O presente trabalho tem como proposta principal analisar a trajetória de José Maria Cândido Ribeiro, pintor português condenado por falsificação de moeda, enfatizando suas relações com a justiça no Brasil do século XIX. Cândido Ribeiro chegou ao Rio de Janeiro entre as décadas de 1820 e 1830, onde passaria a viver de sua arte de retratista e pintor a óleo. Casando-se com uma brasileira, em algum momento das décadas de 1830 e 1840 partiria para a província da Bahia, onde aconteceria sua principal condenação por falsificação de moeda, em 1849. A partir dessa condenação passou a se desenvolver uma complexa relação entre José Maria Cândido Ribeiro, a justiça do período e seus agentes. Preso em Salvador e agindo como delator e espião da polícia baiana entre 1851 e 1855, Ribeiro conseguiu paulatinamente atenuar e retardar o cumprimento de sua sentença, para isso estabelecendo relações com personalidades importantes ligadas a política e a justiça do período imperial. Em 1855, após participar de uma bem-sucedida operação contra a moeda falsa na Bahia, Cândido Ribeiro seguiu para a Corte do Rio de Janeiro, onde conseguiu a comutação de sua pena de galés para degredo no interior da província do Paraná, onde terminaria seus dias, no início da década de 1860. Perseguindo o personagem pelos lugares por onde passou, o trabalho reconstrói suas principais relações, observando de que forma elas podem ter influenciado nos processos e nas decisões da justiça. A tese propõe analisar, através de uma trajetória específica, o funcionamento de práticas de hierarquização, reciprocidade e clientelismo existentes na sociedade brasileira oitocentista, que interferiam no funcionamento da justiça, e que em alguma medida remetem a práticas existentes nas antigas monarquias coorporativas. / The main goal of this dissertation is to analyze the trajectory of José Maria Cândido Ribeiro, a Portuguese painter convicted of currency counterfeiting, emphasizing his relations with justice in Brazil of the nineteenth century. Cândido Ribeiro arrived in Rio de Janeiro between the 1820s and 1830s, making a living there from his art as a portraitist and oil painter. As he had married a Brazilian woman, at some point from the 1830s to the 1840s, he left for the province of Bahia, where his main condemnation for forgery of money took place in 1849. From this conviction, a complex relationship developed between José Maria Cândido Ribeiro, the justice of that period and its agents. Imprisoned in Salvador and acting as an informant and spy of the Bahian police between 1851 and 1855, Ribeiro gradually managed to mitigate and delay the execution of his sentence by establishing relationships with important personalities linked to politics and justice of the imperial period. In 1855, after taking part in a successful operation against the counterfeit currency in Bahia, Cândido Ribeiro went to the Court of Rio de Janeiro, where he could commute his Welsh judgment for exile in the interior of the province of Paraná, the place in which he had ended his days in the early 1860s. Pursuing the character throughout the places he had passed, the research reconstructs his main relationships, noting how they may have influenced the processes and decisions of justice. The dissertation aims to analyze, through a specific trajectory, the operation of the practices of hierarchization, reciprocity and clientelism existing in the nineteenth-century Brazilian society, which interfered in the operation of justice, and to some extend refer to the existing practices in the old corporative monarchies.

