Le caractère systématique de la pensée de Rousseau est maintenant assez bien établi, et l'on a cessé de la démembrer en privilégiant tel ou tel aspect de l'oeuvre, littéraire, politique, ou existentiel, comme on l'a fait si longtemps, trop longtemps. Cela étant, même les lectures les plus englobantes ne nous paraissent pas encore pleinement satisfaisantes. En effet, fondées le plus souvent sur le principe de la bonté humaine et sa corruption sociale, effectivement mis en avant par Rousseau lui-même comme son « grand principe », elles nous paraissent avoir minimisé un aspect pourtant essentiel de sa pensée, à savoir sa position concernant le conflit du politique et du religieux, quand elles n'y ont pas vu une nichée de contradictions : rôle équivoque de la « religion civile », lien entre l'Émile (plus particulièrement la « Profession de Foi du Vicaire Savoyard ») et le Contrat Social, incomplétude de ce dernier traité, qui paraît laisser en plan la question du droit international, et par conséquent du cosmopolitisme, donc d'un dépassement des querelles religieuses, etc. Or, en réinscrivant le propos de Rousseau dans une historiographie du conflit théologico-politique, considéré en et pour luimême, dans son aspect proprement historique, avant d'envisager ce qu'en ont pensé les philosophes, il nous a paru possible de pousser plus avant l'étude du système et de surmonter les contradictions que l'on a cru parfois y voir. Nous pensons en effet que ce conflit n'a pas pris fin avec le XVIIème siècle, et qu'il est toujours bien présent, sans doute sous des formes nouvelles, tout au long du siècle des Lumières, et tout particulièrement chez Rousseau. Selon nous, il n'est pas interdit de penser qu'il y a là un principe susceptible d'élargir, voire de clore, la complétude du système. De surcroît, il nous est apparu que Rousseau n'était pas seulement le théoricien d'un droit politique abstraitement considéré.S'il affirme à plusieurs reprises étudier le droit et non le fait, il n'instaure pas entre eux une séparation radicale de type sein/sollen, en quelque sorte pré-kantienne. Le fait est chez lui toujours pénétré de droit, et la théorie n'est jamais séparée de la pratique. Pour toutes ses raisons, nous croyons avoir trouvé dans son oeuvre de quoi nous aider à mieux percevoir, de la façon la plus concrète qui soit, les enjeux de la réinscription du religieux dans la politique contemporaine, ainsi que dans les obstacles qu'elle oppose ou paraît opposer à la constitution d'un authentique cosmopolitisme. / Rousseau studies generally tend to discuss the life and work of Jean-Jacques Rousseau rather than provide a systematicinterpretation of the corpus of his works, leaving us without a full-fledged system that we may attribute to Rousseau. Some scholars have excluded discussion of certain of his works and reduced the ambition of his system. Some of the available interpretations make Rousseau to be sometimes a literary author, sometimes a political one, and sometimes a dreamer, because they refuse, we charge, to look for a coherent organization between all of these interpretive fields. In order to develop a systematic interpretation, we must reconsider the overall dynamics of the corpus as being directed toward a central question, a problem for which the system proposes a resolution. We take this to be the theological-political problem, and it is from this perspective that we analyze Rousseau’s system. Rousseau’s work is shown to have a natural place within a historiography of the impact of the theological-political disorders in both the philosophical and practical fields during the 18th century. It is in this context that we can see that Rousseau’s whole corpus is organized around the resolution of the theological-political conflict. This interpretative method allows us to see and understand the general organization of Rousseau’s thought, the correspondences between writings hitherto undervalued, and the overall cosmopolite project supported by Rousseau’s system. Once we have grasped the landscape of the systematic whole of Rousseau’s project, we find that it can bring us new insights about our present day world by considering how the solutions it recommends could have an impact on our current political, social, and moral constructions.

