Lebanon is seen as a failed state by the international community and this study aims to look at the causes that have made Lebanon dysfunctional. The study uses Andrej Lijpharts consociational power sharing model and the international relations theory realism to analyse the internal and external causes that have made Lebanon a failed state. The study is based on interviews from the three major sects in Lebanon and a text analysis. The study shows that Lebanon is suffering from a corrupt elite that uses the state institutions to benefit their own families. The elite uses clientelism by manipulating consociational power sharing to make the ethnoreligious groups dependant on the elite’s own success. Different regional and international powers use Lebanon in their struggle for power and dominance over the Middle East. The external actors support different ethnic and religious groups by financing and arming them. That in turn deepens the divide between the sectarian groups and hinders the political progress.

How does the level of clientelistic distribution effect the risk of violent challenges towards the state in democracies? The relationship between democracy and violent conflict has been extensively tested, with diverging results. Utilizing time-series data from 162 independent democratic states ranging from 1946 to 2018, the relationship is here tested by separating the informal institutions of democracy from the formal. And running the level of clientelistic distribution, a conflicting informal institution, as the independent variable in a linear probability model. Which shows that an increase in the level of clientelism significantly increases the risk of violent challenges.

The diploma thesis "Systemic corruption in Liberec" focuses on the problematics of systematic corruption and clientelism in post-communist society. It is launched as a case study (Yin 1994, 2003, Flyfbjerg 2006, 2001) whose frame remarkably exceeds ordinary corruption models (public office, market centered theory, public interest) and is based on systematic corruption model theories (Caiden, and Caiden 1977, Caiden 2003, Johnston 1998, Wallis 2006, Stefes 2004, 2007, Jowitt 1992 etc.), and eventually their effect emerged in the areas of the government system, civil freedom, social cohesion and public economy. Empiric part consequently covers both phenomena showing the case of the Liberec city hall, the research itself is bounded by the years 1998-2010, when the connection between the city government and construction lobby reveals in an intense political and medial point of view. The research is made to identify and prove the figures of systematic corruption and clientelism based on the individual affairs of political representatives, office workers and various economic entities. Metodically the diploma thesis is built up on elaborate interviews (politicians, officers, prosecuting authorities etc.), document analysis (reports and materials of the city council and municipal government, contracts,...

(in English): The diploma thesis compares (mal)functioning of the state during contemporary political development in Czech Republic and Greece. Firstly it explaines the theoretical understanding of the notion of state and varieties of its mulfunctioning such as clientelism, patronage and exploitation. Secondly it analyzes path-dependent historical changes of state and its mulfunctioning, since Ottoman supremacy in case of Greece and since democratic Czechoslovakia in case of Czech Republic. Subsequently the thesis deals with the impact that the economic crisis of 2008 had on political development and quality of democracy in these countries in the context of their mulfunctioning states.

Vote-selling in Nigeria pervades and permeates the electoral space, where it has become the primary instrument of electoral fraud. Previous research has indicated a strong correlation between vote-buying and underinvestment and poor delivery of public services. There remains, however, a significant gap in the current literature regarding the nature of the relationship between vote-selling and the delivery of public services. The purpose of this study was to uncover voters' behaviors by investigating their common and lived experiences with respect to the provision of infrastructure, delivery of public services, and voting during elections. Using Bandura's theory of reciprocal determinism, the research explored the connection between environment and vote-selling. Data were collected through semistructured interviews with 10 individuals who participated in the most recent elections in Akoko North West Local Government, Ondo State, Nigeria. The data were analyzed using Moustakas's transcendental phenomenological process. Key findings suggest a reciprocal relationship between vote-selling, and infrastructure and public services. The study findings also revealed that vote-sellers' feel justified because vote-selling is perceived as a product of disappointment, lack of trust and voters' apathy, willingness to accept their own share of 'national cake,' and poverty. These findings are consistent with Bandura's proposition that people create the society and equally react to environmental factors. This study contributes to the existing literature and may enhance social change initiatives by improving the understanding of the connection between the provision of infrastructure and the delivery of public services and vote-selling.

