that sometimes the best thing you can do is to not ruin everything with words. Words will disappoint you sometimes, but they are necessary, so at least try to be square with people if you absolutely must say something. As George Carlin put it, “You can't be afraid of words that speak the truth. I don't like words that hide the truth. I don't like words that conceal reality. I don't like euphemisms or euphemistic language. And American English is loaded with euphemisms.” / text

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La culture de l'honneur, notion primordiale dans la structuration de la société médiévale, fait ici l'objet d'un développement particulier au travers de l'angleterre des xive-xve siècles. cette analyse tente de dresser un tableau global des représentations sociales liées à l'honneur, en particulier dans le contexte de l'affirmation de l'état. sont ainsi explorés les mécanismes d'hybridation ou de rejet entre les diverses appréciations de l'honneur, en analysant notamment l'impact des efforts d'encadrement de l'honneur de la part de l'état ou de l'église dans l'émergence de nouvelles conceptions de l'honneur. dans cette optique, de nombreux développements mettent en lumière la façon dont les individus ou les groupes conçoivent et expriment à leurs niveaux la notion d'honneur, ainsi que les comportements, les attitudes attendues, notamment aux travers des violences d'honneur, qui permettent de s'affirmer dans le regard des autres comme un « homme honorable ». en outre, le cas plus spécifique de la noblesse y est naturellement largement exprimé, en particulier dans la perspective des changements profonds qui affectent ce groupe dans l'Angleterre des XIV-XV siècles, liés à l'affaiblissement des liens de loyauté, à l'émergence des réseaux de clientèle et à l'ouverture de la gentry à de nouveaux membres, dans le cadre du « féodalisme bâtard ». au sein de cette noblesse, une attention spécifique est aussi accordée aux références spécifiques des magnats. / The culture of honor, a vital concept in the structure of medieval society, here is the subject of a particular analysis through england in the late middle age. This analysis attempts to provide a comprehensive overview of social representations of honor, within the main groups in society. In this regard, many developments highlight how individuals and groups perceive and express the concept of honor. This study also aims to show how individuals or groups trying to assert their honorable character, including through violence. In addition, the more specific case of the aristocracy is naturally well treated, in particular in view of the profound changes that have affected this group in england during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, related to the phenomenon of "bastard feudalism" and decline in military experience. In addition, this study explains the operating principle of honor, particularly as regards the ties between the honor and social status. This thesis also highlights the impact of state formation on the culture of honor, especially on the honor of the nobles and gentlemen.

Le roman libanais prend son essor pendant la guerre civile de 1975. Ce roman s’attache à pointer les failles les plus intimes de l’individu. Appelé à tort, roman de guerre, celle-ci n'est alors que le révélateur des mécanismes mortifères qui empêchent l'émergence de l’individu en souffrance. Servant également de catharsis, la guerre crée les conditions d’une liberté d'expression, en bannissant tabous et non-dits. Notre analyse se développe autour de trois oeuvres situées durant la première période de la guerre. La démarche est basée sur l’exploitation d’outils narratifs et psychanalytiques. Elle permet d’identifier bon nombre de ces «mécanismes de mort » en dévoilant une autre vision de l’individu et du monde, au travers d’une fiction et de personnages « embourbés dans» des conflits internes et externes. Ces conflits figent le récit et les personnages qui paradoxalement sont incités à se relever d'entre les décombres du fait même qu'ils existent dans la fiction par leur cortège d'émotions et de sentiments. Ils se pérennisent sous la plume de l'écrivain, en défiant par là même toute finitude. Le tout au travers d’une approche narrative jusqu’alors inédite. / The Lebanese novel writing soars up during the civil war of 1975. It attempts to point out the flaws and the deepest weaknesses of the individual. Mistakenly called war novel, it only grants little importance to the subject of war itself. The war becomes hence the revealer of lethal mechanisms that prevent the individual’semergence. Serving also as a catharsis, it fosters freedom of speech by breaking taboos and the unsaid. Our study opts for an analysis of three works of the first period of the war, mainly based on the use of narrative and psychoanalytic tools. It identifies several of these “death mechanisms” by revealing another vision of the individual and the world. The characters are incited to rise from the rubble, as the eruption of their emotions and feelings allow them to perpetuate thanks to the word power of the novelists, thereby reaching the audience and challenging all finitude through a previously unseen narrative approach.

