Prostitution, sex in exchange for consideration, has never been illegal in Canada; however, activities surrounding prostitution have been criminalized in the Criminal Code. These prohibited activities include: working indoors (s. 210 keeping a common bawdy house), providing services to sex workers (s. 212(1)(j) living off of the avails of prostitution), and communicating in public for the purposes of prostitution (s. 213). In 2007 two former and one current sex worker, Terri Jean Bedford, Valerie Scott and Amy Lebovitch challenged the constitutionality of the above laws, arguing that they increased sex workers’ vulnerability to harm. Six years later on June 13th, 2013 the Supreme Court of Canada heard the landmark case Canada (Attorney General) v. Bedford. Prior to hearing the case, the Supreme Court Justices read the submitted factums outlining the arguments of the appellants, respondents, and their interveners. The final decision was released on December 22nd, 2013 and the unanimous decision to strike down all three laws was made. Using a discourse analysis inspired by Michel Foucault, this study ‘unpacks’ the meanings that are constituted within the factums submitted to the Supreme Court regarding the people who engage in sex work and the institution of prostitution. The convergences and divergences within the discourses are presented. Drawing on these findings, while applying the work of Wedeking’s (2010) strategic legal framing alongside the governmentality perspective of risk, the tensions surrounding risk and choice are further explored. In doing so, the relationship between risk (taking/avoiding) and choice (making) is teased out. In this thesis I argue that risk and choice are strategically framed in the submitted factums to demonstrate the (un)constitutionality of Canada’s prostitution laws. Furthermore, I argue that both the appellants and respondents agree that risk avoidance is an acceptable self-governance strategy for sex workers, however they diverge on what they consider to be acceptable risk avoidance measures. The conclusion of this study discusses the decision of Canada (Attorney General) v. Bedford to strike down the three prostitution laws and the subsequent introduction of the Protection of Communities and Exploited Persons Act.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Melbourne, School of Historical Studies, 2009. / Typescript. Author's name on cover: Kirstie Close. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 84-97)

Bedford College, established in 1849, was the first institute of higher education for women in England, and with it came the beginning of the women's higher education movement. While Bedford is often dismissed or ignored by modern scholars for not being equal to the women's colleges associated with Cambridge and Oxford, it was crucial in the development of these later colleges and was a bellwether of the women's higher education movement. By examining personal letters and official college documents and carefully assessing later-written histories of Bedford and the other women's colleges, this thesis will explain why and how the College was successfully founded two decades before any other college for women in England. It will also include a thorough discussion of the events that occurred before and during Bedford's establishment, its enigmatic founder Elisabeth Jesser Reid and the role of the women's higher education movement in Bedford's development. This thesis will also show how the successful foundations of Girton and Newnham Colleges at Cambridge University and Lady Margaret Hall and Somerville College at Oxford were made possible by the monumental strides made by Bedford College's influence on the creation of the women's higher education movement.

Since the 1960s there has been a rapid increase in the number of individuals throughout much of the Western world who identify as having no religion. This is particularly so in Canada where individuals who identify as having no religion now account for a rather sizeable portion of the total population. Despite the rapid and exponential growth in the number of people who no longer affiliate with religion, however, the sociological study of who the nonreligious are and what a social world not necessarily rooted in religion—what I call nonreligion—might entail have only recently captured the interests of sociologists. As a result, relatively little is known about this growing group of people and nonreligion. One such area that remains significantly understudied is the intersection of nonreligion and law. Canadian law has been called on by the nonreligious to decide upon the constitutionality of various legislation including that which has prohibited access to same-sex marriage, abortion, and physician-assisted dying. The intersection of nonreligion and law thus provides valuable insight into how nonreligious individuals attempt to promote social change in Canadian society. But, the law also acts as a window through which to explore the often-ignored meaningful beliefs, values, and practices of the nonreligious, or the positive content of nonreligion. Much research about nonreligion and the nonreligious has focused on what nonreligion is not and what the nonreligious do not do vis-à-vis religion, very little research engages with the meaningful aspects of nonreligion and nonreligious identities. This thesis seeks to explore the meaningful aspects of nonreligion and contribute original research to this lacking body of scholarship. This thesis asks: How is nonreligion conceptualized in Canadian law and is this framing of nonreligion characterized by more than the simple rejection or negation of religion? In other words, does nonreligion have positive content in the context of law, and if so, what is this positive content? Drawing on the discourse analysis of the Supreme Court of Canada’s Latimer (2001), Bedford (2013), and Trinity Western (2018) cases, I explore the concepts of human rights, morality, and dignity to draw attention to the ways in which nonreligion is socially constructed in law. My analysis shows that nonreligion is conceptualized in legal discourse as encompassing positive content. I argue that social constructions of nonreligion in law are inclusive of meaningful beliefs, values, and practices and that it is no longer sufficient to think of nonreligion and the nonreligious as simply deficit in nature.

