Clientelism is a form of informal relations between political parties and other agents, based on the exchange of benefits and favors in return for political support and loyalty. It is a legacy from the socialist era that has been shaping Serbian economic and political life for decades. These clientelistic practices could have a harmful impact on organizations if it affects employees’ organizational commitment negatively. Teachers are especially important for the economy of a country since the quality of teaching has an impact on future generations of individuals who will work, live, and contribute to the local communities and the society. The aim of this study is therefore to find out if and how teachers in the public sector perceive clientelism and how this affects their organizational commitment. A case study was made on one prominent school in Serbia, where interviews were held with eight teachers. The findings suggest that clientelism affects teachers’ organizational commitment negatively in some cases, indicating that the impact of clientelism on teachers’ organizational commitment is person specific. Clientelism does not have a direct impact on teachers’ organizational commitment but impacts commitment through proxies, i.e. antecedents to organizational commitment.

Le présent texte porte sur l’état de la démocratie au Sénégal depuis l’alternance politique survenue en 2000. Adoptant une définition minimale de la démocratie – respect des libertés civiles et politiques, et tenue d’élections libres et justes – à laquelle il ajoute le principe de séparation des pouvoirs, son principal objectif est de répondre à la question suivante : pourquoi le fonctionnement de la démocratie est-il entravé au Sénégal? L’hypothèse avancée pour répondre à cette interrogation est la présence du néo-patrimonialisme. Celui-ci, par l’intermédiaire de la personnalisation du pouvoir et le clientélisme, sape le respect des règles démocratiques dans ce pays d’Afrique de l’Ouest. Pour analyser l’impact du néo-patrimonialisme sur la démocratie au Sénégal, ce mémoire privilégie le néo-institutionnalisme sociologique comme cadre théorique. Cette approche définit les institutions de façon large : celles-ci peuvent englober non seulement des normes formelles mais également des règles informelles. En vertu de cette approche, le néo-patrimonialisme et la démocratie représentent des institutions puisque le premier englobe un ensemble de règles informelles et le second un ensemble de normes et procédures formelles. Ces deux institutions structurent et façonnent le comportement des individus. Dans cette confrontation institutionnelle, les règles néo-patrimoniales influencent davantage l’action des élites politiques sénégalaises – notamment le chef de l’État – que les normes démocratiques. La vérification de l’hypothèse s’appuie sur des études sur la démocratie et le néo-patrimonialisme aussi bien au Sénégal qu’en Afrique. Elle se base également sur l’actualité et les faits politiques saillants depuis l’alternance. L’analyse est essentiellement qualitative et se divise en deux chapitres empiriques. Le premier de ceux-ci (chapitre II dans le texte) concerne la séparation des pouvoirs. Le but de ce chapitre est d’observer la manière dont l’actuel président de la République, Abdoulaye Wade, contrôle le parlement et la justice. Le second chapitre empirique (chapitre III dans le texte) se divise en deux sections. La première s’intéresse aux libertés civiles et politiques qui subissent des restrictions dues au penchant autoritaire de Wade. La seconde section porte sur les élections dont le déroulement est entaché par de nombreuses irrégularités : violence électorale, manque de ressources de l’autorité électorale, instabilité du calendrier électoral, partialité de la justice. L’étude confirme l’hypothèse, ce qui est très problématique pour la plupart des États africains. En effet, le néo-patrimonialisme est une caractéristique fondamentale de la gouvernance en Afrique. Ainsi, beaucoup de régimes du continent noir qui enclenchent ou enclencheront un processus de démocratisation comme le Sénégal, risquent de connaître les mêmes difficultés liées à la persistance des pratiques néo-patrimoniales. / This text is about state of democracy in Senegal since the political changeover in 2000. Using a minimal definition of democracy – respect of political and civil liberties, free and fair elections – completed by the separation of state powers, it aims to answer to the following question : why is the functioning of democracy hampered in Senegal? The hypothesis is that neopatrimonialism, through personalization of power and clientelism, hinders the respect of democratic rules in this West African country. To analyze the impact of neopatrimonialism on democracy in Senegal, this text draws from the sociological institutionalism as theory. This approach provides a broad definition of institutions which includes formal norms as well as informal rules. In this perspective, neopatrimonialism and democracy embody institutions because the former has a set of informal rules and the later a set of formal norms and procedures. These two institutions structure and shape the individual behaviour. In this institutional confrontation, the neopatrimonial rules have a deeper impact on the action of Senegalese elites, particularly the president. To verify the hypothesis, one refers to studies that analyze the link between democracy and neopatrimonialism in Senegal and in Africa. This text also takes into account current events and striking political facts since 2000. The analysis is essentially qualitative and divided in two empirical chapters. The first one (chapter II in the text) studies the separation of powers and how the Senegalese president, Abdoulaye Wade, control the parliement and courts. The second empirical chapter (chapter III in the text) is subdivided in two sections. The first section examines how civil and political liberties are restricted by Wade’s inclination to authoritarianism. The second section analyses the numerous irregular situations that characterize senegalese elections : violence, lack of ressources for the electoral authority, frequent change of electoral timetable, partiality of the justice. On the whole, the hypothesis is confirmed, which is problematic to most of subsaharian African states. Neopatrimonialism is a fundamental feature of African politics. Its persistence could constitute a source of difficulty for African regimes that begin or will begin democratization like Senegal did.