Notre société possède une vaste coulisse contenant nombre d’individus considérés comme improductifs, déviants, inadaptés. Un partie de cette coulisse a pour fonction de contenir ces individus, et de les maintenir, parfois une vie durant, à la périphérie de notre évolution sociétale, dans des espaces n’ayant qu’une porosité réduite voir nulle avec la matrice sociale de référence. Ce processus de maintien repose sur la logique de filière : institution pour enfants, puis pour adolescents, puis pour adultes travailleurs, puis maison de retraite adaptée. La stabilisation de cette population dans ces cantonnements se fabrique avec les effets pervers du fonctionnement institutionnel, et notamment avec la violence institutionnelle qui régule ce fonctionnement. Pour illustrer cette idée, et tenter de décortiquer cette violence (issue d’une commande utopique, d’une mission originellement impossible à mettre en place) qui entrave les rouages de tout établissement « spécialisé », notre travail de recherche propose de mettre en perspective cette violence institutionnelle, inhérente au fonctionnement d’un institut-médico-professionnel recevant des adolescents placés et orientés par les instances officielles pour « déficience intellectuelle légère ». Cette étude est une ethnographie de terrain, puisque la méthode de travail repose exclusivement sur une observation participante. L’auteur, endossant la mission d’instituteur spécialisé, a passé six ans dans la structure avec ce statut, avant de l’observer pendant deux autres années, consignant sur un carnet de bord des scènes de vie quotidienne se déroulant dans l’institution (salle de classe, couloirs, salle du personnel, salle de réunion, réfectoire, …), mais aussi à l’extérieur de l’institution (rue, espaces divers, …). Inspiré par la sociologie d’Erving Goffman, cette analyse institutionnelle qualifie la structure selon des concepts goffmaniens (institution totale, institution totalitaire), des concepts de l’école de Chicago réajustés (institution bâtarde), voire des concepts élaborés (institution stigmate). Nous proposons de démontrer comment la promiscuité entre les usagers, l’hétérogénéité de la population, la complexité de la mission confiée à l’institution, la sanction du placement institutionnel, et la condition du personnel fabriquent un ensemble complexe, inextricable, pathogène, bridant l’évolution du pensionnaire de l’institution médico-sociale, « l’ajustant » à la filière suivante, et le maintenant dans une coulisse sociale ne lui offrant pas de perspective échappatoire, ni de retour vers « la société mère ». / In our society there is a vast wing containing a number of individuals who are considered unproductive, abnormal or maladjusted. Part of its function is to contain and maintain these individuals, sometimes for an entire lifetime, on the edges of our society's evolution, in spaces, which have only limited or no contact with mainstream society. This process of maintenance follows a chain of logic: an institution for children, likewise for teenagers, then for working adults, then an adapted nursing home. The stabilisation of this population within this system, perversely, is facilitated by function of the institution, and in particular by the culture of institutional violence through which it is regulated. To illustrate this, and to try to analyse this form of violence, which derives from a utopian order, from a mission which is fundamentally impossible to implement, and which hinders the wheels of every 'specialised' establishment: the present research puts into perspective the institutional violence, inherent, as it is, in the operation of an institut-medico-professional (a state special needs training facility) which receives teenagers who have been placed there by officials for 'slight mental retardation'. This research is an insider-study, as the method of research derives exclusively from participatory-observation. The author spent six years working as a Special Needs Teacher inside the establishment studied; then, for a further two years, systematically recorded into his logbook scenes of daily life, which took place within this institution (e.g. in classrooms, corridors, the staff room, meeting rooms, the cafeteria). Inspired by the social theories of Erving Goffman, this institutional analysis describes the target in terms of Goffman's concepts of “Total Institutions”, adjusted concepts from the Chicago School (“Bastard Institutions”), and elaborated concepts of “Stigma Institution”. This research proposes to demonstrate how the proximity and heterogeneity of the inmates, the complexity of the mission entrusted to the institution, the sanction of institutionalising a child, and the working conditions of the staff, all have resulted in a combination which is complex, pathogenic and intractable. Thus it restrains the evolution of the inmates of the institut-medico-professional, it “adjusts” them to follow along within the system, and places them within a social wing, which offers them neither any perspective on how to escape, nor any path to return to the “mainstream society”.

