A concepção tradicional de federação remete à possibilidade de uma melhor organização do Estado, proporcionando-lhe maior desempenho na execução da atividade financeira para satisfazer as necessidades públicas em níveis mais eficientes. As estruturas federativas existentes no mundo, porém, apresentam diferenças entre si e vários são os elementos que contribuem para essa ocorrência, motivo pelo qual não se pode conceber um modelo único de federação, imune a deficiências e problemas. Um Estado federado, dependendo do padrão de federação que adote (mais descentralizado ou menos descentralizado, por exemplo), pode não ser capaz de solucionar questões de vital interesse à sociedade. Na presente tese de doutorado, o autor analisa as características da federação brasileira e procura perscrutar se existe relação entre a estrutura do federalismo fiscal adotada no Brasil e a ocorrência de desvios de recursos públicos, dentre os quais os deflagrados por atos de corrupção. A preocupação contida no estudo não é apenas a de investigar essa relação, mas a de avaliar suas possíveis causas, analisando de forma criteriosa os níveis de descentralização presentes na federação e o grau de autonomia dos entes federados. No primeiro capítulo são discutidos o conceito, características e classificação dos Estados federais, a importância da federação para a atividade financeira estatal, os princípios do federalismo fiscal e as funções fiscais alocativa, distributiva e estabilizadora. A investigação sobre a possibilidade da existência de vínculo entre o desvio de recursos e o tipo de estrutura do federalismo fiscal é objeto de análise no segundo capítulo, no qual também serão expostas definições e características de condutas que tendem a provocar o mencionado transviamento, tais como o rent-seeking (comportamento caçador de renda), o patrimonialismo, o clientelismo, o coronelismo e a corrupção. O terceiro capítulo cuida da análise do arcabouço do federalismo fiscal brasileiro e procura examinar se os níveis de descentralização presentes no país são adequados para uma perfeita relação entre os entes subnacionais e o governo central, bem como se essa estrutura impede ou estimula as ocorrências de desvios de recursos públicos. No quarto capítulo, as hipóteses contidas nos capítulos anteriores são demonstradas por meio da análise do processo orçamentário federal (mais especificamente em relação às consequências advindas da elaboração da lei orçamentária anual) e das transferências intergovernamentais no Brasil. / The traditional conception of a federation leads us to the possibility of a better organized Government, capable of satisfactorily performing the financial activity in order to meet the public needs at more efficient levels. However, the federative structures existing worldwide today are quite different from each other and various are the elements contributing to such occurrence and this is why we cannot conceive one single federation model unaffected by deficiencies and problems. A federate Union, depending on the federation model adopted thereby (either a more or less decentralized one, for instance), may be unable to solve issues of vital interest to the society as a whole. In this dissertation, the author analyzes the characteristics of the Brazilian federation and seeks to scrutinize whether there is a relation between the fiscal federalism structure adopted in Brazil and the occurrence of deviation of public funds, including those triggered by corruption acts. Rather than simply investigating such relation, this dissertation is concerned with evaluating the possible causes for deviation of public funds, minutely examining the levels of decentralization present in the federation and the degree of autonomy among the federated entities. In chapter one, the author discusses the concept, characteristics and classification of the federal states, the importance of the federation for the financial activity performed by the Government, the principles of fiscal federalism and the allocable, distributive and stabilizing fiscal functions. Whether there is a connection between the deviation of funds and the type of structure of fiscal federalism is investigated in chapter two, where definitions and characteristics of conducts prone to cause the mentioned deviation are expounded by the author, such as rent-seeking, patrimonialism, clientelism, coronelismo and corruption. In chapter three, the author analyzes the framework of Brazilian fiscal federalism and examines whether the levels of decentralization existing in Brazil are proper for a perfect relation between the subnational entities and the central Government, as well as whether such structure either impedes or otherwise fosters the occurrences of public fund deviation. Chapter three demonstrates the hypotheses contained in the previous chapters by means of an analysis of the federal budgetary process (more specifically in relation to the consequences derived from preparation of the annual budgetary law) and intergovernmental transfers in Brazil.

