The microfinance revolution of the 1980s acclaimed micro-credit as a tool that would improve the lives of economically active people trapped in poverty. The 2006 Nobel prize awarded to Mohammed Yunus and Grameen Bank confirmed for the industry’s advocates that microfinance was a panacea, and billions of dollars have been channeled to financial services for the poor. However, a series of high-profile scandals in 2010 shook development agencies’ faith in micro lending, and support has waned in light of evidence that microfinance alone cannot change structural inequalities and end poverty. I show that politics operate throughout the industry, reproducing inequalities within the process of micro lending. In my political ethnographic study of 460 people in three countries, I find that race and class politics is entrenched in all three countries, yet there are different outcomes related to attitudes of microfinance managers. In Jamaica and Guyana, micro lenders demonstrate that historically rooted racial and class biases go beyond gender to determine the allocation of micro loan resources. Ingrained biases interfere with the allocation of loans to the urban poor because discriminatory practices reinforce pre-existing social divisions. The Haiti case is hopeful: lenders, particularly the caisses populaires (credit unions), are made up of socially conscious people who recognize the country’s exclusionary politics. Managers and staff have class origins similar to the clients they serve and view micro loans as a tool to contest class and race-based oppressions. Haiti’s case suggests that collective systems such as those found in the caisses populaires and informal banks are effective because they relate to people’s history; and managers influenced by the masses, organize financial programs that are responsive to their clients and remain free from elite capture. This bottom-up approach in microfinance determines a greater level of social transformation for the urban poor.

Political success in semi-democratic countries has two aspects: shifting the balance of power in one’s favor and maintaining it. This thesis seeks to examine how the AKP has succeeded in shifting the balance of power in its favor while its predecessor the Welfare Party did not. Focusing on electoral success, existing research primarily lists center-periphery conflict, moderation, class struggle, party organization, and failures of others as the main determinants. Yet the significance of reining in the power of the Kemalist state structure has been mostly disregarded. Therefore, with a comparison of the AKP (2002-2007) and the Welfare Party (1996-1997) governments, this study tests one assertion using most-similar systems research design that in semi-democratic political settings with strong authoritarian actors, political parties that build broad coalitions via group specific policy promises will be more likely to shift the balance of power in favor of themselves than actors that lack such connections.

This article analyzes the factors that contributed to Cesar Alvarez’s administration stability as regional president of Ancash during almost two full consecutive terms (2006 – 2013). Thus, the research focuses on the development of clientelistic and patronage networks that strength- ened his ties with citizens, providing him with constant support. Moreover, those practices protected him from any act of fiscalization or investigation. Finally, public spending, largely financed with mining canon, made possible for Alvarez to show himself as an efficient regional president by developing major infrastructure projects in the region. / El presente artículo se centra en los factores que dieron estabilidad a la gestión del expresidente regional de Áncash,  César Álvarez,  durante casi dos periodos consecutivos (2006- 2013) y con probables miras hacia uno tercero. De esta manera, la investigación se enfoca en el desarrollo de redes clientelares y de patronazgo que fortalecieron los nexos que estableció con la ciudadanía, proporcionándole apoyo constante. Asimismo, aquellas prácticas le sirvieron de blindaje ante cualquier acto de fiscalización o investigación. Por último, el gasto público en gran parte producto del canon minero, hizo que Álvarez se demuestre como una autoridad eficiente alpromocionar grandes obras de infraestructura -sobrevaloradas- en la región.