Un « mode de coordination » est un concept qui définit l’interaction entre les rapports sociaux et l’économie. Celle-ci, qui ne peut pas être séparée du politique, se développe grâce au fonctionnement des différentes formes institutionnelles. Plusieurs modes de coordination ont été identifiés par la littérature, à savoir, le « mode de coordination par le marché », le « mode de coordination éthique » et le « mode de coordination bureaucratique ». Vahabi (2010) a introduit un nouveau type de coordination qu’il a nommé : « mode de coordination destructive ». Celui-ci privilège la violence et les moyens coercitifs dans les relations sociales et assure une allocation appropriative des ressources. Vahabi présente la République iranienne comme un exemple-type du « mode de coordination destructive » étant donné son capitalisme rentier et la corruption de son système politique dans la gestion des ressources. Nous nous intéressons, dans ce travail de recherche, à étudier dans quelle mesure le cas du Liban peut être analysé à la lumière de ce mode de coordination destructive. / A « mode of coordination » is a concept that define the interaction between social relations and economy. The latter, which cannot be separated from politics, develops through the functioning of different institutional forms. Several methods of coordination have been identified in the literature, namely, the « market mode of coordination », the « ethics mode of coordination » and the « bureaucratic mode coordination mode ». Vahabi (2010) introduced a new type of coordination that he called it: the "destructive mode of coordination." This mode privilege violence and coercive means in social relations and provides an appropriate allocation of resources. Vahabi present Iranian Republic as a typical example of "destructive mode of coordination" because of the nature of its capitalism and corruption of its political system in the management of resources. We are interested in this research, to examine to what extent the case of Lebanon can be analyzed as a destructive mode of coordination.

本文的研究主旨在於 ： 從中央與地方政治權力關係變動的主軸來探 討台灣威權政體的轉型過程。在概念的界定上，早期（ 1972 年前）或狹 義的中央與地方政治權力關係，主要係指涉國民黨與地方派系的結盟關係 ，後期（ 1972 年後）或廣義的意涵，則主要係指涉中央政治勢力和地方 基層間的關係，其中，國民黨、反對運動及地方派系三者間的關係，乃是 著重焦點所在。至於分析架構的安排，首先，本文先敘述國民黨威權政體 形成的歷史背景，繼之分析國民黨威權政體的建構，包括國民黨威權政體的控制與支配，及其內在脆弱性。其次，本文將中央與地方政治權力關係的演變劃分為三個時期：第一個時期是 1949-1972 年， 主要劃分的依據在於 1972 年增額選舉的舉辦（象徵中央大門的開啟），分析焦點則是國民黨與地方派系依侍結盟的建立； 第二個時期是 1972-1986 年，主要劃分的依據在於民進黨的成立（象徵中央政治權力的分化），分析的焦點則是本土地方勢力（包括反對運動和地方派系）的向中央挺進，及其和外來政權之間的互動、激盪；第三個時期是 1986 年後，分析的焦點在於黨國體制的瓦解 -- 國民黨的轉化、國會的全面改選 -- 立法院的轉型及地方派系的變與不變 -- 政經結合體。再者，在分析的流程中，本文援引了兩 個貫穿上述三個時期的環境仲介變數：一是意識的發展，主要係指「大中國意識」和「台灣主體意識」彼此間的消長；二是選舉機制的發展，包括選舉角色和選舉層次的改變。

Le présent texte porte sur l’état de la démocratie au Sénégal depuis l’alternance politique survenue en 2000. Adoptant une définition minimale de la démocratie – respect des libertés civiles et politiques, et tenue d’élections libres et justes – à laquelle il ajoute le principe de séparation des pouvoirs, son principal objectif est de répondre à la question suivante : pourquoi le fonctionnement de la démocratie est-il entravé au Sénégal? L’hypothèse avancée pour répondre à cette interrogation est la présence du néo-patrimonialisme. Celui-ci, par l’intermédiaire de la personnalisation du pouvoir et le clientélisme, sape le respect des règles démocratiques dans ce pays d’Afrique de l’Ouest. Pour analyser l’impact du néo-patrimonialisme sur la démocratie au Sénégal, ce mémoire privilégie le néo-institutionnalisme sociologique comme cadre théorique. Cette approche définit les institutions de façon large : celles-ci peuvent englober non seulement des normes formelles mais également des règles informelles. En vertu de cette approche, le néo-patrimonialisme et la démocratie représentent des institutions puisque le premier englobe un ensemble de règles informelles et le second un ensemble de normes et procédures formelles. Ces deux institutions structurent et façonnent le