Olga Davidová - Abstrakt DP - AJ Abstract Diploma thesis "Globalization and Health - access to health care for children of foreigners in the Czech Republic" addresses the issue of availability of health care for children of foreigners in the Czech Republic as development of legal framework in the Czech Republic and human rights issues. The main objective of this work is a critical reflection on the cause of discrimination against children of foreigners from third world countries (non-EU countries) in their access to health care. This is a retrospective case study which is selected by the institutional analysis of the key events of public policy focusing on the development of health insurance legislation. There are different mechanisms of protection of human rights at local, national, and international level in the availability of health care for children of foreign nationals from third world countries; unfortunately national legislation is not fully in line with international requirements in the area of health law. Although international documents are binding for the Czech Republic, they are not sufficiently applied in the Czech constitutional right to prevent violations of human rights.

This study focuses on the importance of Petroleum of Venezuela (PDVSA) in Venezuelanpolitics. Specifically, it focuses on the role that the state-owned oil company has played in thesurvival of Nicolás Maduro in the presidency of the country, despite the serious political andhumanitarian crisis that the country is going through. To analyze the importance of PDVSA, wefocus on the relationships that the company has established with key social actors such asmembers of the socialist party, the military, and civil society. Our analysis is supported byclientelist and function fusion theories. / Este estudio se centra en analizar la importancia de Petróleos de Venezuela en la políticavenezolana. En específico se centra en el papel que la compañía petrolera estatal ha tenido en lasupervivencia de Nicolás Maduro en la presidencia del país, a pesar la grave crisis política yhumanitaria que a traviesa el país. Para analizar la importancia de PDVSA nos centramos en lasrelaciones que la empresa ha establecido con actores sociales clave como los miembros del partidosocialista, el ejército y la sociedad civil. Nuestro análisis está apoyado en las teorías clientelistasy de fusión de funciones.

In Romania, the consideration that politicians use their influence to control the public procurement market is axiomatic. It is no surprise that the country ranks high in perceptionbased surveys or the low participation of firms on the procurement market. The more difficult task is to demonstrate the existence of restrictions to procurement contracts in order to benefit preferred companies. That is, to measure the extent to which the market is captured by favored companies. Employing data on all public procurement contracts in Romania for the period 2009 – 2015, this paper examines government favoritism in public procurement exerted by political parties. Using a dynamic panel data approach (Dávid-Barrett and Fazekas 2019), the companies are classified based on their winning pattern with respect to government change. Favoritism is observed if winning companies within the government period are also associated with a higher risk of corruption measured by two alternative approaches. The findings confirm that procurement market is captured in a low to moderate proportion (24%) and that the market display patterns of systematic favoritism. This may signal certain progress registered by Romania to combat political corruption. Arguably, the insensitivity of perception indicators with respect to this progress is, at least partly, due to media coverage of the on-going corruption investigations related to the past. / I Rumänien, finns det en allmän uppfattning om att politiker använder sitt inflytande för att kontrollera den offentliga upphandlingsmarknaden. Det är ingen överraskning att landet rankas högt i perceptionsbaserade undersökningar rörande korruption eller att företags deltagande inom upphandlingsmarknaden är lågt. Ett svårare uppdrag är dock att påvisa och bevisa förekomsten av begränsningar kring upphandlingskontrakt med syfte att gynna vissa företag. Med andra ord så föreligger en utmaning att, genom mätning, påvisa i vilken utsträckning marknaden inkluderar favoriserade företag kontra hur den exkluderar övriga företag. Med hjälp av uppgifter om samtliga kontrakt gällande offentlig upphandling i Rumänien under åren 2009 – 2015, undersöker denna avhandling regeringens och dess politiska partiers favorisering. Företagen i upphandlingarna klassificeras med hjälp av dynamiskpaneldata (Dávid-Barrett och Fazekas 2019), baserat på des vinnande mönster kopplat till regeringsbyte. Favorisering kan observeras om vinnande företag inom regeringsperioden även är förknippade med en högre risk för korruption som mätts genom två alternativa metoder. Resultaten bekräftar att upphandlingsmarknaden fångas i en låg till måttlig andel (24%) av favoriserade företag och att marknaden visar mönster av systematisk favorisering. Resultaten kan dock signalera om visst framsteg som Rumänien har uppnått för att bekämpa politisk korruption. Det kan argumenteras att perceptionsbaserade indikatorer fångade inte upp dessa framsteg, åtminstone delvis, på grund av mediatäckningen av pågående korruptionsutredningar i Rumänien relaterade till det förflutna.