O presente trabalho tem como proposta principal analisar a trajetória de José Maria Cândido Ribeiro, pintor português condenado por falsificação de moeda, enfatizando suas relações com a justiça no Brasil do século XIX. Cândido Ribeiro chegou ao Rio de Janeiro entre as décadas de 1820 e 1830, onde passaria a viver de sua arte de retratista e pintor a óleo. Casando-se com uma brasileira, em algum momento das décadas de 1830 e 1840 partiria para a província da Bahia, onde aconteceria sua principal condenação por falsificação de moeda, em 1849. A partir dessa condenação passou a se desenvolver uma complexa relação entre José Maria Cândido Ribeiro, a justiça do período e seus agentes. Preso em Salvador e agindo como delator e espião da polícia baiana entre 1851 e 1855, Ribeiro conseguiu paulatinamente atenuar e retardar o cumprimento de sua sentença, para isso estabelecendo relações com personalidades importantes ligadas a política e a justiça do período imperial. Em 1855, após participar de uma bem-sucedida operação contra a moeda falsa na Bahia, Cândido Ribeiro seguiu para a Corte do Rio de Janeiro, onde conseguiu a comutação de sua pena de galés para degredo no interior da província do Paraná, onde terminaria seus dias, no início da década de 1860. Perseguindo o personagem pelos lugares por onde passou, o trabalho reconstrói suas principais relações, observando de que forma elas podem ter influenciado nos processos e nas decisões da justiça. A tese propõe analisar, através de uma trajetória específica, o funcionamento de práticas de hierarquização, reciprocidade e clientelismo existentes na sociedade brasileira oitocentista, que interferiam no funcionamento da justiça, e que em alguma medida remetem a práticas existentes nas antigas monarquias coorporativas. / The main goal of this dissertation is to analyze the trajectory of José Maria Cândido Ribeiro, a Portuguese painter convicted of currency counterfeiting, emphasizing his relations with justice in Brazil of the nineteenth century. Cândido Ribeiro arrived in Rio de Janeiro between the 1820s and 1830s, making a living there from his art as a portraitist and oil painter. As he had married a Brazilian woman, at some point from the 1830s to the 1840s, he left for the province of Bahia, where his main condemnation for forgery of money took place in 1849. From this conviction, a complex relationship developed between José Maria Cândido Ribeiro, the justice of that period and its agents. Imprisoned in Salvador and acting as an informant and spy of the Bahian police between 1851 and 1855, Ribeiro gradually managed to mitigate and delay the execution of his sentence by establishing relationships with important personalities linked to politics and justice of the imperial period. In 1855, after taking part in a successful operation against the counterfeit currency in Bahia, Cândido Ribeiro went to the Court of Rio de Janeiro, where he could commute his Welsh judgment for exile in the interior of the province of Paraná, the place in which he had ended his days in the early 1860s. Pursuing the character throughout the places he had passed, the research reconstructs his main relationships, noting how they may have influenced the processes and decisions of justice. The dissertation aims to analyze, through a specific trajectory, the operation of the practices of hierarchization, reciprocity and clientelism existing in the nineteenth-century Brazilian society, which interfered in the operation of justice, and to some extend refer to the existing practices in the old corporative monarchies.

Por mais que a negociação do voto em troca dos mais variados benefícios tenha desembarcado no país junto da coroa portuguesa ao início do século XIX, se percebe que ela não definhou na história política brasileira. Nem a queda da monarquia e instauração da república e seus valores, a perda de poder dos coronéis de terras, a implantação de punições eleitorais mais duras aos negociantes do voto, ou mesmo a introdução do voto eletrônico para dificultar a prestação de contas do eleitor cliente ao político patrão ao final do século XX foram capazes de conter o desenvolvimento do fenômeno político denominado clientelismo. Um tipo de prática difícil de mensurar, sobretudo, porque para confirmar a troca do voto por algum benefício é necessário que o eleitor admita ter participado desse tipo de transação, ou que o candidato admita ter proposto esse tipo de situação aos eleitores. A confissão é pouco provável de ocorrer, principalmente em decorrência das punições eleitorais e jurídicas que recaem sobre ambos. Para contornar essa dificuldade se optou por tomar apenas o eleitor brasileiro como objeto de análise, e questionar se suas características demográficas, socioeconômicas ou culturais favorecem o clientelismo no Brasil? A delimitação temporal consistiu no período com início no ano de 2000 e término no ano de 2010. Se decidiu trabalhar com duas linhas de investigação: a) mensurar a oferta do clientelismo pelo político ao eleitor; b) mensurar a aprovação do eleitor para uma situação específica de clientelismo vivenciada por si ou por outros. As hipóteses adotadas de início foram: (H1) residir em município de pequeno porte populacional aumenta a probabilidade da oferta clientelista ao eleitor brasileiro; (H2) possuir pouca renda mensal aumenta o risco da oferta e da aprovação ao clientelismo no Brasil; (H3) possuir uma cultura política paroquial aumenta a probabilidade da aprovação do clientelismo pelo eleitor brasileiro. Os resultados obtidos ao final da tese desmentem a maioria das afirmações embasadas no senso comum, algumas