comportement des individus. Dans cette confrontation institutionnelle, les règles néo-patrimoniales influencent davantage l’action des élites politiques sénégalaises – notamment le chef de l’État – que les normes démocratiques. La vérification de l’hypothèse s’appuie sur des études sur la démocratie et le néo-patrimonialisme aussi bien au Sénégal qu’en Afrique. Elle se base également sur l’actualité et les faits politiques saillants depuis l’alternance. L’analyse est essentiellement qualitative et se divise en deux chapitres empiriques. Le premier de ceux-ci (chapitre II dans le texte) concerne la séparation des pouvoirs. Le but de ce chapitre est d’observer la manière dont l’actuel président de la République, Abdoulaye Wade, contrôle le parlement et la justice. Le second chapitre empirique (chapitre III dans le texte) se divise en deux sections. La première s’intéresse aux libertés civiles et politiques qui subissent des restrictions dues au penchant autoritaire de Wade. La seconde section porte sur les élections dont le déroulement est entaché par de nombreuses irrégularités : violence électorale, manque de ressources de l’autorité électorale, instabilité du calendrier électoral, partialité de la justice. L’étude confirme l’hypothèse, ce qui est très problématique pour la plupart des États africains. En effet, le néo-patrimonialisme est une caractéristique fondamentale de la gouvernance en Afrique. Ainsi, beaucoup de régimes du continent noir qui enclenchent ou enclencheront un processus de démocratisation comme le Sénégal, risquent de connaître les mêmes difficultés liées à la persistance des pratiques néo-patrimoniales. / This text is about state of democracy in Senegal since the political changeover in 2000. Using a minimal definition of democracy – respect of political and civil liberties, free and fair elections – completed by the separation of state powers, it aims to answer to the following question : why is the functioning of democracy hampered in Senegal? The hypothesis is that neopatrimonialism, through personalization of power and clientelism, hinders the respect of democratic rules in this West African country. To analyze the impact of neopatrimonialism on democracy in Senegal, this text draws from the sociological institutionalism as theory. This approach provides a broad definition of institutions which includes formal norms as well as informal rules. In this perspective, neopatrimonialism and democracy embody institutions because the former has a set of informal rules and the later a set of formal norms and procedures. These two institutions structure and shape the individual behaviour. In this institutional confrontation, the neopatrimonial rules have a deeper impact on the action of Senegalese elites, particularly the president. To verify the hypothesis, one refers to studies that analyze the link between democracy and neopatrimonialism in Senegal and in Africa. This text also takes into account current events and striking political facts since 2000. The analysis is essentially qualitative and divided in two empirical chapters. The first one (chapter II in the text) studies the separation of powers and how the Senegalese president, Abdoulaye Wade, control the parliement and courts. The second empirical chapter (chapter III in the text) is subdivided in two sections. The first section examines how civil and political liberties are restricted by Wade’s inclination to authoritarianism. The second section analyses the numerous irregular situations that characterize senegalese elections : violence, lack of ressources for the electoral authority, frequent change of electoral timetable, partiality of the justice. On the whole, the hypothesis is confirmed, which is problematic to most of subsaharian African states. Neopatrimonialism is a fundamental feature of African politics. Its persistence could constitute a source of difficulty for African regimes that begin or will begin democratization like Senegal did.

