A presente dissertação tem o objetivo de analisar nos romances O outro pé da sereia (COUTO, 2006) e Yaka (PEPETELA, 2006) a representação da situação colonial e os resultados da dicotomia colonizador e colonizado nas sociedades moçambicana e angolana, ficcionalizadas por Mia Couto e Pepetela nessas obras. Objetiva-se, ainda, verificar a forma como os romances mergulham no passado colonial de seus países de origem para problematizar questões acerca das sociedades citadas, avaliando as perspectivas que figuram no tempo presente. Estabeleceu-se, então, uma leitura a partir de um processo histórico comum, a colonização portuguesa, para explicitar as contradições resultantes desse período. Para tanto, nos apoiamos no diálogo entre literatura e história, presente nos romances estudados, para identificar e destacar as contradições coloniais, sobretudo em relação às representações da violência e do racismo nas duas obras. / This study aims to analyze the representation of the colonial situation and which are the results of the dichotomy colonizer and colonized in Mozambican and Angolan societies through the novels O outro pé da sereia (COUTO, 2006) and Yaka (PEPETELA, 2006). In addition, it aims to examine how the novels rely on colonial past of its countries to discuss issues about the societies mentioned, evaluating the prospects contained in the present. It was established an analysis of the novels from an historical process in common, which is the Lusitanian colonization, to explain the contradictions resulting from this situation. For that, we rely on a dialogue between literature and history, present in the reading of O outro pé da sereia and Yaka, to identify and highlight the colonial contradictions, especially the ones related to the representations of violence and racism in both novels.

This research paper will examine the representation of colonialism in the narratives Things Fall Apart by Chinua Achebe and Heart of Darkness by Joseph Conrad. The aim of this Analysis is to demonstrate that both Achebe and Conrad expressed the same universal ethic in two diametrically opposite ways. The term “universal ethic” refers to the evil that is associated with colonialism, and “evil” represents the psychological, physical and emotional trauma that was suffered by both the colonizers and the colonized people. Therefore, as the basis for analysis, this research uses the psychological, emotional and physical criticisms to expose the evil of colonialism. As a postcolonial, Achebe’s opposition to the concept of colonialism is represented by the psychological and emotional collapse of the Igbo natives in Things Fall Apart. As for Joseph Conrad, a colonizer who was sent to the Congo, the physical abuse of the natives represents the evil of colonialism in Heart of Darkness. Achebe criticizes the evil of colonialism as a postcolonial, while Conrad criticizes the evil of colonialism as a colonial. This research was conducted exclusively with the support of textbooks and internet articles as well as Webb publications that address the concepts of postcolonialism and colonialism. A total of six (6) recognized books, as well as twelve (12) Webb publications, were used as references to support the postcolonial theory in this analysis. In addition, this research features twelve pages of close reading that examines the psychological, emotional and physical criticism of colonialism that are used to defend the thesis. Correspondingly, the conclusion is established based on the suitability of the findings. It is then concluded that the evil of colonialism is expressed by Chinua Achebe and Joseph Conrad in two diametrically opposite ways in Things Fall Apart and Heart of Darkness respectively.

