The Israeli-Palestinian conflict dates back to 1917, when British Prime Minister Balfour declared Britain’s support for the establishment of a homeland for Jews in the land of Palestine. The conflict has had many political, social, and artistic implications. On the political level, a struggle that has not been solved until this day has evolved. On a social level, many lives have been crushed: thousands of native citizens of the land became refugees, mainly in Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria, but also worldwide. Others, like the Arabs who stayed in what was in 1948 declared to be the state of Israel, have been suffering from an identity crisis; many of these Arabs face unlawful detention, demolition of houses, killing and racism. The Gaza strip has almost always been under siege by the Israeli military machine lately. Meanwhile, the Jewish society has never had a day of peace since the establishment of their state. On the artistic level, the conflict has always had implications for Arab/ Palestinian and Israeli writings., I seek to read the depiction of the conflict with its different violent confrontations from both Israeli and Palestinian perspectives starting with the Palestinian Nakba to the violent Israeli oppression of any Palestinian resistance in the Intifada. I also read literary texts about Palestinian resistance, actual material resistance of the first Palestinian Intifada as represented by both sides in postcolonial terms. In fact, I believe that both Palestinian and Israeli literature could be read in the context of postcolonial discourse. On the one hand, for Palestinian and Arab writers, Palestinian writing is and should be read as resistance literature, or ‘Adab al-muqawamah’, a term coined by Palestinian writer Ghassan Kanafani. Anna Ball’s study Palestinian Literature and Film in Postcolonial Feminist Perspective examines Palestinian literature and film in the light of postcolonial feminism. Ball places the conflict in the context of colonial/ postcolonial discourse and breaks the taboo against using the word colonialism when speaking about Zionism. In fact, the research problem is based on the idea of the inadequacy of ignoring Palestinian and Israeli literature as part of postcolonial studies simply for fear of revealing the colonial status quo of the land. According to Anna Bernard, who seeks to draw attention to what she calls ‘blind spots in postcolonial studies’, mainly Israel/ Palestine: ‘by dismissing a ‘postcolonial’ approach to Israel-Palestine studies outright, [critics like] Massad and Shohat overlook the value of a literary study that seeks to demonstrate the collective and cross-cultural impact of the various modern forms of colonialism and imperialism on artistic production across the globe’. Massad’s argument that there is difficulty in describing space, time and body in Israel/ Palestine as postcolonial is based on his interrogations: ‘Can one determine the coloniality of Palestine/ Israel without noting its ‘‘post-coloniality’’ for Ashkenazi Jews? Can one determine the post-coloniality of Palestine/Israel without noting its coloniality for Palestinians? Can one determine both or either without noting the simultaneous colonizer/colonized status of Mizrahi Jews? (Although one could debate the colonized status of Mizrahi Jews) How can all these people inhabit a colonial/postcolonial space in a world that declares itself living in a post-colonial time?’ Ella Shohat, likewise, is against what she calls the ‘ahistorical and universalizing deployments, and potentially [the] depoliticizing implications’ of the term ‘post-colonial,’ especially that, according to her, it is used instead of important terms like imperialism and neo-colonialism. In spite of the importance of paying attention to the correct description of states of imperialism and neo-colonialism, I still find it possible to read both Palestinian and Israeli texts in postcolonial perspective, agreeing with Bernard ‘that the tools that have been developed for reading these texts comparatively – including colonial discourse analysis, national allegory, minority discourse, and so on – can be usefully applied, tested, and revised in the analysis of Palestinian and Israeli literary and cultural production’. This view resonates with Ashcroft, Tiffin and Griffiths’s in their study The Postcolonial Studies Reader (1995), when they comment on this wide range of relevant fields that the term postcolonial suggests: ‘Postcolonial theory involves discussion about experience of various kinds: migration, slavery, suppression, resistance, representation, difference, race, gender, [and] place’ . In fact, the term ‘postcolonial’ is not necessarily restricted to a real colonial period; it could be used, according to Ashcroft, Tiffin and Griffiths in The Empire Writes Back: ‘to cover all the culture affected by the imperial process from the moment of colonization to the present day. This is because there is continuity of preoccupations throughout the historical process initiated by European imperial aggression’. Between the view of the land of Palestine as a lawful possession of the Jews and that which sees Jewish presence as a settler or colonial one, a debate about reading the conflict and literary production tackling the conflict within theories of colonial and postcolonial studies arises. What makes reading