Mash-Ups (auch Bootlegging, Bastard Pop oder Collage genannt) erfreuen sich seit Jahren steigender Beliebtheit. Waren es zu Beginn der 1990er Jahre meist nur 2 unterschiedliche Popsongs, deren Gesangs- und Instrumentenspuren in Remixform ineinander gemischt wurden, existieren heute Multi-Mash-Ups mit mehreren Dutzend gemixten und gesampelten Songs, Interpreten, Videosequenzen und Effekten. Eine Herausforderung stellt die Kombination unterschiedlichster Stile dar, diese zu neuen tanzbaren Titeln aus den Charts zu mischen. Das Mash-Up Projekt Pop Danthology z.B. enthält in einem knapp 6 minütigen aktuellen Musikclip 68 verschiedene Interpreten, u. a. Bruno Mars, Britney Spears, Rhianna und Lady Gaga. Die Verwendung und das Sampeln fremder Musik- und Videotitel kann eine Urheberrechtsverletzung darstellen. Die Komponisten des Titels „Nur mir“ mit Sängerin Sabrina Setlur unterlagen in einem Rechtsstreit, der bis zum BGH führte. Sie haben im Zuge eines Tonträger-Samplings, so der BGH , in das Tonträgerherstellerrecht der Kläger (Musikgruppe Kraftwerk) eingegriffen, in dem sie im Wege des „Sampling“ zwei Takte einer Rhythmussequenz des Titels „Metall auf Metall“ entnommen und diese im eigenen Stück unterlegt haben. Der rasante technische Fortschritt macht es mittlerweile möglich, immer einfacher, schneller und besser Musik-, Film- und Bildaufnahmen zu bearbeiten und zu verändern. Computer mit Bearbeitungssoftware haben Keyboards, Synthesizer und analoge Mehrspurtechnik abgelöst. Die Methoden des Samplings unterscheiden sich von der klassischen Raubkopie dahingehend, dass mit der Sampleübernahme eine weitreichende Umgestaltung und Bearbeitung erfolgt. Die Raubkopie zeichnet sich durch eine unveränderte Übernahme des Originals aus. Betroffen von den Auswirkungen eines nicht rechtmäßig durchgeführten Sampling sind Urheber- und Leistungsschutzrechte ausübender Künstler sowie Leistungsschutzrechte von Tonträgerherstellern. U. U. sind auch Verstöße gegen das allgemeine Persönlichkeits- und Wettbewerbsrecht Gegenstand von streitigen Auseinandersetzungen.