O objetivo deste trabalho é investigar a relevância do conceito de hibridismo cultural para a compreensão dos fenômenos de mudança social e cultural. Pretendo me concentrar nos autores que questionam a homogeneidade das culturas e das identidades, e que em vez disso acreditam que todas as culturas são inerentementes híbridas, sendo a interação entre elas capaz de intensificar essa mistura de formas imprevisíveis. Ao mesmo tempo, analiso o modo como o filme Minha Adorável Lavanderia trata do hibridismo, procurando relacioná-lo com os autores investigados. / The aim of this dissertation is to investigate the relevance of the concept of cultural hydbridity to an understanding of the phenomena of social and cultural change. It is my intention to focus on those theorists who question the purity and homogeneity of cultures, and believe instead that all cultures are inherently hybrid, and that intercultural exchange helps to intensify the mixture in unpredictable ways. At the same time, I examine the concept of hybridity underlying My Beautiful Laundrette, trying to relate it to the theories above

This thesis postulates the annihilation of the poor as the authorised end of development. This circumstance, I contend, is an effect of the entanglement – that is, the mutual affectability (Barad 2007) – of the human and capital as descriptors of ethical and economic value, respectively. Accordingly, I suggest that the annihilation of the poor by capital under the sign of development is authorised as the preservation of value. I designate this as the postcolonial capitalist condition. The argument unfolds through encounters with three sites that have become metonymic with destruction wrought by development: the state response to peasant revolt against land expropriation in Nandigram, the Bhopal gas leak, and the recently emergent surrogacy market. I offer these as different instantiations of the annihilation of the poor, each of which gives lie to the recuperative myth of development. Here, annihilation proceeds by leaving a material trace upon the body. I follow this trace to argue the indispensability of the body in performing the ideological work of development – that is, to preserve an idealised appearance as human through the eradication of the poor that appear as subaltern – even as it establishes itself as an emancipatory truth. Thus, in this thesis I offer an analysis of the violence of capital not as socio-materially imposed (per Karl Marx) but rather as an onto-materially authorised (following Georges Bataille). As such, I seek to explicate the differential mattering of bodies – as both, appearance and significance – under development.

Ce travail partira d’abord d’une problématisation de la notion d’histoire universelle dont découlerait un comparatisme lisse et sans histoire lié à une forme d’imagologie schématique qu’il s’agira d’éviter. C’est sur cette base critique que s’élaborera une réflexion générale sur le lien entre histoire littéraire et colonialisme dans le sens également des réflexions de Pierre Halen. Il visera ensuite à une analyse scrupuleuse des textes d’une part tels que pris dans leur tradition esthétique respective (Heiner Müller comme représentant tardif d’une forme de théâtre propre à l’espace occidental, avatar du modèle aristotélicien, Bernard B. Dadié représentant d’une forme de théâtre de type populaire dont le thème majeur est la satire sociale) et donc lus relativement à un échange dialectique avec les conditions matérielles de leur production. On prendra en compte l’héritage dans lequel s’inscrivent ces textes ainsi que les mises en scène des textes. Puis, il visera à une lecture intrinsèque de ces textes où la sémioticité d’une part, la discursivité d’autre part serviront à mettre en évidence non seulement des modèles imagologiques mais encore des croisements possibles entre le discours dramatique et le discours idéologique ou philosophique ambiant mais aussi intrinsèquement à l’œuvre des auteurs, le carrefour reliant ces œuvres à d’autres genres (tels que pour Dadié, le reportage) On recourra aux catégories de Goldmann pour la sémioticité (en conscience de leurs limites) et de Maingueneau, entre autres, pour la discursivité. La question sera de savoir quelle lecture du colonialisme est reprise par les auteurs (lien à l’Aufklärung et au marxisme pour Müller posant la question d’un colonialisme fantasmé ; lien à la Négritude et à l’affranchissement de l’Afrique des nouvelles formes de colonialisme et du néocolonialisme ainsi que d’autres théories plus contemporaines pour Dadié). Le corpus comprendra certes principalement deux pièces de chaque auteur (Der Auftrag: Erinnerung an eine Revolution, Germania Tod in Berlin de Heiner Müller et Béatrice du Congo et Iles de tempête de Bernard B. Dadié), mais ne négligera pas de recourir pour préciser le regard à d’autres textes dramatiques ou théoriques de chacun des auteurs / This work will begin with a problematization of the notion of universal history from which a smooth and historyless comparatism would flow, linked to a form of schematic imagery that should be avoided. It is on this critical basis that a general reflection will be elaborated on the link between literary history and colonialism in the sense also of the reflections of Pierre Halen. It will then aim at a scrupulous analysis