the Israeli/Palestinian conflict and its literature and literary production within the paradigm of postcolonialism problematic is worth some further investigation. First, the preference and focus on the discursive practices of colonialism over the material practices has resulted in excluding the Israeli/ Palestinian conflict from the field of postcolonial studies by a number of critics like Ella Shohat and Joseph Massad, which is more elaborated on later. Second, the debate about the Zionist project as a settler colonial one could also problematize analysing the conflict within postcolonial theories. The first chapter explores the Israeli/ Palestinian and Arab writing of the conflict from a colonizer/colonized perspective. I mainly focus on the representation of violence as an essential element in a colonized society and the decolonization process, drawing on Frantz Fanon’s theory that violence is inevitable in any colonized community as the backbone of the analysis. For this purpose, I have chosen Syrian playwright Saad-Allah Wanous’s play Rape (1990), to compare with Israeli playwright Hanoch Levin’s play Murder (1997), since both plays represent violence as a vicious circle that does not lead anywhere in the Palestinian/Israeli conflict, even though it is an everyday act that has become a way of life for both sides. Crucial terms in the field of postcolonial studies such as resistance/terrorism are examined. Some similarities between the ways the two playwrights write the conflict are also highlighted, which supports the idea that literature can always find shared ground between any two conflicting parties. In Chapters Two and Three I write about the history of the conflict as a chain of endless violent confrontations; violence in this case is on the national level when the two nations fight each other. Chapter Two addresses some of the landmark events in the history of the Jewish and Palestinian peoples, mainly the Israeli War of Independence/Nakba as the same historical event seen from the two extremely different colonizer/colonized perspectives. The chapter also addresses what the Holocaust has to do with the two events and how the Holocaust was exploited by the Israeli state to silence any condemnation of the Israeli/Zionist settler colonial project in Palestine and later on to silence any international condemnation of the Israeli 1967 occupation of more Palestinian and Arab lands.

This thesis explores the ways in which transnational same-sex couples construe and experience transnational migration, intimacy, and home. The study was initially born out of the need to contribute to the young, but growing body of scholarly work in relation to queer migration studies. For long, the figure of ‘the migrant’ was founded on heterosexual terms only, thus impeding any possibility of exploring the lives of those with non-normative gender and sexual identities. During the last two decades or so, new scholarship has tried to alter this picture, arguing for a more inclusive assessment of global migration. This project aims to further the scholarly conversations in this regard, but it also wishes to go beyond the traditional economic and political spheres in which the migrant is usually placed in; hence, it promotes a study of migration that is also preoccupied with the intimate and emotional life of LGBT+/queer migrants. In this sense, this research is interested in how 12 transnational same-sex couples (that are also binational) understand and practice intimate life and home. Indeed, examining the life of these couples in migration offers a unique opportunity to delve into the intimate and domestic dimensions of transnational migration, and therefore, to show how the research participants actively negotiated and sustained family life and a sense of belonging in today’s rapidly changing and globalising world. The ‘transnational’ component will be key across this thesis, as it enables the possibility of understanding the couples’ different movements, attachments, networking and (emotional and material) practices that explicate and buttress their migratory journeys. The study was carried through the use of ethnographic techniques, namely, narrative interviewing, observation, and the construction of material culture narratives at the participants’ home(s). This methodological combination allowed for an in-depth and careful exploration of the individual and coupled biographies of the research participants. Particularly, this thesis illustrates how working with material culture brings richness and additional depth to empirical data, as well as it provides new opportunities for creativity and interaction with research participants. In the end, this research project chiefly aims to provide gay men, lesbians, and other non-heterosexuals in transnational relationships additional tools to reflect on their lives, sense of belonging, citizenship status, and the value that is politically and socially bestowed on to their relationships, families and overall personal commitments. Indeed, I wish to bring attention to the intimate side of migration; to the fact that migrants, like the ones in this research, have meaningful and on-going personal and interpersonal attachments and commitments. This is why I argue that studying this can be key to a deeper and better understanding of the phenomenon of migration in the 21st Century.

