Esta tese analisa a emergência histórica da participação comunitária no campo da saúde e as ressonâncias contemporâneas desta experiência na prática política do Fórum em Defesa do SUS do Rio Grande do Sul, em sua luta contra a privatização da saúde. A participação comunitária emerge como um foco de experiência no contexto de irrupção da Reforma Sanitária e de defesa de um sistema público de saúde. As condições de possibilidade para a emergência deste foco de experiência vinculam-se à produção histórica dos diferentes lugares que ocuparam os sujeitos, como foco de investimento, na construção das políticas públicas de saúde brasileiras desde o século XIX. Esse foco de experiência produz os sujeitos como força política ativa na formulação e implementação da política pública de saúde. Ele tem como parte de seu regime de veridicção a distinção entre público e privado, contornando o privado como aquilo do qual o público deve afastar-se, demarcando fronteiras dicotomizadas. O foco de experiência da participação comunitária, ao aproximar-se do direito, como estratégia política de luta e de institucionalização nas malhas do Estado, percorre o caminho em direção à imunização negativa do direito à saúde pelo Estado. A participação comunitária, quando encontra o direito, insere-se nesse universo dual do sistema de propriedades e passa a generalizar o comum de sua reivindicação em um sentido de propriedade pública, ou seja, propriedade estatal. Nesse sentido, propomos uma participação comunitária que não se limite a reproduzir modelos e que rompa com a dicotomia público/privado, em prol da noção de comum e da afirmação de uma norma de vida. Isso pressupõe uma inversão, não mais o direito e seu regramento reproduzindo modelos de vida, mas a vida produzindo normas de vida sem cessar. / This thesis analyzes the historical emergence of community participation in the health field and contemporary resonances of that experience in the political practice of the Forum in Defense of SUS of Rio Grande do Sul, in its fight against health privatization. Community participation has emerged as a focus of experience in the context of the Sanitary Reform and defense of a public health system. The conditions of possibility for the emergence of such focus of experience are linked to the historical production of different places the subjects have occupied, as a focus of investment, in the construction of Brazilian public health policies since the nineteenth century. This focus of experience has produced the subjects as an active political force in both the formulation and implementation of the public health policy. As an integral part of its veridiction regime, it has the distinction between public and private delineating the private as something from which the public should be moved away, thus drawing dichotomized borders. The focus of experience of community participation, by approximating to law, as a political strategy of fight and institutionalization in the State meshes, follows the path of negative immunization of the right to health by the State. Community participation, by associating with law, enters this dual universe of the system of properties and starts generalizing what is common in its claim as being public property, i.e. State property. In this sense, we have proposed a kind of community participation that is not limited to the reproduction of models and is able to disrupt the public/private dichotomy in favor of both the notion of common and the affirmation of a life norm. This presupposes an inversion - instead of the reproduction of ways of life by law and its rules, the incessant production of life norms by life itself.

Esta tese analisa uma política voltada para a promoção de uma “Primeira Infância Melhor” (PIM), do Governo do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, para discutir como ela, ao atuar como uma instância pedagógica se propõe a enunciar educar e regular mulheres e homens como sujeitos de gênero, no sentido de governar e instituir formas de exercer a maternidade e a paternidade. Utilizo os aportes dos Estudos de Gênero e Culturais, em aproximação com a perspectiva pós-estruturalista, principalmente da análise do discurso, de inspiração foucaultiana. O material empírico da tese foi produzido em um trabalho de campo de caráter etnográfico, por