of the texts on the one hand as taken in their respective aesthetic traditions (Heiner Müller as a late representative of a theater form in Western space, the avatar of the Aristotelian model, Bernard B. Dadie representing of a form of theater of popular type whose major theme is social satire) and therefore read relatively to a dialectical exchange with the material conditions of their production. We will take into account the legacy of these texts as well as the staging of texts. Then, it will aim at an intrinsic reading of these texts where the semiocity on the one hand and the discursity on the other hand…On the other hand, the Goldman categories are used for semiocity… and Maingueneau’s among others for the discursity. The question will be which reading about colonialism is taken up by the authors ( link to Enlightenment and to Marxism for Müller posing the question of a fantasy colonialism; link to Negritude and Africa’s liberation from colonialism forms and neocolonislism and from other more contemporarary theories as well (for Dadié). The corpus will mainly include two plays belonging to each author (Der Auftrag: Erinnerung an eine Revolution…)… but not neglecting to resort to other dramatic texts pertaining to each author

To counteract the colonial division of labour and equalise trade relations across the global North and South, Global Value Chains (GVC) analysts have advocated value chain upgrade. Such upgrade would entail a much-needed financial improvement for Southern producers. Rather than turning to governments and IGOs, GVC analysts have generally addressed their policy suggestions to firms directly. There is an idea that firms can actively disentangle and disrupt prevalent hierarchies in their own activities. This thesis looks closer at prefigurative politics as a political strategy and asks: are prefigurative upgrade projects a successful tool for equalising trade relations across colonial divides? Can individual firms disentangle colonial inequalities in trade? As marxists and decolonial theorists have argued, global trade inequalities are about more than money: economic relations are inherently political. The 'value' in Global Value Chains should be understood not only as return on investment or profit, but also as something broader, a question of what makes a good life and a balanced division of work in society. GVC analysis has hitherto paid insufficient attention to these insights. As a remedy this thesis proposes the addition of a new concept to the GVC toolbox, voice' upgrade', i.e. an improvement of the ability of all actors in the chain to speak and listen about the political questions of value. Two case studies are used to ground the discussion: firstly, the trading of coffee from the Zapatistas in Mexico to Café Libertad in Germany. Secondly, the export of spice blends and sauces from the Western Cape of South Africa via the firm Turqle. These prefigurative projects both subvert and reproduce prevailing hierarchies. Importantly, while the former is possible,it requires deliberate facilitation.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-09-29T12:33:07Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Mestre Passini.pdf: 995279 bytes, checksum: 17acf27fbf630e60823d017571468906 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-29T12:33:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Mestre Passini.pdf: 995279 bytes, checksum: 17acf27fbf630e60823d017571468906 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-22 / This research reaches to draw some reflective lines about coloniality in Brazilian reality, aiming to find where your reproducibility anchors and where the resistance movements in the social sphere are. Starting from concepts such as the Subjectivity Production, the Governmentality and the Unconscious Colonial-Capitalistic, reach to debate coloniality as a model of subjectivation, where governmental, elitist and oligarchical acts promote social maintenance of this subjective trait. In order to explain some governmental and subjective coloniality traits, was made a brief historical study based on work Raízes do Brasil, by Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, in addition to articles that report the performances of Brazilian politicians post-impeachment of Dilma Rousseff. By referencing and connecting the colonial policies practices described in the Holanda book, with the performances of politicians presented in the reports, it searches to explain the complexity of constant update of colonial values in socio-political scenario. In this, apparently crystallized by forms of existence that match the hierarchy of the current cultural grid, we introduce the cinema as a resistance point by its ritualistic capability on rearrenge the forces compositions made presents in this context. To explore this complexity, the film "The Second Mother?", by Anna Muylaert, was chosen because represent parts of the social and affectively movements placed on action in the period undertaken in this research. These are movements that encompass both the maintenance practices of socio-political order, as their contestation and destabilization practices. Recounting the film narrative, expose the layers of perception of the forces placed on clash in filmic plot. As we approach the characters through their