Land Ownership and Development: Evidence from Postwar Japan This paper analyzes the effect of land ownership on technology adoption and structural transformation. A large-scale land reform in postwar Japan enforced a large number of tenant farmers who were cultivating land to become owners of this land. I find that the municipalities which had many owner farmers after the land reform tended to experience a quick entry of new agricultural machines which became available after the reform. The adoption of the machines reduced the dependence on family labor, and led to a reallocation of labor from agriculture to industries and service sectors in urban centers when these sectors were growing. I also analyze the aggregate impact of labor reallocation on economic growth by using a simple growth model and micro data. I find that it increased GDP by about 12 percent of the GDP in 1974 during 1955-74. I also find a large and positive effect on agricultural productivity. Loyalty and Treason: Theory and Evidence from Japan's Land Reform A historically large-scale land reform in Japan after World War II enforced by the occupation forces redistributed a large area of farmlands to tenant farmers. The reform demolished hierarchical structures by weakening landlords' power in villages and towns. This paper investigates how the change in the social and economic structure of small communities affects electoral outcomes in the presence of clientelism. I find that there was a considerable decrease in the vote share of conservative parties in highly affected areas after the reform. I find the supporting evidence that the effect was driven by the fact that the tenant farmers who had obtained land exited from the long-term tenancy contract and became independent landowners. The effect was relatively persistent. Finally, I also find the surprising result that there was a decrease, rather than an increase, in turnout in these areas after the reform.  Geography and State Fragmentation We examine how geography affects the location of borders between sovereign states in Europe and surrounding areas from 1500 until today at the grid-cell level. This is motivated by an observation that the richest places in this region also have the highest historical border presence, suggesting a hitherto unexplored link between geography and modern development, working through state fragmentation. The raw correlations show that borders tend to be located on mountains, by rivers, closer to coasts, and in areas suitable for rainfed, but not irrigated, agriculture. Many of these patterns also hold with rigorous spatial controls. For example, cells with more rivers and more rugged terrain than their neighboring cells have higher border densities. However, the fragmenting effects of suitability for rainfed agriculture are reversed with such neighbor controls. Moreover, we find that borders are less likely to survive over time when they separate large states from small, but this size-difference effect is mitigated by, e.g., rugged terrain.

Suivant les violences du sud du Kirghizistan en 2010, plusieurs auteurs de même que des médias ont décrit les affrontements entre les Ouzbèks et les Kirghizes comme étant dûs à des manipulations de l’ethnicité par les élites de la région. Ce travail de mémoire de maîtrise analyse l’influence des élites dans la société kirghize, elle évalue la capacité de celles-ci à mobiliser les gens pour quelque chose d’aussi radical que des violences ethniques. L’emprise politique et économique des élites kirghizes et ouzbèkes sur la société est donc confrontée à des facteurs de mobilisation plus émotifs. La théorie de Scott Radnitz sur le clientélisme et sur la capacité qu’ont les élites à réunir une foule majeure pour des regroupements publics sera notamment examinée et mise en opposition à des théories qui attribuent des causes plus émotionnelles aux affrontements. Cette analyse démontre que la théorie de Scott Radnitz indique une bonne première piste à suivre pour l’étude de toute mobilisation au Kirghizistan. Cependant, pour la mobilisation menant à des violences ethniques, il faut apporter une petite nuance afin d’incorporer les aspects émotionnels à la mobilisation. / Following the ethnic violence which happened in southern Kyrgyzstan in 2010, several authors and media sources have stated that the confrontation between the Uzbeks and the Kyrgyz was due to manipulations of ethnicity by the region’s elites. This master’s dissertation analyzes the influence of elites within Kyrgyz society, it thus analyzes they’re capacity to mobilize people for something as radical as ethnic violence. The political and economic leverage which these elites have in society is thus confronted to more emotional factors of mobilisation. Scott Radnitz’s theory on clientelism and on elite’s ability to gather large crowds for public gatherings will be examined and opposed to other theories which attribute more emotional causes to confrontation. The results of this analysis indicate that Radnitz offers and excellent guide to studying any type of mobilisation in Kyrgyzstan. However, in the case of ethnic violence, the emotional aspect to mobilisation must be taken into account to fully understand the situation.