realizadas por pesquisadores da área, e todas as hipóteses da tese. Eles demonstram que a região de residência do eleitor e sua idade foram significativas para a ocorrência da oferta clientelista, e que nenhuma das características da população de eleitores foi capaz de influenciar em sua aprovação ao clientelismo na primeira década de 2000. / Even though the negotiation of the vote in exchange of the most varied benefits has landed in the country along with the Portuguese crown at the beginning of the XIX century, it is noticed that it does not decreased in Brazilian political History. Not even the fall of the monarchy and instauration of the Republic and their values, the loss of the power of the colonels, the implementation of harsher electoral punishments to the voting dealers or even the introduction of eletronic voting to difficult the accountability of the cliente elector to the political boss at the end of the 20th century were able to contain the development of the political phenomenon called clientelism. A type of practice that is difficult to measure because to confirm the exchange of votes for some benefits is necessary that the voter admits to having participated of this type of transaction or that the candidate admits that he has proposed this type of situation to the voters. The confession is unlikely to occur mainly due to electoral and legal punishments that fall in both. To get around this difficulty, it was decided to take only Brazilian voter as the object of analysis and question whether if their demographic, socioeconomic and cultural characteristics favor clientelism in Brazil. The temporal delimitation constitutes in the period beginning in the year 2000 and finish in the year 2010. It was decided to work with two lines of research: a) measure the offer of the clientelismo by the politician to the voter; b) measure the voter approval for a specific situation experienced by itself or others. The hypotheses adopted at the beginning were: (H1) inhabit in the municipality of small population increases the probability of clientelist offer to the Brazilian voter; (H2) having a small monthly income increases the risk; (H3) have a parochial political culture increases the probability of the clientelism approval by the Brazilian voter. The results obtained at the end of the thesis disprove most of the common sense affirmations, some performed by researchers in the área and all hypotheses of the thesis. They demonstrate that the region of residence to the voter and his age were significant for the occurence of clientelistic and that none of the characteristics of the population of the voters was able to influence their approval to the clientelism in the first decade of 2000.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:35:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T21:07:51Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 lenardao_e_dr_arafcl.pdf: 3665415 bytes, checksum: 1ec26a74d6164a8defac4ef538e2d630 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Faz-se, aqui, uma investigação sobre as razões da presença de práticas políticas do tipo clientelista entre setores das classes populares, no Brasil contemporâneo, com destaque para os anos 1990. Propõe-se valorizar as razões inscritas na própria conjuntura sóciopolítica que circunda o fenômeno, de modo que se vá além das explicações que se fiam nos aspectos histórico-culturais ou de viés economicista, exclusivamente. Para este propósito, recorre-se a fontes bibliográficas e a periódicos, dos quais tirou-se uma interpretação própria sobre o período. Constatou-se que as práticas clientelistas receberam estímulos para se manifestarem na organização política nacional, principalmente, na esfera federal, mas com reflexos efetivos nos estados e municípios, do fato de a coalizão de forças políticas formada para a implantação do projeto neoliberal no Brasil ter juntado a moderna Social Democracia Brasileira e as velhas oligarquias regionais - situadas dentro do PFL, PP, PTB e setores do PMDB, principalmente -, cujos representantes são reconhecidos pelo apego às práticas de recorte patrimonialista e paternalista. / A survey is carried out on the reasons for the presence of political practices such as clientelism among sectors of popular classes in contemporary Brazil, with an emphasis on the 1990s. Our purpose is to value the reasons that are proper of the social-political situation that surrounds the phenomenon, in such a way that one can go beyond explanations, which are based exclusively on historical-cultural aspects or economy bias. In order to do so, some bibliographical sources and periodicals were used, from which a proper interpretation was taken about that period. It was observed that the clientelistic practices were stimulated to manifest themselves in the national political organization, mainly in the federal scope, but with effective reflections in the States and cities, due to the fact that, the coalition of political forces formed for the implementation of the neo-liberal project in Brazil, has joined the modern Brazilian Social Democracy and the old regional oligarchy - located mainly within the political parties PFL (Liberal Front Party), PP (Progressionist Party), PTB (Brazilian Labor Party) and sectors of PMDB (Brazilian Democratic Movement Party), whose representatives are well-known for their patrimonial and paternalist practices.