experiences, we inhabit positions that our bodies potentially assume, whether in the arraignment of hierarchical maintenance, or in the management of other ways of living. The film, therefore, act as a device capable of assembling the rupture forces of the colonial-capitalistic model updated by social and governmental practices and, in this way, enables fertile space for the proliferation of existential territories that are not allowed to exist by the same modelling / A presente pesquisa busca traçar algumas linhas reflexivas acerca da colonialidade na realidade brasileira, objetivando encontrar onde se ancora sua reprodutibilidade e onde se fazem seus movimentos de resistência na esfera social. Partindo de conceitos como Produção de Subjetividade, Governamentalidade e Inconsciente Colonial-Capitalístico, procura-se pensar a colonialidade como um modelo de subjetivação, em que atos governamentais, elitistas e oligárquicos promovem a manutenção social desse traço subjetivo. Com o intuito de explanar sobre alguns traços da colonialidade governamental e subjetiva, é feito um breve estudo histórico embasado na obra Raízes do Brasil, de Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, e em reportagens que relatam as atuações dos políticos brasileiros pós-impeachment de Dilma Rousseff. Ao referenciar e conectar as práticas políticas coloniais descritas no livro de Holanda com as atuações dos políticos apresentadas pelas reportagens, busca-se explicitar a complexidade da atualização constante dos valores coloniais no cenário político-social. Nesse cenário, aparentemente cristalizado por formas de existir que correspondem à hierarquia da grade cultural vigente, buscou-se o cinema como ponto de resistência, por esse apresentar certa potencialidade ritualística na recomposição das forças que se presentificam em tal contexto. Para explorar essa complexidade, o filme Que Horas Ela Volta?, de Anna Muylaert, foi escolhido por representar social e afetivamente parte dos movimentos colocados em ação no período de realização desta pesquisa. Trata-se de movimentos que englobam tanto as práticas de manutenção da ordem político-social vigente quanto as práticas de contestação e desestabilização. Recontando a narrativa do filme, expõem-se as camadas de percepção das forças colocadas em embate na trama fílmica. Ao nos aproximarmos dos personagens, habitamos, através de suas vivências, posicionamentos que assumimos potencialmente em nossos corpos, seja na denúncia da manutenção hierárquica, seja no agenciamento de outros modos de viver. O filme passa, portanto, a atuar como um dispositivo capaz de agenciar forças de ruptura à modelação colonial-capitalística atualizada pelas práticas sociais e governamentais e, desta maneira, possibilita espaço fértil para a proliferação de territórios existenciais que se encontram impedidos de existir por essa mesma modelação

A presente tese define-se como uma reflexão acerca das políticas de identidade promovidas pelo estado colonial português e pela Frente de Libertação de Moçambique, com ênfase nos cem anos que antecederam a independência, proclamada em junho de 1975. Procurando uma perspectiva multidisciplinar, a análise é orientada por conceitos que procuram destacar fatores determinantes da concepção de dualismo inerente à situação colonial. A abordagem das várias estratégias culturais a que recorreu a metrópole para sustentar sua \"vocação\" imperial constitui um dado significativo do trabalho que procurou compreender algumas particularidades do projeto lusitano, com a preocupação de enquadrá-lo num processo mais amplo que não poderia desconsiderar os passos da História no ocidente. Partindo do estudo das duas concepções de assimilação e sua continuidade no luso-tropicalismo (e sua instrumentalização pelo Estado Novo português), a análise focaliza a gênese do nacionalismo e a nova dinâmica que a tática de guerrilha, implementada pela luta de libertação nacional, introduz no território de Moçambique. No que se refere à política de identidade nacional proposta pela FRELIMO, foi privilegiada pela pesquisa a dialética que ela estabelece com as sociedades tradicionais. / The present thesis deals with the identity policies promoted by the Portuguese colonial State and the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO), with emphasis on the last hundred years before independence, proclaimed in June 1975. Aiming at a multidisciplinary approach, the analysis is oriented by concepts that put in evidence determinant factors of the dualistic nature of colonial situation. The approach to the various cultural strategies used by Portugal to support its imperial \"vocation\" represents a significative part of this study. It tries to understand some details of the Portuguese project, by framing it within a wider perspective that could not neglect Western History. Starting from the study of the two conceptions of assimilation and its luso-tropicalistic development (the use of the theory carried out by the Portuguese \"New State\" regime) the analysis focus on the origins of nationalism as well as on the new dynamics introduced in the territory by the guerrilla tactics used during national liberation struggle. Concerning FRELIMO\'s national identity policy, this research privileges the dialectics it establishes with traditional societies of Mozambique.