Por mais que a negociação do voto em troca dos mais variados benefícios tenha desembarcado no país junto da coroa portuguesa ao início do século XIX, se percebe que ela não definhou na história política brasileira. Nem a queda da monarquia e instauração da república e seus valores, a perda de poder dos coronéis de terras, a implantação de punições eleitorais mais duras aos negociantes do voto, ou mesmo a introdução do voto eletrônico para dificultar a prestação de contas do eleitor cliente ao político patrão ao final do século XX foram capazes de conter o desenvolvimento do fenômeno político denominado clientelismo. Um tipo de prática difícil de mensurar, sobretudo, porque para confirmar a troca do voto por algum benefício é necessário que o eleitor admita ter participado desse tipo de transação, ou que o candidato admita ter proposto esse tipo de situação aos eleitores. A confissão é pouco provável de ocorrer, principalmente em decorrência das punições eleitorais e jurídicas que recaem sobre ambos. Para contornar essa dificuldade se optou por tomar apenas o eleitor brasileiro como objeto de análise, e questionar se suas características demográficas, socioeconômicas ou culturais favorecem o clientelismo no Brasil? A delimitação temporal consistiu no período com início no ano de 2000 e término no ano de 2010. Se decidiu trabalhar com duas linhas de investigação: a) mensurar a oferta do clientelismo pelo político ao eleitor; b) mensurar a aprovação do eleitor para uma situação específica de clientelismo vivenciada por si ou por outros. As hipóteses adotadas de início foram: (H1) residir em município de pequeno porte populacional aumenta a probabilidade da oferta clientelista ao eleitor brasileiro; (H2) possuir pouca renda mensal aumenta o risco da oferta e da aprovação ao clientelismo no Brasil; (H3) possuir uma cultura política paroquial aumenta a probabilidade da aprovação do clientelismo pelo eleitor brasileiro. Os resultados obtidos ao final da tese desmentem a maioria das afirmações embasadas no senso comum, algumas realizadas por pesquisadores da área, e todas as hipóteses da tese. Eles demonstram que a região de residência do eleitor e sua idade foram significativas para a ocorrência da oferta clientelista, e que nenhuma das características da população de eleitores foi capaz de influenciar em sua aprovação ao clientelismo na primeira década de 2000. / Even though the negotiation of the vote in exchange of the most varied benefits has landed in the country along with the Portuguese crown at the beginning of the XIX century, it is noticed that it does not decreased in Brazilian political History. Not even the fall of the monarchy and instauration of the Republic and their values, the loss of the power of the colonels, the implementation of harsher electoral punishments to the voting dealers or even the introduction of eletronic voting to difficult the accountability of the cliente elector to the political boss at the end of the 20th century were able to contain the development of the political phenomenon called clientelism. A type of practice that is difficult to measure because to confirm the exchange of votes for some benefits is necessary that the voter admits to having participated of this type of transaction or that the candidate admits that he has proposed this type of situation to the voters. The confession is unlikely to occur mainly due to electoral and legal punishments that fall in both. To get around this difficulty, it was decided to take only Brazilian voter as the object of analysis and question whether if their demographic, socioeconomic and cultural characteristics favor clientelism in Brazil. The temporal delimitation constitutes in the period beginning in the year 2000 and finish in the year 2010. It was decided to work with two lines of research: a) measure the offer of the clientelismo by the politician to the voter; b) measure the voter approval for a specific situation experienced by itself or others. The hypotheses adopted at the beginning were: (H1) inhabit in the municipality of small population increases the probability of clientelist offer to the Brazilian voter; (H2) having a small monthly income increases the risk; (H3) have a parochial political culture increases the probability of the clientelism approval by the Brazilian voter. The results obtained at the end of the thesis disprove most of the common sense affirmations, some performed by researchers in the área and all hypotheses of the thesis. They demonstrate that the region of residence to the voter and his age were significant for the occurence of clientelistic and that none of the characteristics of the population of the voters was able to influence their approval to the clientelism in the first decade of 2000.

This article argues that in Colombia, decentralization and electoral reforms adopted in the late 1980s and in the 1991 Constitution – designed to improve democratic quality – brought about a gradual deinstitutionalization of this country’s traditional party system as an unintended consequence. Building upon resource-based theories of party configuration, we contend that in developing countries, where resources are usually crucial for party aggregation, democratizing reforms designed to distribute power and resources in the political system can reduce local candidates’ incentives to join and remain loyal to political parties, particularly when those parties’ reputations are weak. In Colombia, these reforms (i) reduced the power of intermediate-level party leaders over the distribution of selective incentives, making these leaders less important for local politicians, and (ii) gave more political and financial autonomy to local candidates, reducing their need to join parties in order to advance their electoral goals. As a result, party cohesion and discipline become difficult to maintain, and the party system gradually deinstitutionalizes. / Este trabajo argumenta que las reformas descentralizadoras y electorales adoptadas a fines de los años ochenta y en la Constitución de 1991 en Colombia – diseñadas para mejorar la calidad democrática – provocaron, como consecuencia no esperada, una desinstitucionalización gradual del sistema de partidos tradicional de este país. Basándonos en teorías que resaltan el efecto de los recursos sobre la configuración partidaria, argumentamos que en países en vías de desarrollo, donde los recursos suelen ser cruciales para la agregación partidaria, reformas «democratizadoras» diseñadas para distribuir poder y recursos en el sistema político pueden reducir los incentivos de los candidatos locales para unirse y permanecer leales a los partidos políticos, particularmente cuando la reputación de estos últimos es débil. En Colombia, estas reformas(i) redujeron el poder de los líderes de nivel intermedio de los partidos sobre la distribución de incentivos selectivos, lo que los volvió menos importantes para los políticos locales, y (ii) dio más autonomía política y financiera a los candidatos locales, lo cual redujo su necesidad de afiliarse a partidos a fin de alcanzar sus objetivos electorales. Como resultado, la cohesión y disciplina partidaria se hicieron más difíciles de mantener y el sistema de partidos se desinstitucionalizó gradualmente.