Saudi Arabia, along with other Gulf oil monarchies, represents an original politico- economic system. Huge revenues in the form of oil rent, flowing to the Treasury since the oil boom in the early 70's, have fundamentally changed the socio-economic structure, which was in literature termed the rentier state. The origin, development and description of typical characteristics of rentier state are the main topic of this thesis. The first section discusses the theoretical foundations and approaches to the issue. The second chapter provides a historical background in order to position the study in the context of previous political, economic and ideological development. In an analysis of the formation of state structures, the work deals with the relationships between members of the ruling house of Saud, between the government and social elites, with functioning of clientelist structures and interactions within the bureaucratic apparatus. Based on the study of these relationships the thesis marks out particularities of the Saudi politico-economic system that distinguish it from the classical concept of rentier state model. The main distinctive feature is the diminished autonomous ability of state to regulate the functioning of state institutions and to encourage individual agencies to cooperate actively...

This bachelor thesis is conducted as a Minor Field Study (MFS) in Colombo, Sri Lanka. The aim of the study is to investigate the relationship between journalism and politics from three questions at issue: 1) What is the role of media according to the journalists? 2) How do journalists work with political reporting in the Sri Lankan print media? 3) How does print media and politics correspond to each other in Sri Lanka?. The theoretical framework consists of theories onmedia systems, democracy models, the notion of the public sphere, media during elections and types of regulations. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 17 informants, both editors and journalists, at eight different editorial offices. The newspapers at which the informants were employed were either state-owned or privately owned. The qualitative material was transcribed and analysed using thematisation and meaning concentration to reveal patterns, attitudes and opinions. The analysis is divided into two major sections; 'Media's Role in the Society' and 'Media and Politics'. The first section investigates the first question at issue. Informing and educating people are valued as important responsibilities amongst the informants. Media is considered to be powerful in terms of affecting both people and politicians, although, some reservations are made. The second section examines the second and third questions at issue. The ideal execution of political reportage includes notions of neutrality, fairness, balance and unbiased reporting. In reality this is not necessarily accomplished. The state newspapers seem to report on behalf of the government in a positive and uncritical way. Private newspapers consider themselves to be more independent, but political ties and restrictions can disable their independence. Tendencies towards clientelism, political parallelism and instrumentalization are noted in the media environment. Sensitive, political news is often self-censored by journalists due to fear of consequences. In 'Conclusions and Discussion' the questions at issue are connected to each other in an attempt to discuss the complex relationship between journalism and politics in Sri Lanka.

Cette thèse consiste dans l’étude des stratégies de résistance et d’adaptation de topolignages constitués de successions de lignages de l’ancienne noblesse francilienne sur des mêmes centres de pouvoir seigneuriaux, face à la soi-disant crise nobiliaire des XIVe et XVe siècles. Il s’agit de montrer que le concept de crise nobiliaire ne doit pas être appliqué à l’ensemble de la noblesse francilienne, puisque certains topolignages anciens traversent la période sans dommage. L’enquête recense et interroge les moyens et ressources utilisés par ces anciens nobles qui survivent. Les alliances et les stratégies matrimoniales afférentes sont abordées. L’organisation de la continuité de l’exploitation de leurs fiefs est examinée, montrant des signes de crispation et de réactivation du système féodal en réaction aux difficultés économiques liées à la guerre de Cent Ans. Une base de données prosopographiques est présentée, et une typologie de relations individuelles est proposée pour nourrir ensuite une méthodologie d’analyse de réseaux des parentés, de réseaux d’affiliations aux institutions royales ou princières, ou d’appartenance à des clientèles ou de partis. Comment ces anciens nobles ont-ils profité des clientèles mises en place par les Princes ? Comment ont-ils pris part aux différents partis qui se sont opposés pendant la guerre de Cent Ans ? Enfin, la culture de la noblesse est étudiée à travers sa participation à la vie curiale des Grands, à ses marques de dévotion et à ses relations avec ses ancêtres. Le sentiment d’appartenance de l’ancienne noblesse francilienne à un même groupe fier de ses origines n’a-t-il pas finalement été la principale raison de leur subsistance ? / This thesis consists in the study of the strategies of resistance and adaptation of topographic lineages made up by successions of chalk-linings of the former nobility from the Île-de-France region on same seigniorial centers of power, facing the so-called crisis peerage-book of 14th and 15th centuries. It is a question of showing that the concept of crisis peerage-book should not be applied to the whole of the nobility from the Île-de-France region, since some topographic lineages old cross the period without damage. The investigation counts and questions the means and resources used by these old noble which survive. The related alliances and matrimonial strategies are approached. The organization of the continuity of the exploitation of their strongholds is examined, showing signs of crispation and reactivation of the feudal system in reaction to the economic difficulties related to the Hundred Year War. A prosopographical database is presented and a typology of individual relations is proposed to then nourish a methodology of network analysis of the relationships, networks of affiliations at the royal princely institutions, or of membership of customers or parties. How did these old noble benefit from the clients installation by the Princes? How did they take part in the various parties which were opposed during the Hundred Year War? Lastly, the culture of the nobility is studied through its participation in the life curiale the Largeones, its brands of devotion and its relations with its ancestors. Wasn't the feeling of appartenance of the former nobility from the Île-de-France region to the same proud group of its origins finally the main reason of their subsistence?