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:20:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RuyterABS_TESE.pdf: 2473279 bytes, checksum: 20d47ea3f2ce3231dce944c0fcd73edb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-12-16 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / As one of the most important cities in the state of Pernambuco, Petrolina is settled in the Pernabucanian backwoods, a place that still holds its own traditions and manners. Petrolina s economy is mainly based on primary activities. It s politics is run by Family groups which preserve themselves and remain in power, using the clientelism, which could be said as a give and get practice. That means that the suffrage is a currency to exchange benefits. The present study analyses facts occurred in the political history of the Coelho s Family, which still dominates the local Politics. They persist as heirs of the old system of Coronelism that is maintaining their power structuring a political machine, which is able to make them unbeatable for over fifty years. Despite of a family internal division, it benefits all of them, directly or indirectly. Based on empirical observation, we set a brief historical of the Coelho s family facts, in order to demonstrate the range of their power through the ancestry, which is to say we ve described the local political labyrinths. Our metodological choices were driven by the comprehensive sociology, through the Weberian ideal types, in order to find the answers for the historical, social and political conformation of the facts, in consonance with the reality. According to that, we ve studied the Coelho s political trajectory from 1968 to 2012, considering the election periods. Commonplace: where a new generation becomes active subjects on a new apprenticeship, moral and intellectual. After all, they are all family heirs / Como uma das mais importantes do Estado, Petrolina ? uma cidade do sert?o pernambucano encravada numa regi?o que ainda guarda tradi??es e costumes pr?prios. Sua economia ?, predominantemente, prim?ria. E a pol?tica ? movida por grupos familiares, que se sucedem no poder, mantidos pelas pr?ticas clientel?sticas, cuja tradu??o t?cita ? dando que se recebe . Ou seja, o voto ? a moeda de troca para a percep??o dos benef?cios. O Estudo analisa fatos da pol?tica na fam?lia Coelho e a sua persistente domina??o atrav?s dos herdeiros de um antigo sistema baseado no coronelismo, que d?o continuidade ao poder local com a estrutura??o de uma m?quina politica, capaz de faz?-los quase imbat?veis eleitoralmente durante mais de meio s?culo. Apesar de ter havido uma divis?o intrafamiliar, todos s?o beneficiados diretos e indiretamente. Atrav?s de observa??es emp?ricas estabelecemos um pequeno hist?rico que nos desse a ideia do alcance desse poder atrav?s dos ancestrais, que simplesmente v?o listando eventos que penetram nos labirintos das pr?ticas politicas locais. A presente pesquisa opta pela metodologia da sociologia compreensiva atrav?s dos tipos ideais de Max Weber, na busca de respostas para as forma??es hist?rica, social e pol?tica dos fatos, em conson?ncia com a realidade atual. Com base nisso, o recorte temporal contempla a trajet?ria pol?tica da fam?lia Coelho, nos per?odos eleitorais, entre os anos de 1986 e 2012. Lugar Comum: onde uma nova gera??o torna-se tamb?m sujeito de uma nova aprendizagem, moral e intelectual. Afinal de contas, eles s?o herdeiros familiares

Orientador: José Flávio Bertero / Banca: Ângelo Del Vechio / Banca: José Antonio Segatto / Banca: Ruben Murilo Leão Rego / Banca: Pedro Roberto Ferreira / Resumo: Faz-se, aqui, uma investigação sobre as razões da presença de práticas políticas do tipo clientelista entre setores das classes populares, no Brasil contemporâneo, com destaque para os anos 1990. Propõe-se valorizar as razões inscritas na própria conjuntura sóciopolítica que circunda o fenômeno, de modo que se vá além das explicações que se fiam nos aspectos histórico-culturais ou de viés economicista, exclusivamente. Para este propósito, recorre-se a fontes bibliográficas e a periódicos, dos quais tirou-se uma interpretação própria sobre o período. Constatou-se que as práticas clientelistas receberam estímulos para se manifestarem na organização política nacional, principalmente, na esfera federal, mas com reflexos efetivos nos estados e municípios, do fato de a coalizão de forças políticas formada para a implantação do projeto neoliberal no Brasil ter juntado a moderna Social Democracia Brasileira e as velhas oligarquias regionais - situadas dentro do PFL, PP, PTB e setores do PMDB, principalmente -, cujos representantes são reconhecidos pelo apego às práticas de recorte patrimonialista e paternalista. / Abstract: A survey is carried out on the reasons for the presence of political practices such as clientelism among sectors of popular classes in contemporary Brazil, with an emphasis on the 1990s. Our purpose is to value the reasons that are proper of the social-political situation that surrounds the phenomenon, in such a way that one can go beyond explanations, which are based exclusively on historical-cultural aspects or economy bias. In order to do so, some bibliographical sources and periodicals were used, from which a proper interpretation was taken about that period. It was observed that the clientelistic practices were stimulated to manifest themselves in the national political organization, mainly in the federal scope, but with effective reflections in the States and cities, due to the fact that, the coalition of political forces formed for the implementation of the neo-liberal project in Brazil, has joined the "modern" Brazilian Social Democracy and the "old" regional oligarchy - located mainly within the political parties PFL (Liberal Front Party), PP (Progressionist Party), PTB (Brazilian Labor Party) and sectors of PMDB (Brazilian Democratic Movement Party), whose representatives are well-known for their patrimonial and paternalist practices. / Doutor