No description available.

This thesis argues that colonization plays a major role in corruption in developing countries. There are different types of corruption: bribery, fraud, and institutional corruption. They occur often, and in some instances, these habits were developed as a result of the colonizers influencing the behaviors of their colonies. Although colonial times seem far back, the characteristics and influences have been deeply engrained in the countries that have long since gained their independence from their colonizers. In the following thesis, I will argue the correlation that colonization and corruption have, while also addressing particular countries in the argument maintaining that there is a link that exists. This case aims to foster an understanding that although there are many causes of corruption, colonization serves as a basis for state development, which in turn affects the presence of corruption. This thesis will reflect research made by scholars regarding corruption and colonization, as well as the theory and hypotheses that support each issue.

This thesis consists of three chapters. The first one is an empirical assessment of the consequences of post-2004 temporary restrictions to welfare access for some European immigrants in the UK in terms of their benefits take-up and their labour supply. I provide evidence that when access to benefits is restricted, immigrants compensate for the foregone income by working more. This is particularly true for females. Nevertheless, even in the absence of any restrictions, immigrants are less reliant on welfare and work more than their native counterparts. The second chapter focuses on the determinants of geographical mobility of British labour market entrants over the period 1991-2008, with an emphasis on the role of education. Given the absence of an appropriate index for mobility in the data, I compute a continuous measure of distance that is then matched to the individual information. Results suggest that having a degree has a positive impact on the mobility of young adults and, hence, on their labour market opportunities. Moreover, an important role is played by previous mobility experience and some other environmental factors. In the third chapter of this dissertation I evaluate the long-term effects of undergoing job turnover during a woman’s early career on her demand for children. In doing so, I make a distinction between voluntary and involuntary job separations. The empirical analysis is made on a sample of British women who have left education in the years 1959-1986, for which I construct job experience and family formation variables on the basis of retrospective information. The findings imply that women with stronger preferences for children might self-select into more rewarding career paths, possibly in pursuance of better labour market conditions that can guarantee a more adequate child rearing.

Submitted by Jordan (jordanbiblio@gmail.com) on 2018-08-23T14:33:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2015_Rejane Pereira Santi.pdf: 14617718 bytes, checksum: a7688ddfa8c80878c6064ddb6b758e07 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jordan (jordanbiblio@gmail.com) on 2018-08-23T15:12:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2015_Rejane Pereira Santi.pdf: 14617718 bytes, checksum: a7688ddfa8c80878c6064ddb6b758e07 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T15:12:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2015_Rejane Pereira Santi.pdf: 14617718 bytes, checksum: a7688ddfa8c80878c6064ddb6b758e07 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-11-30 / A CODEMAT – Companhia de Desenvolvimento do Estado de Mato Grosso S/A, criada pelo governo do Estado de Mato Grosso em 1968 para promover o desenvolvimento econômico se colocou no cenário político mato-grossense como colonizadora oficial do Estado a partir do final dos anos 1970. Na época o país vivia sob a