CAPITULO 1 â Perfil dos carpinteiros artesanais de embarcaÃÃes a vela do litoral do estado do Cearà No contexto mundial, durante o sÃculo XV, a construÃÃo naval das embarcaÃÃes veleiras passaram por evoluÃÃes que propiciaram o empreendimento de grandes viagens. Chegando ao Brasil iniciou-se um longo processo de interaÃÃo construtiva das embarcaÃÃes locais com o conhecimento europeu. As jangadas inicialmente construÃdas sem velas evoluÃram e se propagaram por todo o nordeste e, principalmente no Cearà como embarcaÃÃo de pesca artesanal, evoluindo das jangadas de troncos Ãs atuais de tÃbuas, assim como ocorreu evoluÃÃo construtiva artesanal das canoas e botes. O litoral cearense foi percorrido no perÃodo de setembro de 2010 a maio de 2012, identificando-se in loco os tipos de embarcaÃÃes construÃdas, e localizando e entrevistando construtores artesanais de embarcaÃÃes a vela, foco principal deste trabalho. Foram entrevistados 36 carpinteiros de comprovado reconhecimento local, que responderam questionÃrio estruturado com perguntas direcionadas diretamente à identificaÃÃo do construtor artesanal, seu perfil profissional e da sua arte construtiva, permitindo registros fotogrÃficos, filmagens e gravaÃÃes. Os dados de cada questionÃrio foram transcritos para planilhas eletrÃnicas e analisadas, combinando com as gravaÃÃes de entrevistas transcritas e das filmagens. A pesquisa constatou a baixa escolaridade dos carpinteiros artesanais entrevistados, com 44% de alfabetizados e 42% de analfabetos; a inexistÃncia de qualquer registro construtivo empregado; mÃdia de idade; media de tempo de trabalho e frequÃncia da distribuiÃÃo do tempo de trabalho entre os carpinteiros entrevistados; influÃncia e origem do aprendizado e ausÃncia de enquadramento funcional destes jà que nÃo se aposentam como construtores artesanais. Resultados importantes foram obtidos sobre o perfil do carpinteiro artesanal cearense, considerados importantes para a manutenÃÃo da tradiÃÃo cultural de suas tÃcnicas aplicadas à construÃÃo de embarcaÃÃes a vela, e que compÃem o patrimÃnio histÃrico e socioeconÃmico do estado. CAPITULO 2 â A construÃÃo dos diferentes tipos de embarcaÃÃes a vela do litoral do estado do Cearà As embarcaÃÃes a vela sÃo usadas na pesca desde a Idade MÃdia e foram introduzidas no Brasil no inÃcio do descobrimento. No CearÃ, a frota veleira à constituÃda por jangadas, paquetes, canoas e botes, e este estudo objetivou descrever os aspectos e processo construtivos destas embarcaÃÃes, e verificar a existÃncia de diferenciaÃÃo entre localidades quanto aos custos, tempo de construÃÃo, materiais, ferramentas manuais, posicionamento dos mastros com os tipos e tamanhos de vela e elaboraÃÃo de planos de linhas. A metodologia constou de levantamentos de dados in loco, no perÃodo de maio 2010 a dezembro de 2012, com entrevistas com 36 carpinteiros artesanais em 25 localidades de praia de dezoito municÃpios, e aplicaÃÃo de questionÃrios e registros por gravaÃÃo, fotografia e filmagem. O mÃtodo construtivo adotado pelos construtores à o do âesqueleto primeiroâ, ao qual os diversos componentes sÃo acrescentados. O principio para a construÃÃo dos botes triÃngulo e bastardo à o mesmo adotado por toda a forÃa de trabalho, que sÃo idÃnticos no aspecto construtivo e de estrutura de casco, diferem no tipo de mastro e vela, tendo o bastardo um mastro fixo com vela latina bastarda e o bote triÃngulo vela latina triangular. Os custos de construÃÃo variam em ordem decrescente para botes, jangadas, canoas e paquetes, determinados pelo comprimento da embarcaÃÃo e tipo de madeira. Pontualmente, registrou-se em Bitupità a existÃncia da vela quadrangular latina, denominada de âvela quatro punhosâ, envergada em mastro bastardo nas canoas de curral. CAPITULO 3 â A navegaÃÃo praticada por mestres marcadores nas embarcaÃÃes a vela no estado do Cearà A orientaÃÃo praticada a bordo de embarcaÃÃes veleiras para navegaÃÃo e pesca utiliza referÃncias de terra para compor as linhas de posiÃÃo denominadas caminho e assento que, ao se cruzarem, determinam o local desejado. Esta atividade vem acontecendo desde a existÃncia da jangada de piÃba e se perpetua por transmissÃo entre geraÃÃes. O estudo foi desenvolvido com mestres marcadores de trÃs localidades, Baleia, Fortaleza