O ideal de efetivação da Constituição Federal nos tempos atuais é a concretização dos direitos sociais nela estampados. No entanto, garantir direitos sociais, essenciais para a consolidação de uma igualdade material, capaz de diminuir as discrepâncias sociais, pode corroborar para uma política de troca de favores e aprofundar as raízes clientelistas do voto, dependendo da forma como as políticas públicas são colocadas em prática. O presente estudo visa a analisar a relação entre a implementação de direitos sociais e o exercício de direitos políticos, considerando as políticas de redistribuição de renda desenvolvidas nos últimos governos, principalmente o Programa Bolsa Família. O objetivo é verificar se há algum clientelismo por parte dos governantes ao estabelecer tais políticas, uma vez que podem eles se valer da desigualdade econômica, da vulnerabilidade cívica e da fragilidade das instituições democráticas do país como instrumentos para forjar sua imagem à semelhança de um pai, protetor de uma sociedade carecedora de direitos básicos. E isso pode acabar por institucionalizar um modelo sutil de clientelismo que descaracteriza os indivíduos como atores capazes de escolher as políticas que melhor implementam seus interesses, impedindo o livre exercício do direito ao voto. Por isso, mesmo a concretização de direitos sociais também deve levar em conta que um modelo de democracia inclui ainda a viabilização de um autogoverno dos cidadãos, razão pela qual parece fundamental que, ao gozar de direitos sociais, os sujeitos percebam a sua participação e ingerência na escolha das políticas públicas. O desafio proposto é utilizar o referencial teórico-metodológico do continuum para, ao longo do espectro formado entre o clientelismo e a cidadania, tentar propor alguns parâmetros para aproximar ao máximo as políticas públicas de concretização de direitos sociais de um ideal de cidadania. / The ideal of effectiveness of the Brazilian Federal Constitution nowadays is the assurance of the social rights it frames. However, in order to ensure social rights that are essential to the consolidation of material equality, capable of reducing social discrepancies, it may corroborate a policy of exchange of favors and deepen the roots of vote clientelism, depending on how public policies are put into practice. The present study aims at analyzing the relationship between the implementation of social rights and the exercise of political rights, considering conditional cash transfer programs developed in recent government mandates, specifically the Bolsa Família. The aim is to verify whether there are any clientelistic relationships by governors when setting up said policies, since they can benefit from economic inequality, civic vulnerability and of the fragility of the democratic institutions of the country as instruments to forge their image as the image of a father, protector of society lacking basic rights. This may end up institutionalizing a subtle model of pervasive patronage that decharacterize individuals as players capable of choosing policies that best implement their interests by preventing the free exercise voting rights. Thus, even the solidification of social rights shall acknowledge that the ideal concept of democracy also includes the furtherance of self-government by citizens, which is why it seems essential that they perceive their participation and interference in the choice of social public policies. The challenge proposed is to use the theoretical and methodological framework of the continuum between clientelism and citizenship to try to propose certain parameters to approximate, to the maximum extent possible, public policies for social rights awareness of an ideal of citizenship.

O ideal de efetivação da Constituição Federal nos tempos atuais é a concretização dos direitos sociais nela estampados. No entanto, garantir direitos sociais, essenciais para a consolidação de uma igualdade material, capaz de diminuir as discrepâncias sociais, pode corroborar para uma política de troca de favores e aprofundar as raízes clientelistas do voto, dependendo da forma como as políticas públicas são colocadas em prática. O presente estudo visa a analisar a relação entre a implementação de direitos sociais e o exercício de direitos políticos, considerando as políticas de redistribuição de renda desenvolvidas nos últimos governos, principalmente o Programa Bolsa Família. O objetivo é verificar se há algum clientelismo por parte dos governantes ao estabelecer tais políticas, uma vez que podem eles se valer da desigualdade econômica, da vulnerabilidade cívica e da fragilidade das instituições democráticas do país como instrumentos para forjar sua imagem à semelhança de um pai, protetor de uma sociedade carecedora de direitos básicos. E isso pode acabar por institucionalizar um modelo sutil de clientelismo que descaracteriza os indivíduos como atores capazes de escolher as políticas que melhor implementam seus interesses, impedindo o livre exercício do direito ao voto. Por isso, mesmo a concretização de