meio do cruzamento de informações de diferentes fontes: (i) documentos oficiais referentes ao PIM; (ii) atividades que integram o PIM, conforme registradas em diário de campo; (iii) entrevistas com técnicos/as, visitadoras e mulheres-mães participantes. Ao assumir o pressuposto de que a linguagem é produtora das práticas sociais, tornou-se importante descrever e explorar: (i) a metodologia do PIM, anunciada tanto em seus documentos quanto através da materialidade expressa por meio de falas, conselhos, ensinamentos de educação e(m) saúde e atividades protagonizadas pelos/as técnicos/as e visitadoras, dirigidos às mulheres e crianças; (ii) o que as famílias, sobretudo através das mulheres-mães, precisavam aprender a fim de melhor cuidar e conduzir a infância; (iii) as aproximações produzidas entre a prática do cuidado materno e as propostas de educação e(m) saúde voltadas à infância. Com o propósito de visibilizar os argumentos que investem numa politização contemporânea da maternidade e apreender como o gênero funciona para organizar, a partir de um conjunto de significados e símbolos construídos, relações sociais de poder, analiso a articulação de fragmentos discursivos provenientes da puericultura, das políticas maternalistas, da psicologia do desenvolvimento, da economia e da neurociência, cujo objetivo era embasar e formular os ensinamentos e orientações dirigidas às famílias, principalmente às mulheres-mães. As análises permitem dizer que as formas de “educar” e de atingir os objetivos formulados, por meio do PIM, operam no sentido de posicionar os/as técnicos/as, as mulheres-visitadoras e as mulheres-mães de diferentes modos. Nesse contexto, o posicionamento das mulheres-mães decorre da necessidade de o Estado, num cenário de pobreza e vulnerabilidade social, politizar a maternidade por meio da adequação a uma extensa pedagogia, co-responsabilizando as mulheres-mães pelo cumprimento de funções relativas à saúde e à educação das crianças. / This thesis analyzes a policy proposed by the government of Rio Grande do Sul State aiming at improving the situation of early childhood (Primeira Infância Melhor – PIM). The thesis approaches how this policy, by acting as a pedagogical resource, attempts to enunciate, educate and regulate women and men as gender subjects, so as to govern and institute forms of exercising motherhood and fatherhood. I have used Cultural and Gender Studies, in an approximation to the post-structuralist perspective, mainly the discourse analysis, as inspired by Foucault. The empirical material was produced through ethnographic field work, by intertwining information from different sources: (i) official documents related to PIM, (ii) activities proposed by PIM, as recorded in a field diary; (iii) interviews with technicians, visitors and mothers. By assuming the presupposition that language produces social practices, it has become important to describe and explore: (i) PIM‟s methodology, shown both in its documents and in the materiality expressed in speeches, advices, teachings in health education, and activities carried out by technicians and visitors and directed towards women; (ii) what families, mainly mothers, should learn in order to look after children and conduct childhood; (iii) approximations produced between the practice of maternal care and proposals of health education aimed at childhood. With the aim of both making visible the arguments that invest in a contemporary politicization of motherhood and apprehending how gender works to organize, from a set of meanings and symbols, social relations of power, I have analyzed the articulation of discursive fragments coming from child care, maternal policies, development psychology, economics and neuroscience, whose aim was to found and formulate teachings and orientations to families, mainly mothers. The analyses have enabled me to say that the forms to “educate” and achieve the objectives formulated by PIM operate to position technicians, visitors and mothers in different ways. In this context, the positioning of mothers is due to the need of the State, in scenery of poverty and social vulnerability, politicize motherhood through the conformation to an extensive pedagogy in which mothers are co-responsible for functions related to children's health and education.