This article attempts to observe the existence of certain similarities between trust that can be established between individuals and their local political institution, with habitual ways of relating that adjoin political clientelism. Certain similarities that point to question whether clientelism can be accommodated as a way to build relationships, create links and bring the individual to the political institution. The local political institution will be studied, and observe how relations have been builtin two districts of the same geographical area, through qualitative and quantitative tools. It will be noted that the usual way of relating learned still present and mobilizes the ways of acting individuals / therefore links with clientelistic characteristics are plausible to generate trust relationships. / El presente artículo trata de observar la existencia de ciertas similitudes entre las relaciones de confianza que puedan establecerse entre los individuos y su institución política local, con formas habituales de relacionarse que lindan con el clientelismo político. Se observarán ciertas semejanzas que apuntan a cuestionar si el clientelismo puede tener cabida como una forma de establecer relaciones, crear vínculos y acercar la institución política al individuo. Se observará la construcción de relaciones y vínculos en dos distritos de un mismo estrato zonal en Lima Metropolitana, a través de herramientas cualitativas y cuantitativas. Se notará que la forma habitual de relacionarse aprendida sigue presente y moviliza las formas de actuar a los individuos / por tanto los vínculos con características clientelaresson plausibles de generar relaciones de confianza.

Orientador: Evelina Dagnino / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T19:30:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Neves_AngelaVieira_D.pdf: 1588880 bytes, checksum: 41d60fcdfa9b76329ff4cf75b9b29214 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Esta tese buscou analisar o impacto do orçamento participativo enquanto um novo instrumento de inovação democrática na cultura política local a partir da afirmação de que esse instrumento tensiona a política mais conservadora presente em diferentes municípios brasileiros. Trata-se de pesquisar nesta tese a tensa relação no exercício da política quando o OP é colocado em prática. A questão a que se tenta responder é: Como se verifica o impacto provocado pela inovação democrática, pela gestão participativa, com o OP sobre a cultura política? Tomando como ponto de partida essas indagações analisamos os efeitos políticos a partir de um estudo de caso sobre o OP em Barra Mansa, Rio de Janeiro. A contaminação de práticas culturais conservadoras como o clientelismo coloca um desafio à democracia participativa. Constatou-se também que um dos maiores conflitos com o OP se deu com aqueles vereadores, inclusive do PT, acostumados a reproduzir uma prática menos democrática na intermediação de interesses com a população por meio do favor e do clientelismo. O que encontramos no estudo de caso foi que o sucesso democrático de uma experiência de participação popular depende bem mais dos aspectos culturais e políticos presentes na sociedade brasileira. Essa tese mostrou que há um hibridismo na cultura política exercida pelos diferentes atores quer sejam da sociedade civil ou dos aparelhos do Estado que acionam mecanismos democráticos e clientelistas na intermediação de interesses públicos e coletivos. Além disso, confirmou-se a hipótese de que a cultura política é uma variável fundamental para o estudo sobre experiências participativas, pois pode limitar a construção da cidadania ativa e a ampliação da esfera pública quando existe a presença de forte tendência clientelista entre as práticas políticas dos atores sociais presentes na sociedade civil em diferentes municípios / Abstract: This thesis searched to analyze the participated budget¿s impact as a new democratic innovation instrument in the local politics culture, considering the affirmation that it pressures the politics more conservatives, present in different Brazilian cities. It is treated to search in this thesis the tense relation in the politics exercising, whenever the participated budget is placed in pratical. The question is how is verified the impact provoked by the democratic innovation, by the participated management, with the participated budget on the politics culture? Starting from these questions, we have analyzed the politics effects considering the case study participated budget on Barra Mansa, Rio de Janeiro. The contamination of cultural pratical conservatives as the client¿s relation, becomes a challenge for the participated democracy. It has concluded also that one of the biggest conflicts with the participated budget was developed with the councilmen, including the members of PT, accustomed to reproduce a pratical less democratic in the interest¿ intermediate with the population through doing favors and client¿s relations. What we have found in this study¿s case was that the democratic success of an experience envolving the popular participation, depends on more the culture and politics¿ aspects presents in Brazilian society. This thesis showed that there is a hybridism in the politics¿ culture, exercised by the different actors, members of the civil society as well as the State¿s apparatus that gesticulate democratic mechanisms based in client¿s relations in intermediate of public and collective interests. Moreover, it was confirmed the hypothesis of that culture politics is a variable basic for the study on participated experiences, because it can limit the construction of the active citizenship and the public sphere¿s magnifying when the presence of strong client¿s relations trend exists between the social actors¿ practical politics presents in the civil society in different cities / Doutorado / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