égide do regime de um Estado autoritário da Ditadura Militar. O “desenvolvimento econômico” foi entendido pelo Estado e suas autarquias, e mais ainda pela CODEMAT como competência para alienar e comercializar as terras devolutas pertencentes ao Estado de MT nos limites da fronteira amazônica mato-grossense, o que incluía o Noroeste de MT. Estas terras passaram em sua maioria à tutela da União e do Conselho de Segurança Nacional. Foi dessa forma que se implantou em MT, seguindo a idealização de segurança e integração nacional; os pólos de desenvolvimento como o POLOAMAZONIA, POLOCENTRO, POLONOROESTE que serviam ao incentivo fiscal para o desenvolvimento dos projetos voltados não para o assentamento do trabalhador do campo ou mesmo do pequeno proprietário; mas antes, ao interesse das empresas agropecuárias e à exploração de recursos minerais. As ações fundiárias que competiam à União foram desenvolvidas pelo INCRA e aquelas de responsabilidade do governo estadual, entregues à CODEMAT para o desenvolvimento do Projeto Juina. Para que fosse endossado pelo Estado e contasse com os recursos/subsídios advindos dos programas federais voltados para a colonização na Amazônia, a CODEMAT elaborou e apresentou ao governo do estado de MT o Projeto Estadual de Colonização Juina - Volume I. Sendo as ações da CODEMAT nosso objeto de investigação, esta se faz a partir da problematização do Programa Estadual de Colonização; aqui entendida como o ato de “historicizar sobre”. Isto é, trata-se do trabalho de transformar o problema em análise historiográfica partindo da investigação das ações da CODEMAT enquanto colonizadora e até que ponto esse documento cumpriu suas propostas originais de assentamento ou não passou de uma propaganda em si das ações da CODEMAT sobre o projeto de colonização que se realmente pretendia, o Projeto Juina. / The CODEMAT – Mato Grosso State Development Company S/A, created by the Mato Grosso state government in 1968 to promote economic development, is placed in Mato Grosso political scene as the official colonial state company in the late 1970s. At the time the country was under the aegis of an authoritarian state regime: a military dictatorship. Then, the "economic development" was understood by the State and its municipalities, and even more so by CODEMAT, as the power to sell and market the vacant lands owned by the MT state, within the limits of Mato Grosso Amazon frontier, which included the Northwest of Mato Grosso. These lands have gone mostly to the protection of the Union and the National Security Council. That's how it was implemented in MT, following the regime’s idealization of security and national integration; development poles such as POLOAMAZONIA, POLOCENTRO, POLONOROESTE served as tax incentives not for the development of projects related to the rural workers’ settlement, let alone to the small land owners; but rather to the interests of big agricultural enterprises and exploitation of mineral resources. The agrarian actions due to the Union were developed by INCRA, and those of the MT state government's responsibility, delivered to CODEMAT for the development of Juina Project. In order to be endorsed by the State and count on the resources/subsidies arising from federal programs for colonization in the Amazon, CODEMAT prepared and presented to the MT state government the Juina State Colonization Project Volume I. As the actions of CODEMAT are our object of research, it is done by questioning the State Program of Colonization; here understood as the act of "historicizing on". That means, it is the job of turning the matter into historiographical analysis, starting from the investigation of CODEMAT actions as a colonizing institution, and how much of the State Program of Colonization original purposes were fulfilled, or if the Program was merely a propaganda of CODEMAT actions for the actual colonization project intended, the Juina Project.

No description available.