Esta tese analisa uma política voltada para a promoção de uma “Primeira Infância Melhor” (PIM), do Governo do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, para discutir como ela, ao atuar como uma instância pedagógica se propõe a enunciar educar e regular mulheres e homens como sujeitos de gênero, no sentido de governar e instituir formas de exercer a maternidade e a paternidade. Utilizo os aportes dos Estudos de Gênero e Culturais, em aproximação com a perspectiva pós-estruturalista, principalmente da análise do discurso, de inspiração foucaultiana. O material empírico da tese foi produzido em um trabalho de campo de caráter etnográfico, por meio do cruzamento de informações de diferentes fontes: (i) documentos oficiais referentes ao PIM; (ii) atividades que integram o PIM, conforme registradas em diário de campo; (iii) entrevistas com técnicos/as, visitadoras e mulheres-mães participantes. Ao assumir o pressuposto de que a linguagem é produtora das práticas sociais, tornou-se importante descrever e explorar: (i) a metodologia do PIM, anunciada tanto em seus documentos quanto através da materialidade expressa por meio de falas, conselhos, ensinamentos de educação e(m) saúde e atividades protagonizadas pelos/as técnicos/as e visitadoras, dirigidos às mulheres e crianças; (ii) o que as famílias, sobretudo através das mulheres-mães, precisavam aprender a fim de melhor cuidar e conduzir a infância; (iii) as aproximações produzidas entre a prática do cuidado materno e as propostas de educação e(m) saúde voltadas à infância. Com o propósito de visibilizar os argumentos que investem numa politização contemporânea da maternidade e apreender como o gênero funciona para organizar, a partir de um conjunto de significados e símbolos construídos, relações sociais de poder, analiso a articulação de fragmentos discursivos provenientes da puericultura, das políticas maternalistas, da psicologia do desenvolvimento, da economia e da neurociência, cujo objetivo era embasar e formular os ensinamentos e orientações dirigidas às famílias, principalmente às mulheres-mães. As análises permitem dizer que as formas de “educar” e de atingir os objetivos formulados, por meio do PIM, operam no sentido de posicionar os/as técnicos/as, as mulheres-visitadoras e as mulheres-mães de diferentes modos. Nesse contexto, o posicionamento das mulheres-mães decorre da necessidade de o Estado, num cenário de pobreza e vulnerabilidade social, politizar a maternidade por meio da adequação a uma extensa pedagogia, co-responsabilizando as mulheres-mães pelo cumprimento de funções relativas à saúde e à educação das crianças. / This thesis analyzes a policy proposed by the government of Rio Grande do Sul State aiming at improving the situation of early childhood (Primeira Infância Melhor – PIM). The thesis approaches how this policy, by acting as a pedagogical resource, attempts to enunciate, educate and regulate women and men as gender subjects, so as to govern and institute forms of exercising motherhood and fatherhood. I have used Cultural and Gender Studies, in an approximation to the post-structuralist perspective, mainly the discourse analysis, as inspired by Foucault. The empirical material was produced through ethnographic field work, by intertwining information from different sources: (i) official documents related to PIM, (ii) activities proposed by PIM, as recorded in a field diary; (iii) interviews with technicians, visitors and mothers. By assuming the presupposition that language produces social practices, it has become important to describe and explore: (i) PIM‟s methodology, shown both in its documents and in the materiality expressed in speeches, advices, teachings in health education, and activities carried out by technicians and visitors and directed towards women; (ii) what families, mainly mothers, should learn in order to look after children and conduct childhood; (iii) approximations produced between the practice of maternal care and proposals of health education aimed at childhood. With the aim of both making visible the arguments that invest in a contemporary politicization of motherhood and apprehending how gender works to organize, from a set of meanings and symbols, social relations of power, I have analyzed the articulation of discursive fragments coming from child care, maternal policies, development psychology, economics and neuroscience, whose aim was to found and formulate teachings and orientations to families, mainly mothers. The analyses have enabled me to say that the forms to “educate” and achieve the objectives formulated by PIM operate to position technicians, visitors and mothers in different ways. In this context, the positioning of mothers is due to the need of the State, in scenery of poverty and social vulnerability, politicize motherhood through the conformation to an extensive pedagogy in which mothers are co-responsible for functions related to children's health and education.