This thesis analyzes caciquismo as a temporally and spatially specific type of clientelistic relations in the Restoration Spain (1874 - 1923). First, the analysis primarily focuses on Spanish historiography of caciquismo/clientelism, its development and current situation of research including contemporary reception of the problem. Second, it also deals with the discussion of contemporary manifestations of caciquismo/clientelism in relation to the issues of terminology, corruption and political clientelism in modern Spain. In both cases the researcher sonsiders other important non-Spanish theoretical works. The thesis is based on interdisciplinary approach: besides of a historical perspective, it also brings to the topic view of anthropology, political science and sociology as well. The contribution of this thesis is refuting the concept according to that the contemporary critics (regeneracionists, Generation of '98 and Generation of '14) condemn caciquismo as a wholly negative manifestation of social interaction, which is based on a psychopathological and ethno-geographical perspective destined only to the Spanish nation, the idea, which is attributed to the contemporary critics of the Restoration Spain by the historians of caciquismo. Keywords: Spain - caciquismo - clientelism - patron-client...

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2016-09-02T12:39:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TATIANY LORENA VIEIRA.pdf: 1106542 bytes, checksum: 0cf12158f0eb0a728d2878a63435f779 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-02T12:39:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TATIANY LORENA VIEIRA.pdf: 1106542 bytes, checksum: 0cf12158f0eb0a728d2878a63435f779 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-09-25 / This study, which was held under the Graduate Program of Law, International Relations and Development of the Catholic University of Goiás, aims to analyze the political culture cultivated in Brazil, tracing thus a brief historical dossier and investigating the phenomena of coronelismo (classic boss system under which the control of patronage was centralized in the hands of a locally dominant oligarch known as a coronel) and clientelism. It also investigates the Política dos Governadores (Governor Policy), the political system implemented during the Old Republic by President Campos Sales. This study defends the hypothesis that social public policies perpetuate the political culture of gift; therefore, it analyses the legislation that heads the program Minha Casa, Minha Vida (My House, My Life). While deeply probing the legal devices that make this program legal, it has been noticed that these devices diverge from constitutional principles, especially those of impersonality and legality. Therefore, this program allows the maintenance of clientelist practices, performed by a bureaucrat coroneis that gross a considerable amount of votes by making use of public benefits, gathering thus the electors’ loyalty by granting them social rights in shape of favors. This study is grounded on a literature review in which sociological, political and legal concepts of the cultural formation of the Brazilian people were examined, in order to provide precise analysis of the institutes featured on the legislation of Minha Casa, Minha Vida. Media outlets such as newspaper articles were also used to support the hypothesis defended by this study. Brazilian social politics are still treated as a result of favor, which helps perpetuate obsolete social phenomena developed since the Old Republic and contributes for the maintenance of the political culture of gift. As a result, the feeling of citizenship is weakened and the perfecting of democracy is hindered. / Este trabalho desenvolvido no Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, Relações Internacionais e Desenvolvimento, da Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Goiás, analisa a cultura política cultivada no Brasil, realizando um sucinto levantamento histórico e investigando os fenômenos do coronelismo e do clientelismo. Estuda o sistema implantado durante a República Velha pelo Presidente Campos Sales que ficou conhecido como política dos governadores. Parte da hipótese que as políticas públicas sociais perpetuam a cultura política da dádiva, para tanto, analisa a legislação que norteia o Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida. Ao aprofundar nos instrumentos legais que normatizam o PMCMV verifica-se que estes desviam de princípios constitucionais, em especial o da impessoalidade e da legalidade. Assim, esse programa permite a manutenção de práticas clientelistas, realizadas por um coronel burocrata que utilizando dos benefícios públicos garante uma massa de votantes, cultivando a lealdade do eleitor ao conceder direitos sociais como favores. A metodologia utilizada baseou-se numa pesquisa bibliográfica, estudando conceitos sociológicos da formação do povo brasileiro, bem como políticos e jurídicos, para que com esse aparato teórico possa ser analisado os institutos contidos na legislação do PMCMV. Sendo que, para confirmar a hipótese trabalhada buscou-se nos mais diversos veículos de comunicação matérias jornalísticas a respeito do tema tratado. As políticas sociais ainda continuam sendo tratadas no Brasil como fruto do favor, o que perpetua fenômenos retrógrados desenvolvidos desde a República Velha, e contribui para a manutenção da cultura política da dádiva, ao revés, enfraquece a cidadania e o aperfeiçoamento da democracia.