L'arrivée massive de loyalistes restés fidèles à l'Empire britannique, au lendemain de la guerre de l'Indépendance américaine de 1776, alliée à l'intensification de la colonisation britannique dès la fin du XVIIe siècle, mèneront à la création du territoire des Cantons-de-l'Est et à la division des terres -jusqu'alors divisées selon les règles d'attribution caractérisant les seigneuries - en franc et commun socage. Provenant de divers groupes ethniques et de différentes positions sociales, ces nouveaux arrivants ont tôt fait de marquer ce territoire en friche, leur présence ayant de fortes répercussions sur le développement démographique, économique et culturel du Bas-Canada. Avec le surpeuplement des seigneuries, l'arrivée de compagnies de colonisation ainsi que l'avènement de phénomènes tels l'urbanisation, l'industrialisation et le développement de nouveaux modes de communications, qui favoriseront l'installation de francophones de religion catholique dans les Cantons-de-l'Est, la nécessité d'établir un ordre social dans ce vaste territoire en essor démographique devient une nécessité. Le développement des collectivités des Cantons-de-l'Est, allié aux demandes répétées de sa population, amèneront les autorités gouvernementales à adopter, dès la fin de la première moitié du XIXe siècle, des projets de loi visant à instaurer un certain ordre social. Suivant l'implantation des premiers bureaux d'enregistrement (Loi de l'enregistrement en 1841), la formation des premiers conseils municipaux (Loi des municipalités et des chemins du Canada-Est de 1855) ainsi que la création des districts judiciaires et des cours de comtés (Acte judiciaire du Canada de 1857), émerge la nécessité d'ériger des édifices en mesure d'abriter adéquatement ces nouveaux pouvoirs locaux et régionaux, tant municipaux que juridiques et judiciaires. La construction simultanée de diverses typologies d'édifices monumentaux à caractère civique entre 1855 et 1914, dans un territoire ne comportant aucune structure sociale, donnera lieu à des planifications et à des mises en chantier principalement marquées par les aspirations, les ressources financières disponibles et les besoins de chacune de ces nouvelles corporations municipales. Bien que présentant des caractéristiques qui leurs sont propres, tant au niveau de leur volumétrie, de leur forme architecturale que de leurs procédés de construction, ces édifices s'inscrivent dans un processus global présentant une certaine homogénéité. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Histoire de l'architecture, architecture monumentale, pratiques architecturales, gouvernance, urbanité, comté, canton, ville, village, paroisse, palais de justice, bureau d'enregistrement, édifice de comté, hôtel de ville, marché, caserne d'incendie, district judiciaire de Bedford, Cantons-de-l'Est, Québec (province), Canada, 1855-1914, 19e siècle, 20e siècle.

This study was supported by the Texas Education Agency and initiated by a consortium composed of Apple Computer, the University of North Texas, and the Hurst-Euless-Bedford Independent School District, one of the six schools involved with the Columbus Project. The problem in this descriptive study is to determine if training teachers to use application, management, and instructional software on the Macintosh computer will increase their productivity. The sample of teachers involved with the study volunteered for the training.

No description available.