Esta tese analisa a emergência histórica da participação comunitária no campo da saúde e as ressonâncias contemporâneas desta experiência na prática política do Fórum em Defesa do SUS do Rio Grande do Sul, em sua luta contra a privatização da saúde. A participação comunitária emerge como um foco de experiência no contexto de irrupção da Reforma Sanitária e de defesa de um sistema público de saúde. As condições de possibilidade para a emergência deste foco de experiência vinculam-se à produção histórica dos diferentes lugares que ocuparam os sujeitos, como foco de investimento, na construção das políticas públicas de saúde brasileiras desde o século XIX. Esse foco de experiência produz os sujeitos como força política ativa na formulação e implementação da política pública de saúde. Ele tem como parte de seu regime de veridicção a distinção entre público e privado, contornando o privado como aquilo do qual o público deve afastar-se, demarcando fronteiras dicotomizadas. O foco de experiência da participação comunitária, ao aproximar-se do direito, como estratégia política de luta e de institucionalização nas malhas do Estado, percorre o caminho em direção à imunização negativa do direito à saúde pelo Estado. A participação comunitária, quando encontra o direito, insere-se nesse universo dual do sistema de propriedades e passa a generalizar o comum de sua reivindicação em um sentido de propriedade pública, ou seja, propriedade estatal. Nesse sentido, propomos uma participação comunitária que não se limite a reproduzir modelos e que rompa com a dicotomia público/privado, em prol da noção de comum e da afirmação de uma norma de vida. Isso pressupõe uma inversão, não mais o direito e seu regramento reproduzindo modelos de vida, mas a vida produzindo normas de vida sem cessar. / This thesis analyzes the historical emergence of community participation in the health field and contemporary resonances of that experience in the political practice of the Forum in Defense of SUS of Rio Grande do Sul, in its fight against health privatization. Community participation has emerged as a focus of experience in the context of the Sanitary Reform and defense of a public health system. The conditions of possibility for the emergence of such focus of experience are linked to the historical production of different places the subjects have occupied, as a focus of investment, in the construction of Brazilian public health policies since the nineteenth century. This focus of experience has produced the subjects as an active political force in both the formulation and implementation of the public health policy. As an integral part of its veridiction regime, it has the distinction between public and private delineating the private as something from which the public should be moved away, thus drawing dichotomized borders. The focus of experience of community participation, by approximating to law, as a political strategy of fight and institutionalization in the State meshes, follows the path of negative immunization of the right to health by the State. Community participation, by associating with law, enters this dual universe of the system of properties and starts generalizing what is common in its claim as being public property, i.e. State property. In this sense, we have proposed a kind of community participation that is not limited to the reproduction of models and is able to disrupt the public/private dichotomy in favor of both the notion of common and the affirmation of a life norm. This presupposes an inversion - instead of the reproduction of ways of life by law and its rules, the incessant production of life norms by life itself.

2003SARS在兩岸 ------以生物政治學的研究途徑 摘要 生物政治利用SARS事件對人類主體的政治學做出反思，把人類重新放置於「生物」本體的立基點來思考，描繪人類政治學中的權力機制的根源及其作用。生物政治學在研究方法上以系譜學為主，將傳統的權力研究更進一步至確定主體的研究，能重新思考人的本體論，從而開展另一層次的知識論及方法論。2003年春夏所爆發的SARS疫情在海峽兩岸及全世界都造成巨大的影響，而兩岸的經貿、文教交流和外交關係都達到谷底。本文試圖以系譜學方式整合流行病學與政治學研究，觀察海峽兩岸SARS事件始末並推論出其中權力行使的細緻意涵，研究將以社論新聞及實地參與觀察為主。 SARS在國內層面上關注於對身體的控制，國家無法管理病毒，所以以管理身體的方式來管理病毒，對身體監視（量體溫）、對身體限制（隔離）和對身體作用（醫治），而在國際方面國家的能力被簡化成控制身體的能力，於是也有身體的禁止（疫區）、身體能否得到醫治的許可（WHO出席）等等。研究顯示：一方面SARS是一種新型疾病，人們對於SARS的認識都充滿不確定性，但是人們在心理上要對SARS有所認識，因此SARS的流行病學的論述充滿了知識/權力的辯證關係；另一方面，依照SARS的流行病學對於SARS病毒/病人的管制：從SARS的名稱開始，到帶原者的分類，處理傳染與隔離的設施到疫區的判斷方式，也存在身體政治的意涵。證明了疾病的系譜是隨著主體的建構而有多重面向。 關鍵詞： SARS、中國、生物政治、全球化、系譜學、傅科、尼采 / 2003SARS in the Cross-Strait ----On the Bio-Political Perspective Abstract The epidemic, SARS, erupted on two sides of the Taiwan Strait in spring and summer of 2003. Cross-Strait exchanges fell to close to none. It brought great influence to not only East Asia, but also the whole world. This essay attempts to employ the methodology of Genealogy to explore the SARS incident and to understand how power maneuvers in this context. The research materials will primarily be editorials and news. The research reveals that: SARS is a new disease. People are uncertain about the SARS symptom and desired to know more as possible. Therefore, the discourse of SARS is dialectic of knowledge/power. One the other hand, the signification of body politics