The aim of this thesis is to explore how livelihoods are recovering in the aftermath of the 2004 tsunami in Sri Lanka through the lens of the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework and the social networks approach—methods of inquiry that have gained considerable impetus in livelihoods research. The study is conducted with reference to two tsunami-affected fisher villages in the Hambantota District, Southern Province. It employs a qualitative ethnographic methodology that examines narratives emerging from households, local officials of government and non-government organizations, office bearers of community-based organizations, local politicians, village leaders, and key informants. Focus is on evaluating how particular roles, activities, and behaviour are given importance by these groups in specific post-tsunami contexts and how these aspects relate to broader conceptualizations of social networks, informal politics, social inequality, and ethnographic research in South Asia. The findings support four major contributions to the literature. First, social networks are significant as an object of study and a method of inquiry in understanding livelihoods post-disaster. Second, paying heed to varied forms of informal politics is critical in post-disaster analyses. Third, the concept of intersectionality can extend and improve upon prevailing approaches to social inequality in disaster recovery. Fourth, ethnographic research is valuable for understanding everyday networks, informal politics, and change in South Asia. Collectively, these findings present a human geography of post-tsunami livelihoods in Sri Lanka, where networks, politics, and inequalities, which form an essential part of everyday livelihoods, have been reproduced in disaster recovery. The thesis constitutes a means of offering expertise in the sphere of development practice, highlighting internal differentiation in access to aid as a key issue that needs to be identified and systematically addressed by policymakers and practitioners.

La présente thèse éclaire l’intelligibilité du régime politique gabonais sous Omar BONGO (1968-2009). Plus précisément, elle relève que la domination personnelle et l’analyse élitiste sont deux approches complémentaires dans la compréhension du politique au Gabon et partant, en Afrique subsaharienne. Elle montre à cet effet qu’Omar BONGO n’a pas pu compter que sur lui-même pour se maintenir au pouvoir pendant près d’un demi-siècle. Il a dû également s’appuyer sur un groupe d’acteurs, appelé élite politique, dont l’organisation et le fonctionnement étaient néanmoins empreints de son pouvoir personnel. En effet, l’accès à cette élite était régi par le clientélisme et le népotisme, deux rapports d’échange qu’Omar BONGO avait érigés en principe de gestion du personnel supérieur de l’État. Le premier lui permettait de se constituer une clientèle capable d’œuvrer par délégation ou de façon autonome à sa longévité politique. De ce fait, les acteurs qui composaient cette clientèle étaient dotés chacun d’un capital de ressources variées qu’ils activaient et faisaient fructifier de façon à l’aider à conserver son sceptre. La valorisation de ce capital auprès d’Omar BONGO les conduisait d’ailleurs à se livrer une lutte acharnée dans laquelle la fin justifiait les moyens. Quant au népotisme, il amena à Omar BONGO de faire des membres de sa famille officielle et ceux de sa famille officieuse ses proches collaborateurs dans le gouvernement, l’administration présidentielle et le Parti démocratique gabonais (PDG). Politique de l’affection, il lui permettait ainsi d’avoir une emprise plus importante sur l’élite politique et sur l’appareil d’État car, en faisant de son pouvoir une affaire de famille, Omar BONGO savait pouvoir compter sur des acteurs dont la loyauté et la détermination seraient également un atout pour sa longévité politique. / The present thesis lights the intelligibility of gabonese political regime under OMAR BONGO (1968-2009). More precisely, it notices that personal domination and elitist analysis are two supplementary approaches in the understanding of politics in Gabon and in sub-Saharan Africa. It shows with this effect that OMAR BONGO could not count that on itself to stay in power during almost half a century. He must also have leaned on a group of actors, called political elite, of which the organization and functioning being imprinted by its personal power. Indeed, access to this elite was governed by clientelism and nepostism, two reports of exchange which OMAR BONGO had established in principle of management of the upper personnel of the State. The first allowed him to build up clients able of working on the instructions or in an autonomous manner in his political longevity. Because of that, the actors who composed these clients were endowed to each of a capital of various resources which they activated and made bear fruit in order to help him to keep its scepter. The promotion of this capital to OMAR BONGO led them besides to devote themselves a persevered conflict. As for nepotism, it brought to OMAR BONGO to make members of its official family and those of its semiofficial family his close collaborators in the government, the presidential administration and the PDG, the party in power. Policy of affection, it allowed him so to have a more important hold on political elite and on State apparatus. Because, by making of his power a family business, OMAR BONGO knew how he will count on actors among whom fidelity and determination would be also a trump for his political longevity.