This thesis examines the nature and role of resilience in forced migrants’ lives with particular reference to the day-to-day lives of Somali women living in the UK. In contrast to the dominant discourse of victimhood associated with the label of ‘forced migrant’ this empirical study explores the notion of the ‘strong migrant woman’. Drawing upon perspectives that illuminate power relations and adopting a social constructionist framework, a qualitative and predominantly ethnographic approach was taken to elicit Somali women’s accounts of their family life in a city in southern England. Challenges encountered within the research field, including language barriers, issues of informed consent and women’s reluctance to engage with the study, led to the adoption of an increasingly informal, flexible process of data generation. This was via formal and informal individual and group interviews and participant observation of women’s daily activities. Together these rich sources of data illuminate the complexity and contraction of the resilience concept and in doing so promote a more informed understanding of the diversity and richness of forced migrants’ lives. Findings from this study challenge the use of static frameworks and labels in determining and categorising migratory journeys and experiences of (re)settlement. The need for recognition of the complexity and fluidity surrounding the nature of border crossings is argued. Drawing on a pluralistic theoretical approach to understanding resilience, this thesis illuminates the complex ways in which risk and protection, strengths and vulnerability operate within women’s day-to-day lives. ‘Complexity and contradiction’ and ‘movement and fluidity’ are identified as key inter-related themes in understanding the nature of resilience within these migrant women’s family life. A model developed on the basis of this study’s findings and encompassing a more holistic approach is outlined as a potential tool to aid the complex task of resilience assessment.

All nations with significant dimensions of immigration and ethnic minorities are facing policy tensions stemming from two contradicting fundamental constitutional principles. The establishment and preservation of nationhood seems to require cultural homogeneity and associated integration of the population living on a specified territory. However, the aim of integration is challenged by the principle of recognising and safeguarding cultural identities of minorities and immigrants. One of central debates concerns language policy. This country study concerns the recent relation of language policy and immigration policy in Germany. It is based on the analysis of public discourses circling around the legislative process and the subsequent application and amendment of the foreigners’ statute of 1997 and the immigration statute of 2004 including the Green card initiative (2000) and the debate about restrictive policies after the Madrid bombing (2004). It also contains a case study of the controversies on the German-only policy on the playground of a multi-ethnic school in Wedding, a district of Berlin. Recent media coverage shows that this example, picked in 2006, has since achieved a paradigmatic quality. The thesis outlines and applies aspects of critical discourse analysis for the interpretation of selected relevant texts, mainly contained in national quality newspapers. The case study is also based on interviews and use of correspondence addressed to the school.

Submitted by Jos? Henrique Henrique (jose.neves@ufvjm.edu.br) on 2017-07-20T23:02:46Z No. of bitstreams: 2 aline_ferreira_rocha.pdf: 1616973 bytes, checksum: 4f7430eba72b699c77503dd777840bb2 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Martins Cruz (rodrigo.cruz@ufvjm.edu.br) on 2017-07-28T17:52:26Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 aline_ferreira_rocha.pdf: 1616973 bytes, checksum: 4f7430eba72b699c77503dd777840bb2 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-28T17:52:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 aline_ferreira_rocha.pdf: 1616973 bytes, checksum: 4f7430eba72b699c77503dd777840bb2 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016 / Aperam / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior (CAPES) / A sele??o de clones de Corymbia menos dependentes da aduba??o fosfatada e mais responsivos as ectomicorrizas poder? tornar o cultivo desta planta menos dependente deste insumo. O objetivo deste trabalho foi avaliar o efeito de inoculantes de isolados de Pisolithus sp. na produ??o de mudas de clones de Corymbia pela miniestaquia, em condi??es de