direitos sociais também deve levar em conta que um modelo de democracia inclui ainda a viabilização de um autogoverno dos cidadãos, razão pela qual parece fundamental que, ao gozar de direitos sociais, os sujeitos percebam a sua participação e ingerência na escolha das políticas públicas. O desafio proposto é utilizar o referencial teórico-metodológico do continuum para, ao longo do espectro formado entre o clientelismo e a cidadania, tentar propor alguns parâmetros para aproximar ao máximo as políticas públicas de concretização de direitos sociais de um ideal de cidadania. / The ideal of effectiveness of the Brazilian Federal Constitution nowadays is the assurance of the social rights it frames. However, in order to ensure social rights that are essential to the consolidation of material equality, capable of reducing social discrepancies, it may corroborate a policy of exchange of favors and deepen the roots of vote clientelism, depending on how public policies are put into practice. The present study aims at analyzing the relationship between the implementation of social rights and the exercise of political rights, considering conditional cash transfer programs developed in recent government mandates, specifically the Bolsa Família. The aim is to verify whether there are any clientelistic relationships by governors when setting up said policies, since they can benefit from economic inequality, civic vulnerability and of the fragility of the democratic institutions of the country as instruments to forge their image as the image of a father, protector of society lacking basic rights. This may end up institutionalizing a subtle model of pervasive patronage that decharacterize individuals as players capable of choosing policies that best implement their interests by preventing the free exercise voting rights. Thus, even the solidification of social rights shall acknowledge that the ideal concept of democracy also includes the furtherance of self-government by citizens, which is why it seems essential that they perceive their participation and interference in the choice of social public policies. The challenge proposed is to use the theoretical and methodological framework of the continuum between clientelism and citizenship to try to propose certain parameters to approximate, to the maximum extent possible, public policies for social rights awareness of an ideal of citizenship.

Este artículo describe y analiza los procesos de cambio en la políticadel distrito de San Marcos (Huari, Ancash) asociados con lallegada del canon minero —fracción del impuesto a renta pagadopor Antamina— que incrementó súbita y espectacularmente las arcasmunicipales de modo que San Marcos es hoy uno de los distritos másricos del Perú. El texto analiza estos cambios prestando atención alas elecciones municipales de 2006 y a la implementación del PlanPiloto de Mantenimiento de la Infraestructura Pública, que consisteen un programa de empleo temporal. Este último es clave para unanovedosa alianza entre el municipio y los sectores rurales, en particularel llamado Cono Sur, tradicionalmente ausente como actorpolítico importante en el distrito. La política distrital ha dejado deestar dominada por la pugna entre las dos facciones de familias exhacendadas para articularse en una oposición entre los caseríosrurales y el pueblo de San Marcos. La política local ha pasado degirar en torno a Antamina hacia acusaciones, debates y pugnasalrededor de la administración municipal del canon minero. No obstante,las comunidades campesinas que tienen una relación directa con Antamina continúan siendo actores políticos independientes delmunicipio y tienen un peso importante en el distrito. / This paper describes and analyses the changes in local politicstaken place in the district of San Marcos (Huari, Ancash) associatedwith the arrival of the Canon Minero – a fraction of taxes paid byAntamina mining company to the Peruvian State. Canon Minero hasincreased sudden and spectacularly the municipality’s funds so muchthat currently San Marcos in «ones of the Peruvian richest districts».The paper pays attention to the municipal elections of 2006 and theimplementation of the Plan Piloto de Mantenimiento de la InfraestructuraPública, a program of temporary work for all San Marcos’citizens. The latter was key for launching a novel alliance betweenthe municipality and the rural population, particularly with the ConoSur composed by hamlets which were traditionally unimportantactors in district politics. Hence, district politics had stopped to bedominated by the struggle between two factions of former landlordfamilies and had become articulated by the opposition between therural hamlets and the town of San Marcos with the emergence ofethnic political claims. Also, local politics ceased to revolve aroundAntamina and has become entangled with struggles over the administrationof Canon Minero. Rural communities which have directnegotiations with Antamina remain important political actors whichare independent from the municipality and are even oppose to it.