Le travail présenté ici se veut être une analyse du comportement d'un consommateur bien précis : l'acheteur de produits de luxe, issu de la classe moyenne supérieure libanaise. En nous basant sur ses pratiques mais aussi ses contraintes face à l'acte d'achat, nous tenterons de dresser la liste des facteurs sociaux qui régissent ses actions face aux produits de luxe. Quels sont les interdits ? Qu'est ce qui, au contraire, le pousse à acheter ce type de marchandises ? Cette étude veut comprendre le comportement des acheteurs dans un espace précis - le Liban - qui se révèle instable tant sur le plan géopolitique, social qu'économique. Après de nombreuses guerres civiles et des tensions permanentes entre religions, le pays se trouve face à une problématique délicate. Ainsi, par exemple, un consommateur qui va dans une boutique appartenant à un groupe religieux différent du sien sera considéré comme un traître par son propre groupe. Les conflits religieux et la montée des extrémismes est au cœur de cette problématique. Les groupes extrémistes font appel à leurs fidèles pour boycotter les produits provenant de nombreux pays européens. Le consommateur, quant à lui, se trouve au cœur de tensions issues de plusieurs contraintes. Cela fait aujourd'hui plus d'un an que le Liban se trouve sans président. Les partis politiques, tout comme les milices, sont à la tête d'un système politique privilégiant le clientélisme. Ce système s'est installé suite à la disparition du pouvoir de l'État et met en avant l'échange de produits de luxe contre des services en tout genre et une amélioration du statut social. Notre travail veut montrer comment ces « cadeaux » en général et principalement les produits de luxe ont participé à la cohésion et à la mise en place d'une identité d'un groupe spécifique de Libanais. Chaque individu essaye de construire - ou reconstruire - son identité sociale, essaye également de sécuriser cette identité dans un environnement totalement instable comme c'est le cas dans ce pays sans gouvernement et parlement légaux, et qui ne peuvent plus garantir cette stabilité. L'acteur social tente de trouver de nouvelles stratégies afin de s'assurer une certaine paix au quotidien. Les individus du milieu social concerné se sentent menacés par leur propre environnement mais aussi par les autres environnements socio-religieuses : Maronites, les Chiites, les Sunnites, etc. Ils ont peur pour leurs enfants, leurs proches mais aussi leurs biens : commerces, logements ... Ils doivent donc trouver une manière de s'assurer une certaine sécurité face aux différentes menaces. C'est dans ce cadre que les cadeaux de luxe interviennent et réduisent l'incertitude à la fois face à l'insécurité et aux différentes menaces. / This study explores and analyses the factors involved in the act of consumption of luxury goods of the upper middle-class consumers through a case study on Lebanon. Based on the consumer's behaviour as well as the economic and social constraints he faces, we will try to define the social determinants of luxury goods consumption. What are the banners? What are the factors pushing the upper-middle class to buy such goods? This study aims to understand the behavior of buyers in a specific area - Lebanon - which is geopolitically, economically and socially unstable. After many civil wars and constant tensions between different religious groups, the country is facing a delicate problem. For example, due to social pressure executed by the society of his religious group, the consumer finds himself obligated to buy from shops owned by people of his religious group. If not, he will be considered as a traitor. Religious conflicts and the rise of extremism are at the heart of this problem. Extremist groups call on their followers to boycott products from many European countries. Consumers, meanwhile, are at the heart of tensions from several constraints It has been for more than a year now that Lebanon is without a president. Political parties, like the militias, are at the head of the political system that favors cronyism. This system was installed due to the disappearance of the state power and highlights the role of luxury goods as "gifts" in exchange of all kinds of services and improved social status. The objective of this study is to show how these "gifts" in general, and mainly luxury goods, were involved in the cohesion and the establishment of an identity of a specific group of the Lebanese population. Each individual trying to build - or rebuild - their social identity, is also trying to secure this identity in a totally unstable environment, especially when the legal government and the parliament are unable to guarantee this stability. Therefore, the social actor is trying to find new strategies to ensure some peace everyday. Individuals of a certain social environment feel threatened by their environment but also by other socio-religious environments: Maronites, Shiites, Sunnis, etc. They are afraid for their children, their relatives but also their material properties: retail, housing ... They must find a way to provide certainty about the various threats. It is in this context that luxury gifts intervene and reduce uncertainty both to insecurity and the various threats.