O presente estudo busca problematizar a visão tradicional de democracia, a partir da análise do papel do dissenso na sociedade moderna hipercomplexa. Para tanto, utiliza-se como cânone teórico a teoria dos sistemas de Niklas Luhmann, a qual parte da diferenciação funcional para a identificação da sociedade moderna. A partir desta perspectiva de observação a democracia é compreendida como resultado da diferenciação funcional entre o sistema político e o sistema jurídico, os quais se fecham operativamente, trabalhando com seus próprios códigos. Em razão da diferenciação funcional, marcada pela autopoiese dos sistemas parciais sociais, a legitimação da tomada de decisão dos sistemas político e jurídico já não pode se embasar em uma cosmovisão devendo, portanto, partir de uma característica interna, ou seja, deve-se autolegitimar. Para tanto, são criados procedimentos que buscam justificar as escolhas realizadas pelos sistemas jurídico e político, controlando o dissenso e permitindo que suas decisões sejam tomadas como padrões de comportamento social. Contudo, em relação ao caso brasileiro, vê-se que o clientelismo, personalismo e exclusão social aparecem como óbice à estabilização da democracia como conquista evolutiva, na medida em que dificultam a realização das funções desses dois sistemas funcionais. Por fim, a leitura imagética do cinema é utilizada como forma problematização do caso brasileiro, a partir da busca da identidade desta sociedade pela via mais autêntica de expressão, qual seja, a cultura de um povo, evitando-se, assim, a crítica dos problemas sociais por meio da utilização de paradigmas evolutivos dos denominados países desenvolvidos, notadamente o padrão europeu. / This study seeks to question the traditional view of democracy, from the analysis of the role of dissent in hypercomplex modern society. For this purpose, we used as a theoretical canon Niklas Luhmanns systems theory, which draws on the functional differentiation for identification of modern society. From this observation perspective, democracy is understood as the result of functional differentiation between political and legal systems, which are operatively locked, working with their own codes. Because of the functional differentiation, marked by partial autopoiesis of partial social systems, the legitimacy of the decision making of legal and political systems can no longer be grounded in a worldview, and therefore from a built-in feature, that is, it should self-legitimate. To that end, procedures are created that seek to justify the choices made by the legal and political systems, controlling dissent and allowing decisions to be taken as patterns of social behavior. However, for the Brazilian case, we see that clientelism, personalism and social exclusion appear as an obstacle to the stabilization of democracy as an evolutionary achievement, in as much as they limit the realization of the functional roles of these two systems. Finally, the reading of film imagery is used as a questioning of the Brazilian case, from the search for identity in this society by the most authentic expression, namely the culture of a people, avoiding thus the criticism of social problems, using evolutionary paradigms of the so-called developed countries, notably the European standard.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-10-05T10:58:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 giselebragabastos.pdf: 1553232 bytes, checksum: bf31b5bd0ee71130fa54a703a557c54a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-10-09T19:54:03Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 giselebragabastos.pdf: 1553232 bytes, checksum: bf31b5bd0ee71130fa54a703a557c54a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-09T19:54:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 giselebragabastos.pdf: 1553232 bytes, checksum: bf31b5bd0ee71130fa54a703a557c54a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-11 / FAPEMIG - Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Minas Gerais / O estudo apresentado tem dois objetivos: apresentar um panorama de como o clientelismo tem sido tratado na Ciência Política brasileira nas três últimas décadas através de um levantamento em seis dos periódicos com maior classificação na Área de Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais da CAPES; investigar a propensão ao clientelismo entre os membros do legislativo municipal com base no padrão de respostas dos vereadores entrevistados em um survey. Nossas hipóteses centrais são as de que: i) apesar de bastante mencionado pelos cientistas políticos brasileiros para se referir à política e aos políticos no país, o clientelismo não vem sendo alvo de estudos sistemáticos; ii) a propensão ao clientelismo entre os vereadores não se distribui uniformemente e está associada a variáveis de contexto e atributos individuais. / The present study has two objectives: to present a panorama of how clientelism has been treated in Brazilian political science in the last three decades, through a stiff examination of six of the highest ranking journals in the area of Political Science and International Relations of CAPES; to investigate the propensity for clientelism among members of the municipal legislature based on the standard of responses of councilors interviewed in a survey. Our central hypotheses are that: i) although Brazilian politicians have often mentioned politics and politicians in Brazil, clientelism has not been systematically studied; ii) the clientelism propensity among city council members is not uniformly distributed and is associated with context variables and individual attributes.