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:39:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2607.pdf: 1042050 bytes, checksum: 4a47d8e2b8d7253503d43213de8575ae (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-08-18 / The present project has for objective to understand the politics dimension of the function/post of the principal (headteacher), as well as its joint with the City department of Education and the pertaining to school community. For such, we made study of the patrimonialism as Portuguese inheritance; of a present patrimonialism system in Brazil since the settling. We analyze the way to enter of the position/job in special in Araraquara/SP s city, where we concentrate the research, noticing the clientelism and patrimonialism internally in the educational units through the figure of the principal (headteacher). We concentrate in the process of construction of the principal s patrimonialist character, with intention to contribute to delineated a direction for a really democratic management in the schools. In this context, we look for to understand our patrimonialist inheritance Portuguese existing until today in the school. We conclude that the headteacher is inserted in a culture that loads pieces of patrimonialism and clientelism, of a centralizer power culture, and all the responsibilities of college are of him. The administrative structure to school put the principal on top of the hierarchy, contributing that the structures of power remain in the same way. / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo compreender a dimensão política da função/cargo do diretor de escola, bem como sua articulação com a Secretaria Municipal de Educação e a comunidade escolar. Para tal, fizemos um estudo sobre o patrimonialismo como herança lusitana; de um sistema patrimonial presente em nosso país desde a colonização. Analisamos as formas de provimento para o preenchimento do cargo/emprego em especial no município de Araraquara/SP, onde centralizamos nossa pesquisa, encontrando o clientelismo e patrimonialismo envolto nas unidades educacionais através da figura do diretor. Focamos o processo de construção do caráter patrimonialista dos diretores de escola, com o intuito de contribuir para que sejam traçadas diretrizes para uma gestão realmente democrática nas escolas. Neste contexto, procuramos entender a nossa herança patrimonialista lusitana presente até hoje nas instituições escolares. Concluímos que o diretor está inserido em uma cultura que carrega consigo ranços de patrimonialismo e clientelismo, de uma cultura centralizadora de poder, recaindo sobre ele todas as responsabilidades da escola. A própria estrutura administrativa escolar, coloca o diretor no topo da hierarquia, contribuindo para que as estruturas de poder permaneçam da mesma forma.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:20:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ClidenorBSF_DISSERT.pdf: 414431 bytes, checksum: 9d70a6bf3c1b428bf9218a18430167ef (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-11-22 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / The reality experienced by many families and individuals who seek and require the services of the Unified Health System - SUS, the relationships between users, health professionals, and political representatives, establishes the core of the issue that guides the choice and interest of this study concerning the prominence of clientelist practices and gifts that permeate the health field. The research is based on the analysis and reflection of the intrinsic relationship between the health and political fields. It analyses the health field and its relationship with the dynamics and developments of the local political scenario relating it to the implementation of the Family Health Program and Community Health Agents Program (PACS/PSF health programs) in the city of Mossor?, State of Rio Grande do Norte which refers to the period 1991-2010; and falls into a methodological perspective of qualitative approach. The methodological tools and techniques used were based on semi-structured interviews, direct observation of the field, journalistic texts and documentary sources. The construction and questioning of the object of the research were based on theoretical contributions from authors discussing the social field and symbolic power: Bourdieu (2005); clientelist relationships and gifts from asymmetric exchanges: Rouland (1997), Lanna (1995), Martins (1999), Carvalho (1999), Diniz (1982); exercise of hegemony and political strategy from authors who analyse this subject: Gramsci (1995), Coutinho (1981), and Gruppi (1978). Furthermore, the research has established dialogues with authors who address the dynamics of Brazilian politics such as Baquero (2001) and Weffort (1993). The collected data were subjected to qualitative content analysis. The results showed that with the implementation of the PACS/PSF programs in the aforementioned city, the health field has established itself as a key scenario for the exercise