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-03T14:42:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JuliannaKSBA_DISSERT.pdf: 2962006 bytes, checksum: d3af9ed6c8ce08551feef41fb219f83f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-06-27 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / The relationship between mayors and patients Who use a Casa de Apoio in Natal, RN, shows us some traditional political features anda t the same time happens in na urban and modern context, regulated by a formal institution, the State. The Oestana, as is named this Casa de Apoio, offers daily that are paid by some City Halls located in the West of Rio Grande do Norte where people go away to capital from which they have medical and hospital care. This assistance includes paid services like accommodation, food, transportation, etc., as well as services that aren?t paid as information, support and hospital material, for example. When the patients access these service, they will gain a debt with a services provider (the mayor) which its eventually paid with the vote in the municipal elections. The goal is to understand the social, the political, the symbolic and mainly the life meaning of this relationship. Our research was developed by interviews with Oestanas users and regular visits to this house that showed a political bond regulated by moral and subjection, but is reconfigured by new social categories as the affection and the logical networks. / A rela??o entre prefeitos e pacientes, usu?rios de uma casa de apoio em Natal, RN, apresenta tra?os de uma pol?tica clientelista tradicional ao mesmo tempo em que ocorre num contexto urbano e moderno, regido por uma institui??o formal, o Estado. A Oestana, como ? chamada essa casa de apoio, oferece di?rias pagas pelas Prefeituras de cidades da Mesorregi?o do Oeste Potiguar de onde se deslocam doentes em busca de tratamento m?dico-hospitalar na capital. Essa assist?ncia log?stica inclui tanto servi?os pagos como acomoda??o, alimenta??o, transporte, etc. quanto aqueles n?o pagos tais quais informa??es, apoio e materiais hospitalares de uso pessoal, por exemplo. Ao acessar tais servi?os, os pacientes, na maioria dos casos, assumem tamb?m uma d?vida com o provedor de tais benef?cios (oprefeito) que ? eventualmente saldada com o voto nas elei??es municipais. Para entender o significado social, pol?tico, simb?lico e, sobretudo, vital dessa rela??o, desenvolvemos esse trabalho partir de observa??o direta, envolvendo entrevistas com os usu?rios da Oestana e visitas regulares a essa Casa as quais revelaram uma rela??o pol?tica operada por elementos como a moral e a sujei??o, mas resinificada por novas categorias sociais como a afetividade e a l?gica das redes

O presente estudo investiga a história política de Sobral no período entre 1963-1996. Ao longo dessas décadas, o executivo municipal esteve sob a liderança dos grupos políticos Prado e Barreto que se revezaram na direção do poder local na vigência do Regime Militar no Brasil, sobrevivendo ainda uma década do fim da ditadura. Para alguns analistas, foram três décadas de estagnação econômica e política, mas para outros, foi um período de importantes investimentos infraestruturais, com resultados positivos ainda hoje. O objetivo desta tese é compreender as mudanças e permanências ocorridas na cidade de Sobral ao longo da gestão desses administradores. A investigação está balizada pelo referencial teórico-metodológico da Nova História Política que, embora não tenha a pretensão de afirmar que tudo é político, compreende que o político é o lugar para onde conflui a maioria das atividades humanas. O conceito de cultura política, pensada como conjunto coerente de elementos que permite definir uma forma de identidade do indivíduo que dela se reclama; é aqui o instrumento de análise do objeto proposto. As fontes analisadas foram documentos do Poder Executivo, do Poder Legislativo e do Judiciário, além de periódicos, peça de teatro, fotografias, vídeos, depoimentos, entre muitos outros materiais que permitiram elucidar as questões propostas a esta investigação. / The present study investigates the political history of the period between 1963-1996 Sobral. Throughout these decades, the municipal executive was under the leadership of political groups Prado and Barreto who took turns in the direction of local power in the presence of the military regime in Brazil, even surviving a decade of the end of the dictatorship. For some analysts, it was three decades of economic stagnation and political. For others it was a period of major infrastructure investments with positive results today. The goal is to understand the changes and continuities that occurred in the city of Sobral over the management of these administrators. Research will be buoyed by the theoretical framework of the New Political History, which although not pretend to say that everything is political, the political is understood that the point to where converges most human activities. The concept of political culture, thought of as coherent set of elements that defines a form of identity of the individual who it is claimed, will be the instrument of analysis of the proposed object. The sources were documents of the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary, periodicals, plays, photographs, videos, testimonials, and many other materials that help to clarify the issues proposed in this research.