viveiro. Os clones de Corymbia AEC0007, AEC0022, AEC0043 e AEC0045 inoculados com os isolados de Pisolithus sp. C9C, C16 com a mistura dos dois isolados (MIX = C9C+C16), foram crescidos em substrato com redu??o da aduba??o fosfatada. Como controle, os mesmos clones, n?o inoculados, foram crescidos em substrato com (Controle) e sem (Comercial) redu??o da aduba??o fosfatada. A sobreviv?ncia das mudas nos clones AEC0007 e AEC0043 n?o foi influenciada pela inocula??o. Para os demais clones, as mudas inoculadas com C16 foram at? 75 % maiores que as mudas do Comercial. A inocula??o com MIX aumentou a altura das mudas do AEC0007, AEC0043 e AEC0045, todos em rela??o ?s mudas do Comercial e do Controle. O C16 aumentou o di?metro das mudas do AEC0007 e AEC0045 em at? 25 % em rela??o ?s do Comercial, e para os demais clones, a inocula??o n?o teve influ?ncia. As maiores porcentagens de coloniza??o foram observadas nas mudas do AEC0007, AEC0022 e AEC0043 inoculadas com C9C e com MIX. A inocula??o, em geral, aumentou a frequ?ncia de torr?es firmes e parcialmente enraizados e firmes e bem enraizados, exceto para o AEC0045. Os teores de P, N, K, Ca e Mg estavam abaixo do considerado ideal e os teores de Zn e Fe estavam acima da faixa adequada. Apenas os teores de Mn permaneceram dentro da faixa considerada adequada. As porcentagens de pontas colonizadas se correlacionaram positivamente com par?metros de crescimento e nutri??o nos clones AEC0007, AEC0022 e AEC0043, mas a quantidade de par?metros e a intensidade da correla??o foram dependentes do clone. A inocula??o com Pisolithus sp. aumenta a coloniza??o ectomicorr?zica e o crescimento de mudas Corymbia em viveiro comercial, mas isto ? dependente do clone e do isolado. Os inoculantes mais promissores foram MIX> C9C>C16, pois promoveram maiores crescimento, sobreviv?ncia, massa seca, coloniza??o e qualidade de torr?es das mudas de Corymbia. O clone AEC0043 foi o mais responsivo ? inocula??o por fungos ectomicorr?zicos, obtendo maiores benef?cios. / Disserta??o (Mestrado) ? Programa de P?s-Gradua??o em Produ??o Vegetal, Universidade Federal dos Vales do Jequitinhonha e Mucuri, 2016. / The selection of Corymbia clones less dependent on phosphate fertilization and more responsive to ectomycorrhizae may make the cultivation of this plant less dependent on this input. The objective of this work was to evaluate the effect of inoculants of Pisolithus sp. in the production of mini-cuttings of Corymbia clones, under nursery conditions. The Corymbia clones AEC0007, AEC0022, AEC0043 and AEC0045 inoculated with the isolates of Pisolithus sp. C9C, C16 with the mixture of the two isolates (MIX = C9C + C16) were grown on substrate with reduction of phosphate fertilization. As a control, the same uninoculated clones were grown on substrate with (Control) and without (Commercial) reduction of phosphate fertilization. The survival of the mini cuttings in clones AEC0007 and AEC0043 was not influenced by inoculation. The survival of the AEC0022 mini-cuttings inoculated with C16 was 75% greater than those from the commercial, but this effect was dependent on the isolate and the clone. The inoculation with the MIX increased the height of the mini-cuttings of AEC0007, AEC0043 and AEC0045, all in relation to the Commercial and Control mini-cuttings. The C16 increased the diameter of the AEC0007 and AEC0045 mini-cuttings by up to 25% compared to the Commercial ones and for the other clones inoculation it had no influence. The highest percentages of colonization were observed in the AEC0007, AEC0022 and AEC0043 mini-cuttings inoculated with C9C and MIX. The inoculation, in general, increased the frequencies of firm and partially rooted and firm and well rooted clods, except for AEC0045. The concentration of P, N, K, Ca and Mg were below the ideal level and the Zn and Fe concentration were above the appropriate range. Only Mn concentration remained within the range considered adequate. The percentages of colonized tips correlated positively with growth and nutrition parameters in clones AEC0007, AEC0022 and AEC0043, but the number of parameters and the intensity of the correlation was dependent on the clone. The inoculation with Pisolithus sp. increases ectomycorrhizal colonization and growth of Corymbia mini-cuttings in commercial nursery, but this is dependent on the clone and isolate. The most promising inoculants were MIX> C9C> C16, as they promoted greater growth, survival, dry mass, colonization and quality of clods of Corymbia mini-cuttings. Clone AEC0043 was the most responsive to inoculation of ectomycorrhizal fungi, obtaining greater benefits.