A bolsa de estudo para o ensino fundamental privado, financiada com recursos da educação pública, está prevista na CF/88 e na LDB/96 em caráter excepcional para atender ao direito público subjetivo de acesso ao ensino fundamental. Trata-se de uma excepcionalidade, pois a Lei permite o uso deste instituto sob três condições: quando não houver vaga na escola pública próxima à residência da criança, quando a criança não possuir recursos para financiar o próprio estudo em escola privada, e como conseqüência, o poder público obrigado a investir prioritariamente na solução da falta de vagas na local de moradia do aluno bolsista. Em resumo a bolsa deve ser transitória. A pesquisa tomou o caso de Nova Iguaçu/RJ, centrandose nos anos de 1997 a 2008, no entanto, mostrou que esse Município tem concedido bolsas de estudo de forma recorrente desde, no mínimo 1990, e no mesmo lugar e a crianças não necessariamente carentes, pois a maior parte delas já estava na escola quando receberam bolsa. O que caracteriza a sua ilegalidade, a sua inconstitucionalidade. A pesquisa objetivou entender a natureza da política de concessão de bolsas no âmbito deste Município. A hipótese de que a concessão de bolsas, mais do que uma resposta ao direito público subjetivo, seria uma forma de desviar recursos públicos à escola privada, pautada pelo clientelismo e pela troca de favores foi corroborada pela pesquisa. Para tanto, recorreu-se a uma combinação de métodos de pesquisa, ao paradigma indiciário e ao materialismo histórico. Procedeu-se a consultas a documentos do Município e a entrevistas com gestores da educação pública, da escola privada, políticos, lideranças sindicato dos trabalhadores da educação do Município, conselheiros na área da educação e aos próprios bolsistas. Constatou-se, sobretudo até o final de 2004, devido à forma sub-reptícia e à falta de transparência pública na sua concessão, que, até a sua extinção em 2008 pelo Governo Municipal, a sociedade civil enfrentou imensas dificuldades para exercer o papel de cidadão no controle social sobre esta política pública. / State-funded grants for private schools operating in the compulsory education sector (comprising 8 years) are provided for in the Federal Constitution of 1988 and the General Law of Education of 1996 as an exception to fulfill the public subjective right of access to the 8 years of compulsory education. This is an exception, for the law allows said grants under three conditions: when there is no place available in the State school near the child home, when the child has not funds to pay his own fees in a private school and, as a result, the State should prioritarily invest to solve the lack of places in the place of residence of the pupil with a grant. In short, the grant should be provisional. This research examined the case of the municipality of Nova Iguaçu, in the State of Rio de Janeiro, between 1997 and 2008. It found that the local government has consistently given grants since at least 1990, always in the same place and with the same schools for children not necessarily deprived, for most of them were already at school when they were given a grant, which indicates the illegal and nonconstitutional nature of the grants. The research sought to understand the nature of the grant awarding policy in this local government and confirmed the hypothesis that, the awarding of grants, far from being an answer to the subjective public right of access to education, would be a way of channelling public funds to private schools, based on clientelism and exchange of favours. To do this, the research employed a combination of research methods, the criticalhistorical approach and the index paradigm. Local government documents were examined and interviews were carried out with State education and private school administrators, politicians, leaders of the local government education workers\' union, education councillors and those legally responsible for the children who were given the grants. It was found, up to its extinction, in 2008, particularly until the end of 2004, owing to the subreptitious form and the lack of public transparency in the grant awarding, that civil society faced immense difficulties to perform the citizen role of social control over this public policy.