This study aims to explore women’s perceived barriers to enter politics investigated through a Colombian case study. The Colombian case highlights a paradox common in Latin America where representation levels of women in legislatures are low, but representation in other professions is high. Research on gender and candidate selection has so far mainly focused on applying a macro, top-down perspective and describing objectively defined barriers to women’s political representation. This study changes the perspective and focuses on applying a bottom-up approach, focusing on individual women and their subjective views on barriers to enter politics. The material was collected during an 8-week field study in various locations in Colombia between July and August 2016. The findings suggest that the intersection between socioeconomic factors and gender play a large role in defining barriers to enter politics. Personal as well as systemic factors interoperate to lower both the “supply” and “demand” of candidates. The results also suggest that some professional groups are more likely to reject institutional participation, focusing political efforts on activism, and that families and political parties both serve as “gatekeepers” enabling or disabling political representation.   Key words: Gendered barriers to enter politics, political participation and representation, candidate selection, Colombia, clientelism, formal and informal institutions.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T18:54:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Lilia Penha.pdf: 974165 bytes, checksum: c3c0686ef426ac5545eeaba24ad81656 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-10-15 / The study addresses the process of construction of Social Assistance Policy in Brazil and Maranhão, trying to identify continuities and ruptures with conservatism under which it formed the basis of originating and developing policy in this country. The completion of the study was the theoretical framework of historical materialism and, in consequence, the dialectical method to the apprehension of reality by unveiling the historical determinants present in social processes, which enables one to grasp Social Assistance as a process built. The methodological procedures used were based on literature review that allowed the theoretical and historical about the issue, search and document analysis, field research by conducting semi-structured interviews with managers, coaches and counselors and the focus group technique with users of Social Assistance. The text has initially considered the social formation in Brazilian and Maranhão as a reference for understanding the historical marks of inequality arising from the development of capitalism in Brazil and Maranhão reflecting on how social rights were constructed, in particular the right to Social Assistance. It addresses the basics of Social Services as a public policy in Brazil and Maranhão considering the periods before and after the 1988 Federal Constitution, the political and economic, social demands for Social Assistance and the responses of society and state. In the analysis of ruptures and continuities of Social Assistance in Brazil and Maranhão are considered the difficulties identified in the process of institutionalization as a component of the Brazilian Social Security. It highlighted the process of building policy in the 1990s under the liberal influence, which led to the implementation of a process of decentralization and municipalization of Social Assistance Policy without the creation of cooperative basis between the federal entities responsible for funding and management policy. It s still considered the context of recovery of the Organic Law of Social Assistance OLSA in the 2000s, as a parameter for creating the legal framework that shaped the institutionalization of the Unified Social Services - ITS. In this context, is considered the current debate about the concept of social welfare, and the difficulties of consolidation of ITS in Maranhão and Brazil, with an indication of elements that form ruptures and continuities of Social Assistance Policy with conservatism. / O estudo aborda o processo de construção da Política de Assistência Social no Brasil e no Maranhão, procurando identificar rupturas e continuidades com o conservadorismo sob o qual se constituíram as bases originárias e do desenvolvimento dessa Política no país. A realização do estudo teve como sustentação teórica o materialismo histórico e, em decorrência, o método dialético para a apreensão da realidade por procurar os determinantes históricos presentes nos processos sociais, buscando apreender a Assistência Social como processo construído. Os procedimentos metodológicos utilizados tiveram como base a revisão de literatura que permitiu o aprofundamento teórico e histórico acerca do tema; pesquisa e análise documental; pesquisa de campo através da realização de entrevistas semi-estruturadas com gestores, técnicos e conselheiros e da técnica de grupo focal com usuários da Assistência Social. O texto, inicialmente, considera a formação social brasileira e maranhense como referências para compreender as marcas históricas da desigualdade decorrentes do desenvolvimento do capitalismo no Brasil e no Maranhão, repercutindo sobre a forma como os direitos sociais se construíram; em especial, o direito à Assistência Social. Aborda as bases da Assistência Social como política pública no Brasil e no Maranhão, considerando os períodos anteriores e posteriores à Constituição Federal de 1988, a conjuntura política e econômica, as demandas sociais por Assistência Social e as respostas da sociedade e do Estado. Na análise das rupturas e continuidades da Assistência Social no Brasil e no Maranhão são consideradas as dificuldades identificadas no seu processo de institucionalização como componente da Seguridade Social brasileira. Destaca o processo de construção da Política nos anos 1990, sob a influência liberal, que determinou a implementação de um processo de descentralização e municipalização da Política de Assistência Social sem a criação das bases cooperativas entre os entes federativos responsáveis pelo financiamento e gestão da Política. Considera, ainda, o contexto de retomada da Lei Orgânica de Assistência Social LOAS, nos anos 2000, como parâmetro para a criação do marco legal que formatou a institucionalização do Sistema Único de Assistência Social SUAS. Nesse contexto, considera o debate atual acerca da concepção de Assistência Social, bem como as dificuldades de consolidação do SUAS no Brasil e no Maranhão, com indicação de elementos que configuram rupturas e continuidades da Política de Assistência Social com o conservadorismo.