e Redonda, onde predominam canoas, jangadas e botes, respectivamente. A prÃtica desta modalidade de navegaÃÃo à idÃntica para os diferentes tipos de embarcaÃÃo e diferem pouco entre as localidades estudadas. O exercÃcio da orientaÃÃo exige que o mestre marcador tenha boa visÃo e memÃria para encontrar caminho e assento, alÃm de sofrer restriÃÃes na ausÃncia da luz solar. Essa atividade à iniciada pelos marcadores ainda na juventude, e esses conhecimentos sÃo adquiridos independentes do grau de instruÃÃo e se consolidam tanto pelo exercÃcio da pesca quando pela experiÃncia adquirida. A observaÃÃo de estrelas e planetas revela a direÃÃo do caminho de volta ao porto de origem tendo a estrela do porto vÃrias denominaÃÃes no litoral cearense. A falta de visibilidade do litoral, ocasionada por chuva, cerraÃÃo ou outros fatores, interfere negativamente na identificaÃÃo de pontos de referÃncia existentes no litoral. A marcaÃÃo terrestre vem sendo gradativamente substituÃda pelo uso do GPS na localizaÃÃo dos pesqueiros mais produtivos, com grande aceitaÃÃo pelos mais jovens. O baixo preÃo e eficiÃncia comprovada desse equipamento tÃm justificado sua difusÃo ao longo de todo o litoral do CearÃ. CAPITULO 4 â EmbarcaÃÃes a vela do litoral do estado do CearÃ, distribuiÃÃo espacial da frota e da produÃÃo pesqueira O Cearà possui 573 km de litoral, distribuÃdo por 20 municÃpios costeiros e conta com 113 localidades de pesca estuarina e marinha. Este estudo se baseia nos seguintes dados estatÃsticos do Programa ESTATPESCA a- composiÃÃo da frota por tipo de barco e municÃpio; b- produÃÃo de pescado por tipo de barco e municÃpio; c- produÃÃo das principais espÃcies de peixe por tipo de embarcaÃÃo. Foi feita a descriÃÃo das caracterÃsticas das embarcaÃÃes a vela do Cearà de uma forma mais detalhada que as dividiu em jangadas ocada e de isopor; paquetes ocado e de isopor; canoa de Paracuru; canoa de Moitas-Baleia; canoa de Camocim (bianas); Canoa de Acarau-PreÃ-BitupitÃ; canoas de currais de BitupitÃ; canoa-paquete de Fleixeiras-Guagiru e botes triangulo e bastardo. Os resultados mostram que os paquetes sÃo maioria numÃrica e com maior distribuiÃÃo geogrÃfica, destacam-se pela versatilidade, por serem leves para encalhe e movimentaÃÃo na faixa de praia, pela necessidade de pequena tripulaÃÃo e baixo custo de construÃÃo e manutenÃÃo. Os botes tÃm a menor abrangÃncia territorial, com o bastardo bem concentrados em Camocim e o triÃngulo com maior concentraÃÃo em IcapuÃ. A canoa tem predominÃncia exclusiva no litoral oeste e a jangada, no litoral leste. Em termos relativos, as embarcaÃÃes participaram da captura nas seguintes proporÃÃes: canoas = 45,3 %; paquete = 22,3 %; botes = 22,4%, destacando-se os municÃpios de Camocim, Itarema, Icapuà e AcaraÃ. Estes tÃm produÃÃo mais seleta, capturando espÃcies de maior valor comercial, a saber guaiÃba, cavala, pargo, sirigado, carapitanga e dourado. As jangadas vÃm perdendo importÃncia relativa na captura do pescado, mas ainda com destaque para os municÃpios de Fortaleza, Aquiraz, Beberibe Cascavel e Aracati. / CHAPTER 1 â Profile of the artisanal carpenters of sail crafts in Cearà State In a worldwide scenario, during the XV Century, the naval building of sail craft underwent an evolutionary development that enabled the undertaking of long-length voyages across the oceans. By arriving at Brazil, an intensive interaction process between local sail boat construction and that of European-derived knowledge. The sail rafts, at first built without sail, were deployed over the whole Brazilian northeast, mainly in Cearà State, as artisanal crafts, evolving from simple dugouts to the actual wooden ones as well as canoes and rowboats. For this research work, the Cearà Stateâs coast was surveyed from September, 2010 to May, 2012, taking in situ stock of all types of constructed crafts, and pinpointing and interviewing artisanal builders of sailboats, who are than main target population of this survey. To this aim, 36 accomplished carpenters, locally recognized as such, were required to answer a number of questionnaires directed toward a full appraisal of the artisanal naval builders, its professional profile and handicraft, for which photographic records, pictures and sound recordings were obtained. The