can be seen in the control of virus/patients: from the name of SARS, to the categorization of virus carriers, and the way to handle the disease and quarantine. The final discuss is on the implication of disease in the context of globalization and international politics. Western philosophical thinking the human being is the greatest of the living thing, and the other organism of the nature is object being. The assumption that human beings have the power to decide and discover their Subjects dictates the interactions between human beings and other creatures/ objects. The existence of “others” thus serves as a background and secondary meaning to human. Bio-politics aims to discuss a different kind of thinking which puts “others” in the position of Subjects. This is to deconstruct the opposite relations between human and nature, and to describe the source of power in humankind’s political science. Genealogy’s research on power traces back to the research on Subjects; while Bio-politics can employ Genealogy’s methodology to discover another level of research on power. Keywords: Bio-politics、Epidemiology、Foucault、Genealogy、SARS、WHO

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T17:27:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Paula Ferreira Curto.pdf: 815296 bytes, checksum: 7b5bf26f3fc5346ca9dcf564fdb02da8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-05-26 / This research aims to analyze the notion of bio-politics developed by the French philosopher Michel Foucault. Specifically, it focuses on the axis security "population" government. Starting from this analysis of the bio-politics, this dissertation proposes some possible relationships between mechanisms of "bio-power" and what we designate as "organizational population". Thus, the goal of this research is not only to present Foucault´s development of the "model of bio-political power" notion but also propose some reflections about power relations in a significant contemporary type of population: the population of business organizations. This works starts with a global vision of mechanisms of power from Michel Foucault´s perspective, trying to identify its major differences in relation to traditional models generally used to analyze such construct. The research makes, then, a detailed analysis of bio-politics, including aspects about security mechanisms and their relation to space, to management of random phenomena and normalization; about the matter of population and also about governamentality. In this regard, it departs from Christian pastoral power, considering the raison détat, until the German and the American neo-liberalisms. At the end, this work tries to investigate if companies - and, more specifically, the population of these organizations - are a possible and proper field for the manifestation of bio-power / Este trabalho de pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar a noção de biopolítica desenvolvida pelo pensador francês Michel Foucault ao longo dos seus trabalhos, principalmente no que diz respeito ao seu eixo: segurança, população e governo e, a partir dessa análise sobre a biopolítica, propor algumas possíveis relações entre os mecanismos do "biopoder" e aquilo que aqui se designou por "população organizaciona. Assim sendo, o intuito dessa pesquisa é não somente percorrer a trajetória de Foucault no desenvolvimento do seu "modelo de poder biopolítico", mas propor uma reflexão sobre as relações de poder em um tipo especial e bastante atual de população: a população das organizações empresariais. Inicia-se o trabalho com uma visão geral sobre os mecanismos de poder segundo a ótica de Michel Foucault, buscando ressaltar suas principais diferenças com relação aos modelos tradicionais de análise do poder. A investigação prossegue com uma análise mais detalhada sobre a biopolítica, abordando aspectos sobre os dispositivos de segurança e sua relação com o espaço, a gestão dos fenômenos aleatórios e a normalização; a questão da população e também sobre a governamentalidade, passando pelo poder pastoral cristão, pela razão de Estado e pelo neoliberalismo alemão e americano. Por fim, conclui-se a investigação procurando verificar se as organizações empresariais - mais especificamente as "populações" dessas organizações - constituem um campo possível e propício para a manifestação dos mecanismos de poder anteriormente analisados