of political hegemony of the factions that dominate this socio-political context, resizing clientelist practices, however, without modifying the power structures within this social scenario / A realidade vivenciada por in?meras fam?lias e indiv?duos que buscam e necessitam dos servi?os do Sistema ?nico de Sa?de SUS, as rela??es entre usu?rios, profissionais de sa?de, e representantes pol?ticos, instituem o cerne da problem?tica que norteia ? escolha e o interesse deste estudo sobre a proemin?ncia das pr?ticas clientelistas e d?divas que permeiam o campo da sa?de. A pesquisa se pauta na an?lise e reflex?o da rela??o intr?nseca entre o campo da sa?de e o campo pol?tico. Analisa o campo da sa?de e sua rela??o com a din?mica e os desdobramentos do cen?rio pol?tico local relacionando-o a implanta??o dos programas de sa?de PACS/PSF no munic?pio de Mossor?-RN que remete ao per?odo entre 1991-2010. Inscreve-se em uma perspectiva metodol?gica de abordagem qualitativa. Os instrumentos metodol?gicos e t?cnicas utilizadas pautaram-se em entrevistas semi-estruturadas, observa??o direta do campo, textos jornal?sticos e fontes documentais. A constru??o e problematiza??o do objeto da pesquisa fundamentou-se em aportes te?ricos de autores que discutem o campo social e poder simb?lico: Bourdieu (2005); rela??es clientelistas e d?divas a partir de trocas assim?tricas: Rouland (1997), Lanna (1995), Martins (1999), Carvalho (1999), Diniz (1982); exerc?cio da hegemonia e estrat?gia pol?tica em autores que analisam essa tem?tica: Gramsci (1995), Coutinho (1981) e Gruppi (1978). Ademais, a pesquisa estabeleceu di?logos com autores que versam sobre a din?mica da pol?tica brasileira como Baquero (2001) e Weffort (1993). Os dados coletados foram submetidos a uma an?lise qualitativa de conte?do. Os resultados evidenciaram que com a implanta??o dos programas PACS/PSF no munic?pio supracitado o campo da sa?de consolidou-se como um cen?rio essencial para o exerc?cio da hegemonia pol?tica das fac??es que dominam esse contexto sociopol?tico, redimensionando as pr?ticas clientelistas, entretanto, sem modificar as estruturas de poder no ?mbito deste cen?rio social

A bolsa de estudo para o ensino fundamental privado, financiada com recursos da educação pública, está prevista na CF/88 e na LDB/96 em caráter excepcional para atender ao direito público subjetivo de acesso ao ensino fundamental. Trata-se de uma excepcionalidade, pois a Lei permite o uso deste instituto sob três condições: quando não houver vaga na escola pública próxima à residência da criança, quando a criança não possuir recursos para financiar o próprio estudo em escola privada, e como conseqüência, o poder público obrigado a investir prioritariamente na solução da falta de vagas na local de moradia do aluno bolsista. Em resumo a bolsa deve ser transitória. A pesquisa tomou o caso de Nova Iguaçu/RJ, centrandose nos anos de 1997 a 2008, no entanto, mostrou que esse Município tem concedido bolsas de estudo de forma recorrente desde, no mínimo 1990, e no mesmo lugar e a crianças não necessariamente carentes, pois a maior parte delas já estava na escola quando receberam bolsa. O que caracteriza a sua ilegalidade, a sua inconstitucionalidade. A pesquisa objetivou entender a natureza da política de concessão de bolsas no âmbito deste Município. A hipótese de que a concessão de bolsas, mais do que uma resposta ao direito público subjetivo, seria uma forma de desviar recursos públicos à escola privada, pautada pelo clientelismo e pela troca de favores foi corroborada pela pesquisa. Para tanto, recorreu-se a uma combinação de métodos de pesquisa, ao paradigma indiciário e ao materialismo histórico. Procedeu-se a consultas a documentos do Município e a entrevistas com gestores da educação pública, da escola privada, políticos, lideranças sindicato dos trabalhadores da educação do Município, conselheiros na área da educação e aos próprios bolsistas. Constatou-se, sobretudo até o final de 2004, devido à forma sub-reptícia e à falta de transparência pública na sua concessão, que, até a sua extinção em 2008 pelo Governo Municipal, a sociedade civil enfrentou imensas dificuldades para exercer o papel de cidadão no controle social sobre esta política pública. / State-funded grants for private schools operating in the compulsory education sector (comprising 8 years) are provided for in the Federal Constitution of 1988 and the General Law of Education of 1996 as an exception to fulfill the public subjective right of access to the 8 years of compulsory education. This is an exception, for the law allows said grants under three conditions: when there is no place available in the State school near the child home, when the child has not funds to pay his own fees in a private school and, as a result, the State should prioritarily invest to solve the lack of places in the place of residence of the pupil with a grant. In short, the grant should be provisional. This research examined the case of the municipality of Nova Iguaçu, in the State of Rio de Janeiro, between 