A presente tese tem por objetivo examinar a formação da coligação de resistência organizada, no final do século XIX, por chefes de Angoche, Sangage, Sancul e Quitangonha, dos grupos macua-imbamela e namarrais, às interferências da política colonialista portuguesa no norte de Moçambique. Esses chefes efetuaram vários ataques aos postos administrativos e militares portugueses, postergando a ocupação efetiva daquele território até 1910. O principal objetivo da coligação era a preservação da autonomia política, ameaçada pelas iniciativas de ocupação territorial e pela instituição de mecanismos coloniais, como o controle do comércio e da produção de gêneros agrícolas, a cobrança de impostos e o trabalho compulsório. Os participantes da coligação estavam inseridos num complexo de interconexões gerado pelas múltiplas relações estabelecidas por meio dos espaços políticos, culturais, religiosos e de trocas comerciais, que envolviam não apenas as sociedades islâmicas da costa, as do interior e as do mundo suaíli, como o sultanato de Zanzibar, as ilhas Comores e Madagascar, mas também indianos, portugueses, ingleses e franceses. Essas relações eram definidas pelo parentesco, pela doação de terra, pela religião islâmica e pelos contatos comerciais. Essas conexões facilitaram a formação da coligação de resistência no final do século XIX. / The present thesis has as objective to examine the formation of the coalition resistance organized at the end of the nineteenth century, by the leaderships of Angoche, Sangage, Sancul and Quitangonha, and the groups macua-imbamela and namarrais, to the interference of the Portuguese colonialist policy in Northern Mozambique. Those learderships effectuated several attacks to the Portuguese military and administrative posts, postponing the effective occupation of that territory until 1910. The main objective of the coalition was the preservation of the political autonomy, threatened by the initiatives of the territorial occupation and the establishment of the colonial mechanisms, as the control of the trade and the agricultural production, the collection of taxes and the compulsory labor. Participants in the coalition were inserted of a complex of interconnections generated by the multiple relationships established through the political, cultural, religious and trade spaces, which involved not only the Islamic societies of the coast, the interior ones and the World Swahili as Zanzibar Sultanate, Comoros and Madagascar, but also Indian, Portuguese, English and French people. Those relationships were defined by the kinship, the land donating, the Islamic religion and also mercantile contacts. Those connections facilitated the formation of the resistance coalition at end of the nineteenth century.

This dissertation investigates the institutional practice of screening newly-arrived international students for tuberculosis on U.S. college and university campuses from the 1980s through 2015. It is a critical analysis of this public health measure from the point of view of U.S.-American cultural studies and includes a sample of 21 interviews with international students who underwent this compulsory, on-campus, TB screening procedure. As such, this dissertation contributes to social scientific and cultural studies of racialized practices and discourses in U.S. public health as well as to scholarly literature on the experience of international students in the U.S. In the mid-to-late 1980s, U.S. public health authorities declared a "war on TB" in response to rising TB incidence in the country. The intensified measures of TB control conceptualized the category of the "foreign-born" as invariably "high-risk:" Foreign nationals in the U.S. were to be skin tested for latent TB infection and preventively treated by isoniazid (INH) - even as the U.S. medical community was aware that INH potentially had toxic side effects and that the TB skin test as a diagnostic tool for latent TB was imprecise. The liabilities of the skin test are especially marked in persons inoculated against tuberculosis by the BCG vaccine because the skin test does not distinguish between residues of BCG and actual human TB infection. Yet, despite the fact that, according to the World Health Organization, around 90 per cent of the world population is BCG-vaccinated, the U.S. public health authorities opted to deploy the TB skin test. I argue that, given the difficulties of TB skin test interpretation in BCG-vaccinated individuals, the system of TB skin testing the foreign-born erased the medical history of TB prophylaxis of foreign nationals vaccinated for TB even as the CDC publications and peer-reviewed literature clearly demonstrate that U.S. medical community was aware of the impact of TB prophylaxis on the TB skin test. Citing peer-reviewed articles, CDC and campus orientation documents, this dissertation demonstrates that the erasures amounted to declaring up to fifty per cent of TB skin tested foreign nationals as latent TB positive, thus misdiagnosing latent TB infection on the scale of 76 to 90 per cent. By giving a voice to international students who were subjected to the procedure, this dissertation considers the larger cultural imperatives of such epidemiology. Written by an international student who completed 9-month INH treatment for a non-existent diagnosis and contracted neurological side effects, this dissertation is also a meditation on (self-)forgiveness.