Les termes du traité de paix entre Charles VI et Henri V qui est ratifié par les deux souverains à Troyes en mai 1420 sont plutôt clairs et paraissent aisément applicables : l’unique héritier de Charles VI, le dauphin Charles, est déshérité; Henri V, par le mariage qui l’unit à la fille du roi de France, Catherine, devient le nouveau successeur légitime de Charles VI et, lorsque celui-ci mourra, règnera sur le France et l’Angleterre sans toutefois unir les deux royaumes; le traité scelle aussi l’alliance entre la Bourgogne, l’Angleterre et la moitié nord de la France dans la guerre contre le parti armagnac que dirigie le dauphin Charles et qui contrôle la moitie sud, le royaume de Bourges. Toutefois, lorsque la cérémonie de la cathédrale Saint-Pierre-et-Saint-Paul de Troyes se termine, la théorie du document se heurte à une réalité bien différente. Alors que le traité prévoit une adhésion totale de la moitié nord de la France à la paix et la disparition politique du parti armagnac du dauphin Charles, c’est tout le contraire qui se produit : des mouvements d’opposition ou de résistance au traité et à l’autorité qu’il confère à Henri V comme héritier et régent de France surgissent de toute part et le parti du dauphin, bien loin de disparaître, tient tête à la « coalition » anglo-franco-bourguignonne. À tout cela vient s’ajouter le décès prématuré, en août 1422, d’Henri V qui, lorsque Charles VI le suit dans la tombe en octobre de la même année, laisse les royaumes de France et d’Angleterre entre les mains d’un roi qui n’a pas encore un an. Tous ces faits semblent bien signifier l’échec de la paix et les responsables chargés de l’appliquer en sont tout à fait conscients. Il n’en demeure pas moins que la décennie qui suit la ratification du traité, malgré tout ce qui s’y oppose, est le théâtre d’une véritable tentative d’application de la paix de Troyes ou, du moins, des articles et des éléments de celui-ci que l’ont peut réellement mettre en pratique. / The terms of the peace ratified by Charles VI and Henry V in Troyes in May 1420 are pretty clear and seem easy to apply : the dauphin Charles, sole heir of king Charles VI, is disinheritaded; Henry V, by wedding the daughter of the king of France, Catherine, becomes the new legitimate heir of Charles VI and, when the latter is to die, will reign over France and England without, however, unifying the two kingdoms; the treaty of Troyes also seals the alliance between Burgundy, England and the northern half of France in the war against the armagnac party of the dauphin Charles which controls the southern part of France, the kingdom of Bourges. Yet, when the peace ceremony of the cathedral of Saint Peter and Saint Paul of Troyes is over, the theory of the treaty comes up against a completely different reality. While the treaty plans a total adherence to the peace from the northern half of France and the politic death of the armagnac party and of the dauphin Charles, what occurs is quite the opposite : aresistance movements to the treaty itself and to the authority that it gives to Henry V as heir and regent of France arise from everywhere and the dauphin’s party, far from disapearing, holds fast against the « coalition » formed by England, France and Burgundy. Last but not least comes the untimely death of Henry V in August 1422 wich, once Charles VI follows him in death in the following October, leaves the kingdoms of Fance and England in the hands of a less than one year hold baby-king. All those facts seem to imply a quick failure of the peace and the people in charge of applying it know it too well. Nevertheless, the ten years following the ratification of the treaty and despite every difficulties against it are the withnesses to a genuine attempt to properly apply the peace of Troyes or, at least, of some of its clauses and elements that really can be putted into practice.

This thesis is an examination of English evocations of translatio studii et imperii during the Hundred Years War. According to the myth of translatio, intellectual and martial superiority were entwined and together moving ever-westwards, from Athens, to Rome, to Paris, and thence - the English claimed - to England. This study contributes to an understanding of how late-fourteenth- and fifteenth-century English aristocrats and clerics understood and legitimized their cultural struggle with France not only as a martial battle but also as an intellectual competition. It also explores how this struggle contributed to the cultural authority of libraries and book collections. The first chapter of this thesis traces the development of the translatio studii et imperii tradition from its ancient origins to its zenith in the reign King Charles V "the Wise" of France. This chapter serves to establish the historiographical implications of the translatio myth as well as the French translatio tradition to which the English responded. The second chapter of this study is devoted to a literary analysis of texts which explicitly evoke the translatio topos and which were composed or copied in England during the Hundred Years War, such as Bishop Richard de Bury's Philobiblon and Ranulf Higden's Polychronicon, as well as Oxford and Cambridge university foundation myths. The third chapter explores the extent to which late-medieval England's book culture resonated with English evocations of translatio. Central to this exploration is the underhanded acquisition of Charles V's monumental French royal library by the English regent of France, John, Duke of Bedford. As is attested in the writings of French court scholars, the monumental French royal library was held to symbolise France's cultural superiority over England during the Hundred Years War. Bedford's manoeuvre can be seen as a bid to transfer Europe's seat of learning, and by extant of power, to England. This thesis concludes with a consideration of the translatio myth's ambivalent implications for contentious master narratives such as the rise of nationalism and of the English language in late-medieval England.