This thesis explores the relations between democracy and decentralization in Venezuela during the period from 1989 to 2000. In particular it explores the emergence of political decentralization as the spatial distribution of power and its links with the process of democratization within political spaces. The spatial distribution of power has impacts upon both political institutions and civil society. This is where its central importance lies. Because of this, the framework of ideas underlying the thesis is followed within a methodologicalf ocus that emphasizesb oth the potency of the spatial, as a guiding element of politics and the political, and the local scale and the political practice of individuals. The backgroundt o the study is establishedth rough an explorationo f territoriality and the spatiality of power in Venezuela during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. This is followed by an analysis of the centralist form of the state and the state reforms which were promoted at the end of the 1980s and which gave rise to the political decentralization of 1989 at the level of states and municipalities. The main period of study (1989-2000) is divided into three stages according to the dynamics of the process of democratization itself. Finally, the changes occurring at the local level through the application of decentralization are analyzed through a case study at the level of the municipality and of the parish: the Libertador municipality of the state of Mdrida and the parish of J. J. Osuna Rodriguez. The specific local examples explored in the thesis allow highlighted the ways in which clientelism can be associated with the vertical structures of power that have predominated in Latin America. Nevertheless, whilst its importance has been highlighted here through an understanding of the process of democratisation on the South American continent, it is interesting to note that it is not often explicitly considered as another mode of power in western political theory.

India’s National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS) is a unique initiative in the history of state sponsored social security interventions, which guarantees at least 100 days of employment on local public works to anyone who demands for it. NREGS is in operation since 2006. This is world’s largest public-works programme ever, covering around 45 million households every year. Launching of the NREGS indicates a renewal of importance of public-works programme in the global South during the last decade. After 9 years of its continued implementation, there seems to be a dearth of systematic and scientific studies based on grassroots primary survey on how this programme is being implemented and why there is a renewed interest around this programme among the academics and development practitioners across the world. This thesis therefore seeks to understand i) what impacts NREGS created at the household level and ii) the political economy behind its implementation. This thesis comprises of three essays or chapters. Chapter1 and Chapter 3 are based on a threewave household-level longitudinal primary dataset and Chapter 2 is based on a threewave village-level longitudinal primary dataset. All the surveys were conducted between the period 2009 and 2012 in West Bengal state of India. First core chapter of this thesis addresses the research question: what are the impacts of the NREGS participation on household level economic variables and whether participation in NREGS can work as a proxy for collateral in accessing the informal credit for consumption smoothing? Second core chapter addresses the research question: whether the Village Council level ruling political party preferentially allocates the NREGS fund to optimise its chances re-election. Third core chapter addresses the research question: whether there is any non-poor capture of NREGS and whether households’ explicit political affiliation with the ruling party matters in obtaining any extra dividend under NREGS.

The following thesis analyzes why is the democratic rule of law stronger in Uruguay than in Mexico? This work focuses on the state of the democratic rule of law in Mexico and Uruguay. The premise of this thesis is that there is a gap in the literature on causes that have historically made Uruguay the country with the strongest democratic rule of law in Latin America and Mexico one with the weakest democratic rule of law. Historical institutionalism is used to see how the evolution of the sequencing of political regimes as well as the evolution of civil-military relations in the two countries may explain the divergent outcomes. Emphasizing path-dependency, this analysis is conducted using a methodology of process-tracing. This research serves to put forward propositions in the form of a testable hypothesis on the causes that have led Mexico and Uruguay down different paths when it comes to the democratic rule of law. It also serves to fill a gap in the literature as cross-national differences on rule of law in Latin America have not been sufficiently well-explained.