derived data were transferred to electronic spreadsheets and then analyzed by crosschecking the recorded interviews and the movie pictures. This survey led to the following results: occurrence of low reading ability by the artisanal carpenters so that 44 per cent were found to be illiterate; non-existence of any kind of professional registration by the competent public offices; mean age of 22.1 years; high mean working time and frequency of distribution among the sampled population; factors of influence and origin of learning techniques and absence of functional framing, since they to do not retire as naval builders. Significant results were got as to the artisanal carpentersâs profile in Cearà State, which were deemed quite relevant for the maintenance of the folklore of their techniques applied to the construction of sail crafts, and round up the historic and socioeconomic heritage of the Cearà Stateâs coastline . CHAPTER 2 â Construction of different types of sail craft along Cearà Stateâs coastline The sailboats are used in fisheries since the middle ages and were introduced in Brazil at the beginning of its discovery. The Cearà Stateâs fleet is made up of rafts, canoes and boats whose study was meant for describing aspects of the building process and for ascertaining the existence of differentiation among fishing communities as to costs, construction time, basic materials, hand tools and positioning of masts according to boat size, sail types and setting of lining patterns. The methodology consisted of data surveys carried out locally, in the period from May, 2010 through December, 2012, by means of interviews with 36 artisanal carpenters in 25 fishing sites of 18 costal counties, by applying questionnaires and data gathering by recording, photography and movie pictures. The constructive technique consists of mounting a âprimary skeletonâ to which all other component parts are attached. The building principle of the triangle and bastard boats is the same as adopted by the whole of the labor force, which are identical as to their constructive pattern and hull framework, but differ as to the types of masts ands sails, namely the bastard one having a fixed mast and a storm jib, and the triangle one having a triangular storm jib. The construction costs vary in a decreasing order for boats, rafts and canoes, as determined by the craft length and kind of timber. Somewhat exceptionally there was identified in BitupitÃ, Barroquinha county, the existence of a square storm jib named âfour-fist sailâ, bent up as a bastard mast in the fish-weir canoes. CHAPTER 3 â The navigation practiced by master position markers on board sail boats in Cearà State The orientation carried out on board sailboats for navigation and fishing makes use of landmarks in order to compose the position lines named pathway and outpost that, while intercrossing, determine the sought after site. This activity has been taking place since the very early existence of the sail raft and it endures itself from generation to generation. This study was undertaken by master markers in some fishing localities, namely Baleia, Fortaleza and Redonda where canoes, sail rafts and boats are respectively predominant. The practice of this kind of navigation is similar for the various types of boats and diverges from one another very little among the studied landing points. The exercise of orientation requires that the master marker has got good eyesight and memory in order to find out the pathway and the outpost, besides undergoing setbacks from the absence of sunlight. That activity is started when the fisherman is still young, and his long-lived expertise is acquired independently of the educational degree as it is derived from both the fishing chores and the accumulated experience. The observation of stars and planets reveals the way back to the home port whose identifying star receives many nominations along Cearà Stateâs coastline. The lack of visibility brought about by rain, clouding, and other factors meddle with the identification of conspicuous landmarks. This age- old technique has been gradually replaced by the use of GPS devices for pinpointing the most productive fishing grounds, with a high degree of acceptance by the young generation. The low