1997 and 2008. It found that the local government has consistently given grants since at least 1990, always in the same place and with the same schools for children not necessarily deprived, for most of them were already at school when they were given a grant, which indicates the illegal and nonconstitutional nature of the grants. The research sought to understand the nature of the grant awarding policy in this local government and confirmed the hypothesis that, the awarding of grants, far from being an answer to the subjective public right of access to education, would be a way of channelling public funds to private schools, based on clientelism and exchange of favours. To do this, the research employed a combination of research methods, the criticalhistorical approach and the index paradigm. Local government documents were examined and interviews were carried out with State education and private school administrators, politicians, leaders of the local government education workers\' union, education councillors and those legally responsible for the children who were given the grants. It was found, up to its extinction, in 2008, particularly until the end of 2004, owing to the subreptitious form and the lack of public transparency in the grant awarding, that civil society faced immense difficulties to perform the citizen role of social control over this public policy.

A concepção tradicional de federação remete à possibilidade de uma melhor organização do Estado, proporcionando-lhe maior desempenho na execução da atividade financeira para satisfazer as necessidades públicas em níveis mais eficientes. As estruturas federativas existentes no mundo, porém, apresentam diferenças entre si e vários são os elementos que contribuem para essa ocorrência, motivo pelo qual não se pode conceber um modelo único de federação, imune a deficiências e problemas. Um Estado federado, dependendo do padrão de federação que adote (mais descentralizado ou menos descentralizado, por exemplo), pode não ser capaz de solucionar questões de vital interesse à sociedade. Na presente tese de doutorado, o autor analisa as características da federação brasileira e procura perscrutar se existe relação entre a estrutura do federalismo fiscal adotada no Brasil e a ocorrência de desvios de recursos públicos, dentre os quais os deflagrados por atos de corrupção. A preocupação contida no estudo não é apenas a de investigar essa relação, mas a de avaliar suas possíveis causas, analisando de forma criteriosa os níveis de descentralização presentes na federação e o grau de autonomia dos entes federados. No primeiro capítulo são discutidos o conceito, características e classificação dos Estados federais, a importância da federação para a atividade financeira estatal, os princípios do federalismo fiscal e as funções fiscais alocativa, distributiva e estabilizadora. A investigação sobre a possibilidade da existência de vínculo entre o desvio de recursos e o tipo de estrutura do federalismo fiscal é objeto de análise no segundo capítulo, no qual também serão expostas definições e características de condutas que tendem a provocar o mencionado transviamento, tais como o rent-seeking (comportamento caçador de renda), o patrimonialismo, o clientelismo, o coronelismo e a corrupção. O terceiro capítulo cuida da análise do arcabouço do federalismo fiscal brasileiro e procura examinar se os níveis de descentralização presentes no país são adequados para uma perfeita relação entre os entes subnacionais e o governo central, bem como se essa estrutura impede ou estimula as ocorrências de desvios de recursos públicos. No quarto capítulo, as hipóteses contidas nos capítulos anteriores são demonstradas por meio da análise do processo orçamentário federal (mais especificamente em relação às consequências advindas da elaboração da lei orçamentária anual) e das transferências intergovernamentais no Brasil. / The traditional conception of a federation leads us to the possibility of a better organized Government, capable of satisfactorily performing the financial activity in order to meet the public needs at more efficient levels. However, the federative structures existing worldwide today are quite different from each other and various are the elements contributing to such occurrence and this is why we cannot conceive one single federation model unaffected by deficiencies and problems. A federate Union, depending on the federation model adopted thereby (either a more or less decentralized one, for instance), may be unable to solve issues of vital interest to the society as a whole. In this dissertation, the author analyzes the characteristics of the Brazilian federation and seeks to scrutinize whether there is a relation between the fiscal federalism structure adopted in Brazil and the occurrence of deviation of public funds, including those triggered by corruption acts. Rather than simply investigating such relation, this dissertation is concerned with evaluating the possible causes for deviation of public funds, minutely examining