<p>Keywords: Immanuel Kant (</p><p>narratives in European naturalism and political anatomy. Yet the concept surfaces in gender historical research on the period in foot notes and cursory remarks. This paper interrogates why epigenesis has been eradicated from the historical consciousness of today’s scholarship on gender politics. By honing in on the weirdness, a term borrowed from Lorraine Daston, in and of Immanuel Kant’s (1724-1804) theory on animal generation I show how an alertness it requires a re-evaluation of views on "political anatomy" taken-for-granted in scholarship, but also of Kant’s philosophy itself. The endeavour is divided into three main sections.</p><p>In the first, I situate the failure of Kant-scholars to, in the words of John H. Zammito, "stabilize" epigenesis by exploring the hitherto unacknowledged peculiarity of Kant’s use racial hybridity to ‘prove’ the theory. In the second, the analysis departs from the notion ‘modern sex difference’ and show that a reading of epigenesis requires a re-thinking of sexed bodily identity in terms of conflict and contradiction. The third section reads this strife in light of Kant’s experience of "astonishment", a cognitive mode, I argue, designed to resolve both physiological and ideological inconsistencies. The antinomy of sex differentiation is in a concluding section juxtaposed with Kant’s phrase "eloquent speechlessness" in which the gender practice activated in the writing of, about, and on epigenesis is compared to the structure informing moral philosophy’s definition of lies.</p>

The years immediately preceding and following W.W.II marked a turning point in British colonial policy in Africa. In this doctoral thesis, which focuses on colonial and post-colonial Uganda, this turning point is approached in terms of a shift in would-be hegemonic socio-spatial diagrams of power. In turn, the town of Jinja is approached in terms of having constituted a strong point with shifting functions in a series of contested diagrams of power over time. Certain agents and spatial enclosures are examined in terms of having risen and fallen in terms of deemed efficiency in actualising specific lines and modalities of power; the ”African” housing estate, the ”Asian” and the ”Chief” being important among these. Drawing on the theoretical work of Foucault, Deleuze &amp; Guattari, and Lefebvre, particularly that pertaining to discursive regimes of power-knowledge, space and the subject, I seek to show how projects and architectures of socio-spatial ordering instituted by dominant producers of space (principally the colonial and post-independence states, and capital) have impacted on – and in turn been influenced and translated by – the everyday projects of people in place. Much of this focus, and also the fieldwork, is channelled through the Walukuba Housing Estate that was built in the post-W.W.II colonial era. The study is based on archival research, extensive ethnographic fieldwork and secondary literature.

Keywords: Immanuel Kant ( narratives in European naturalism and political anatomy. Yet the concept surfaces in gender historical research on the period in foot notes and cursory remarks. This paper interrogates why epigenesis has been eradicated from the historical consciousness of today’s scholarship on gender politics. By honing in on the weirdness, a term borrowed from Lorraine Daston, in and of Immanuel Kant’s (1724-1804) theory on animal generation I show how an alertness it requires a re-evaluation of views on "political anatomy" taken-for-granted in scholarship, but also of Kant’s philosophy itself. The endeavour is divided into three main sections. In the first, I situate the failure of Kant-scholars to, in the words of John H. Zammito, "stabilize" epigenesis by exploring the hitherto unacknowledged peculiarity of Kant’s use racial hybridity to ‘prove’ the theory. In the second, the analysis departs from the notion ‘modern sex difference’ and show that a reading of epigenesis requires a re-thinking of sexed bodily identity in terms of conflict and contradiction. The third section reads this strife in light of Kant’s experience of "astonishment", a cognitive mode, I argue, designed to resolve both physiological and ideological inconsistencies. The antinomy of sex differentiation is in a concluding section juxtaposed with Kant’s phrase "eloquent speechlessness" in which the gender practice activated in the writing of, about, and on epigenesis is compared to the structure informing moral philosophy’s definition of lies.

Whithin the recent human centered development approach, the mission of development&#039 / s declared aims are alleviating poverty, increasing choices by reducing &#039 / risks&#039 / and empowering women. In line with the human development framework, Reproductive Health program aims at improving women&#039 / s health, enlarging women&#039 / s chices and engendering reproductive rights. The scope of &#039 / empowerment&#039 / is conceptualized as strenthening their capabilities to prevent sexual reproductive health risks, thereby enlarging their reproductive choices whithout reflecting on the role of general political economic structures. this thesis argues that while general health indicators and life choices and rights of poor women are decreasing due to neoliberal shrinkage of social policy and flexible working regimes, the sole focus on reproductive health and rights by development agents is irrelevant. In line with this argument, this study draws upon post-development theory in order to argue that development is a historically specific representation of social reality which permits particular modes of knowing while disqualifying others for perpetuating gobal hegemonic regimes.