purchase price and the proved efficiency of that equipment has accounted for the diffusion of their advantages among the fishing communities of Cearà State. CHAPTER 4 â Sail crafts in Cearà Stateâs coastline: fleet and fishing production spatial distribution The Cearà Stateâs coastline spreads over 573 km distributed by 20 coastal counties, and 113 estuarine and marine fishing communities. This study is based on the following statistical data gathered through the ESTATPESCA Program: fleet composition by types of boat and county; fish production by type of boat and county; catch composition of the main fish species by type of boat. A detailed description of the sailboats in Cearà was presented in order to provide information on a number of variants of their main types, namely hollow raft, styrofoam-fulled rafts, canoe from Paracuru, canoe from Moitas-Baleia; canoe from Camocim; canoe from AcaraÃ-PreÃ-BitupitÃ; canoe from Bitupità fish-weirs, canoe-raft from Fleixeiras-Guagiru, triangle boat and bastard boat. The results show the small raft holds a numeric majority and a wider geographic distribution, standing out by being lighter to anchor on the beach sand, requiring fewer crew, and entailing lower construction and maintenance costs. The boats show a narrower territorial range, with the bastard ones being concentrated in Camocim county and the triangle ones more frequent in Icapuà county. The canoe and the large-sized raft hold an outstanding predominance on the western and the eastern sides of Cearà Stateâs coastline, respectively. In relative terms, the main types of fishing craft took part in the caches according to the following proportions: canoes = 45.3 per cent; small raft = 22.3 per cent; boats = 22.4 per cent. Among their home counties stand out Camocim, Itarema, Icapuà and AcaraÃ, the ones that boast a more exclusive fish production made out of such species as yellowtail snapper, king mackerel, Caribbean red snapper, black grouper, dog snapper and dolphin. The large-sized rafts have shown of late a tendency for playing a lesser part in fish catching, but they are still relevant in such Cearà Stateâs counties as Fortaleza, Aquiraz, Beberibe Cascavel and Aracati.

Mash-Ups (auch Bootlegging, Bastard Pop oder Collage genannt) erfreuen sich seit Jahren steigender Beliebtheit. Waren es zu Beginn der 1990er Jahre meist nur 2 unterschiedliche Popsongs, deren Gesangs- und Instrumentenspuren in Remixform ineinander gemischt wurden, existieren heute Multi-Mash-Ups mit mehreren Dutzend gemixten und gesampelten Songs, Interpreten, Videosequenzen und Effekten. Eine Herausforderung stellt die Kombination unterschiedlichster Stile dar, diese zu neuen tanzbaren Titeln aus den Charts zu mischen. Das Mash-Up Projekt Pop Danthology z.B. enthält in einem knapp 6 minütigen aktuellen Musikclip 68 verschiedene Interpreten, u. a. Bruno Mars, Britney Spears, Rhianna und Lady Gaga. Die Verwendung und das Sampeln fremder Musik- und Videotitel kann eine Urheberrechtsverletzung darstellen. Die Komponisten des Titels „Nur mir“ mit Sängerin Sabrina Setlur unterlagen in einem Rechtsstreit, der bis zum BGH führte. Sie haben im Zuge eines Tonträger-Samplings, so der BGH , in das Tonträgerherstellerrecht der Kläger (Musikgruppe Kraftwerk) eingegriffen, in dem sie im Wege des „Sampling“ zwei Takte einer Rhythmussequenz des Titels „Metall auf Metall“ entnommen und diese im eigenen Stück unterlegt haben. Der rasante technische Fortschritt macht es mittlerweile möglich, immer einfacher, schneller und besser Musik-, Film- und Bildaufnahmen zu bearbeiten und zu verändern. Computer mit Bearbeitungssoftware haben Keyboards, Synthesizer und analoge Mehrspurtechnik abgelöst. Die Methoden des Samplings unterscheiden sich von der klassischen Raubkopie dahingehend, dass mit der Sampleübernahme eine weitreichende Umgestaltung und Bearbeitung erfolgt. Die Raubkopie zeichnet sich durch eine unveränderte Übernahme des Originals aus. Betroffen von den Auswirkungen eines nicht rechtmäßig durchgeführten Sampling sind Urheber- und Leistungsschutzrechte ausübender Künstler sowie Leistungsschutzrechte von Tonträgerherstellern. U. U. sind auch Verstöße gegen das allgemeine Persönlichkeits- und Wettbewerbsrecht Gegenstand von streitigen Auseinandersetzungen.