the levels of decentralization present in the federation and the degree of autonomy among the federated entities. In chapter one, the author discusses the concept, characteristics and classification of the federal states, the importance of the federation for the financial activity performed by the Government, the principles of fiscal federalism and the allocable, distributive and stabilizing fiscal functions. Whether there is a connection between the deviation of funds and the type of structure of fiscal federalism is investigated in chapter two, where definitions and characteristics of conducts prone to cause the mentioned deviation are expounded by the author, such as rent-seeking, patrimonialism, clientelism, coronelismo and corruption. In chapter three, the author analyzes the framework of Brazilian fiscal federalism and examines whether the levels of decentralization existing in Brazil are proper for a perfect relation between the subnational entities and the central Government, as well as whether such structure either impedes or otherwise fosters the occurrences of public fund deviation. Chapter three demonstrates the hypotheses contained in the previous chapters by means of an analysis of the federal budgetary process (more specifically in relation to the consequences derived from preparation of the annual budgetary law) and intergovernmental transfers in Brazil.

Why do some elections spark violence whilst others do not? That is a question that has gained increased interest from scholars during the last few years. However, because of the field’s relative novelty, and despite the vast literature on democratization and civil war, it is still a question that is not fully comprehended. In this thesis, a theory claiming that clientelism should increase the risk of electoral violence is presented. It is argued that clientelism increases the stakes of elections by increasing the costs of losing and the rewards of winning them. This should also increase the risk that electoral violence is employed as a strategy in elections. It is further argued that this relationship should be present both when an incumbent is partaking in the election and when no incumbent does so. It is further argued that violence both prior to and after elections should correlate positively with clientelism. The theory is tested by a series of regression models. It is found that clientelism only has a consistently positive and statistical significant relationship with post-election violence. Furthermore, evidence is found disproving the hypothesis that electoral violence is positively correlated with clientelism regardless of whether an incumbent partakes in the election or not. On the other hand, evidence is found that a condition for the proposed theoretical mechanism is that an incumbent is running for office. The thesis contributes to the knowledge about electoral violence in general, but also to the vast literature on democratization in Africa.

L’objectif principal de cette étude est d’analyser la configuration du pouvoir local dans quatre États mexicains : le Chiapas, le Veracruz, le Yucatan et le District Fédéral, en lien avec la reproduction de la pauvreté et des inégalités, qui persistent en dépit de la mise en œuvre de programmes sociaux destinés aux personnes âgées du pays. Ces quatre États mexicains montrent des similitudes et des différences dans la reproduction du pouvoir par le PRI (Partido Revolucionario Institucional) et par les « grandes familles ». Cette reproduction est à mettre en relation avec le clientélisme politique, qui alimente également la reproduction de la pauvreté et des inégalités. L’étude comparative entre ces quatre États est réalisée dans un contexte de transition sociodémographique et de vieillissement de la population mexicaine. L’étude aborde également les questions de la discrimination du genre, des relations conflictuelles entre classes sociales et du racisme dans les rapports sociaux, en articulation avec la persistance du « colonialisme du pouvoir » mis en œuvre par différents groupes exogènes et endogènes. / The main objective of this study is to analyze the local power configuration in four Mexican states: Chiapas, Veracruz, Yucatan and the Federal District, with regard to reproduction of poverty and inequality that persist despite the implementation of social programs for the elderly in Mexico. These four Mexican states show similarities and differences in the reproduction of power by the PRI (Partido Revolucionario Institucional) and by the "big families". This reproduction is related to political clientelism, which also supplies the reproduction of poverty and inequality. The comparative study between four states is carried out within a context of socio-demographic transition and ageing processes of Mexican population. The study also addresses issues of gender discrimination, conflicts between social classes and racism in social relations, in articulation with persistence of the "colonialism of power" implemented by various exogenous and endogenous groups.