Le « Burkina Faso depuis 1991 : entre stabilité politique et illusionnisme démocratique » ambitionne de se projeter au cœur du régime de la IVème République. Les fondements de la domination de l’élite politique post-transition sont examinés à travers la stratégie de conquête du pouvoir politique et la légitimation électorale à travers l’organisation des premières élections pluralistes. Le président Blaise Compaoré progressivement met en place un système de domination verrouillé où les possibilités de changements démocratiques s’amenuisent pour ses adversaires politiques. Cette mainmise du régime de M. Blaise Compaoré nécessite des ressources qui se déclinent en ressources internes et en un répertoire de légitimation internationale qui fait aujourd’hui du président Blaise Compaoré un acteur majeur du jeu politique sous-régional. / "Burkina Faso since 1991: between political stability and democratic illusion" aims to project in the heart of the regime of the Fourth Republic. The foundations of the dominance of the post-transition political elite are examined through the strategy of conquest of political power and electoral legitimacy by organizing the first multiparty elections. President Blaise Compaoré gradually set up a system of domination locked where the possibilities of democratic change are dwindling for his political opponents. This control regime Blaise Compaoré requires resources that are available in-house resources and a directory of international legitimacy that is now President Blaise Compaoré a major player in the political game sub regional levels.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:17:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carla Jacques Carlos.pdf: 1689902 bytes, checksum: 59f676629eacb9b73b2beb7e71661b67 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-15 / The object of this dissertation is the expressions of power relations at the decisions of the Child and Adolescent Rights City Council of Sorocaba about the Child and Adolescent Rights City Fund, from 2006 to 2008. The objective is to know and analyze aspects of power relations that cross the CCCAR of Sorocaba in its connections with the local political culture. The formulate hypothesis is that the decisions of CCCAR of Sorocaba about the CARCF are predominantly crossed by power relations that contribute for the clientelism maintenance at this sphere. It's a qualitative research and had as methodological procedures, the documentary research, the bibliographic survey, the researcher's participant observation and the field research. The empirical research was fulfilled through the Oral History methodology since it confers visibility and centrality to the political subjects, enlightens the meanings in its narratives making the experiences elucidated in the collecting process of the testimonies reliable. Testimonies from 8 subjects were collected, three of them watched for a longer period the story of Council. However, all of them show a role of emphasis at the city political scenario, bound to the Child and Adolescent Rights issues. The bibliographic survey had as references the following concepts: power relations, political culture, the democracy and the rights, under an interdisciplinary foundation, having as line of thought a critical historical-political-cultural analysis, and the documentary analysis involved the data research about the social reality of the child and adolescent in Sorocaba and as regards the Council in lines, objective to clarify not exclusively the theoretical corps about the Rights Council, but also to contribute for the political practice of this democratic institution / O objeto desta dissertação são as expressões das relações de poder nas decisões do Conselho Municipal dos Direitos da Criança e do Adolescente (CMDCA) de Sorocaba sobre o Fundo Municipal de Direitos da Criança e do Adolescente (FMDCA), no período de 2006 a 2008. O objetivo é conhecer e analisar os aspectos das relações de poder que atravessam o CMDCA de Sorocaba em suas conexões com a cultura política local. A hipótese formulada é que as decisões do CMDCA de Sorocaba sobre o FMDCA são predominantemente atravessadas por relações de poder que contribuem para a manutenção do clientelismo nesta esfera. A pesquisa é de caráter qualitativo e teve por procedimentos metodológicos a pesquisa documental, o levantamento bibliográfico, a observação participante da pesquisadora e a pesquisa de campo. A pesquisa empírica foi realizada por meio da metodologia da História Oral que, por conferir visibilidade e centralidade aos sujeitos políticos, ilumina os significados em suas narrativas, tornando-as fidedignas às vivências elucidadas nos depoimentos. Foram colhidos depoimentos de oito sujeitos; sendo que três deles acompanharam por um período mais longo a história do CMDCA. Porém, todos os sujeitos apresentam papel de relevo na cena política municipal, vinculado à questão dos direitos da criança e do adolescente. A pesquisa bibliográfica tomou por referências os conceitos de relações de poder, de cultura política, de democracia e dos direitos, sob fundamentação interdisciplinar. O fio condutor foi uma análise crítica histórico-político-cultural e a documental envolveu o levantamento de dados sobre a realidade social da criança e do adolescente em Sorocaba e acerca do Conselho em pauta, com o objetivo de clarificar não exclusivamente o corpo teórico sobre os Conselhos de Direitos, mas também de contribuir para a prática política dessa instituição democrática

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.