Thesis advisor: James D. Wallace / James Fenimore Cooper, George Catlin, and Margaret Fuller all spent significant portions of their lives living outside the United States, among people who - at least initially - were foreign to them. The writing those cross-cultural forays inspired demonstrated that they learned a great deal about American culture in addition to the foreign cultures they visited, and that sometimes the insights gained were difficult to hear but impossible to refute. These writers became advocates for a cosmopolitan approach not only to travel but also to cultural identity. Each felt the slipperiness of U.S. cultural identity and determined that the most productive means of securing it was by active cosmopolitan engagement with foreign others. This project explores how travel led them to view culture as a moveable category, and as a result, to work proactively to encourage a culture of patriotic cosmopolitanism in the United States. While Fuller, Cooper, and Catlin lived and wrote, the United States was marked by an isolating insistence on exceptionalism that dominated American culture. Calls for transformative, active, or personal engagement with foreign cultures were rare. Juxtaposing Appiah's approach to cosmopolitanism with the cultural analysis of such critics as William W. Stowe and Mark Renella on travel and nineteenth-century American culture, and Larry J. Reynolds and Michael Paul Rogin, on political issues of the same era gives a new perspective to these writers. Catlin, Cooper, and Fuller were dissimilar in many ways, but all enacted a cosmopolitanism that was unusual for their time and striking in its opposition to nationalist cultural currents. Their careers were defined by travel experiences marked by challenges to their cultural identity, and they met these with self-reflection that led to their awareness of the treatment cultural others received from Americans. Engaging with both Amerindian and European versions of "foreignness" led these writers to preach a cosmopolitan consciousness and to model the best ways for Americans to comport themselves while acting as citizen diplomats. A close reading of Catlin's presence as cultural intermediary in his ethnography reveals a man seeking to meet Amerindians on their own terms; he was a rare case study, and the lukewarm support he received is telling; mainstream Americans were not interested in viewing Indians as living people with a culture worth learning about. Most important, Catlin's writings of his experience in Indian lands and abroad demonstrate his exceptional receptivity to foreignness. Catlin did not see or market himself as a "travel-writer" but rather an artist and advocate for the Indians offering his own brand of proto-ethnography to the nineteenth-century reading public. Nevertheless, his work is an unusual addition to the travel-writing genre, and particularly productive in its presentation of how one adventurous traveler's experience of cultural difference led to cosmopolitan awareness. The extent to which one's experience of a foreign culture can be communicated to others who have not shared in those experiences is limited, and this accounts, in part, for the contradictions, defensive rationalizations, and rambling reflections present in Catlin's accounts. He faced a task that travel writers who direct their work to home-bound readers can't avoid: the unacknowledged naiveté of such readers must be dealt with, and foreignness presented in terms of the known. The psychological processes undergone by cross-cultural travelers can be significant, and are not so easily translated to the uninitiated. Cooper recognized that cross-cultural encounters had formed American identity from the start and worked against the prevailing tendency to denigrate, dismiss, and destroy Amerindians. He noticed that efforts to encourage international acceptance of American culture as a distinctive, worthy addition to the catalog of world cultures were often hampered by cross-cultural missteps and failures. More than most, Cooper understood the process of exploring foreignness as well as the value of the experience, but found that understanding difficult to communicate to less-cosmopolitan audiences. Cooper's cross-cultural engagement is explored in two works that participated in the ongoing transatlantic squabble over the insinuations about U.S. culture in travel writing by Europeans. In Notions of the Americans (1828) and "Point de Bateaux à Vapeur--Une Vision" (1832), Cooper advanced American arguments against the propriety and usefulness of such judgments. Homeward Bound and Home As Found (1838), took these transatlantic discussions to a different level. Remaining staunchly American, Cooper was less interested in defending his country from European "attacks" than in understanding the differences that inspired them; his argument, aimed at Americans, was for a more enlightened U.S. culture--one that had the cosmopolitan skills required to command respect internationally. Cooper's ultimate understanding of "culture" as a moveable category of human difference in The Monikins (1835). Fuller worked for a cosmopolitan American culture that would be able to lead the world for the sake of the progress of humanity. Americans would be simultaneously citizens of the United States and of the world. Through her engagement with other cultures, she sought to fit her own to her ideal. Hers was not a consuming globalism, but a model of international engagement from the ground up. By extending the transcendental opposition to individual conformity to the cultural scale, Fuller hoped that thinking Americans would learn to benefit from the "variety" that surrounded them. In her writing and by her example, she shifted the focus of travel from place to people, urging Americans to travel not only to see foreign places but to meet foreign people and immerse themselves in foreign points of view. She relates her impressions of Native Americans as foreigners who suffer from Americans' failure to see them as a people worthy of respectful engagement, and her desire that her country not repeat that mistake in dealing with other nations. In her first significant travel experience, which exposed her to immigrant settlers and Indian communities, she discovered her interest in learning about and forming relationships with groups of people who were different from her, displaying not only cosmopolitan curiosity but cosmopolitan willingness to put herself forward into the unknown. Her years of study of foreign language and arts had left her better prepared to make meaningful connections there. As a woman she felt especially well-positioned to practice a cosmopolitanism that was its own kind of revolution. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2011. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: English.

O estudo que apresentamos tem como finalidade investigar a ideia kantiana de uma educação cosmopolita. Compreendendo o contexto maior no qual se inserem as reflexões de Kant acerca da educação, a saber, a Ilustração do Século XVIII, procuramos diferenciar a proposta kantiana de educação por seu caráter cosmopolita. Em um primeiro momento, traçamos, baseados na noção de clima de opinião, um breve panorama da Ilustração e sua estreita relação com a questão da educação. Em um segundo momento, refletimos acerca da relação entre Rousseau e Kant no que se refere à educação, mostrando as convergências divergências existentes. Nos apoiando da distinção entre educação privada e pública, intentamos mostrar como Kant se opõe à Rousseau ao defender a educação pública, e como esta defesa nos ajuda a compreender a opção de Kant por uma educação com viés cosmopolita. Em um terceiro momento, apresentamos de um ponto de vista geral a concepção de educação kantiana, analisando sua relação com a filosofia da história, uma vez mais com a intenção de realçar a característica cosmopolita. Por último, apresentamos um quadro dos cosmopolitismos kantianos e debatemos como a educação cosmopolita pode ser vista como uma necessidade para Kant. / Our study aims at carrying out an investigation of the Kantian idea of a cosmopolitan education. Contextualizing Kants proposal of a cosmopolitan education within the broader scenario of the Enlightenment movement, we try to differentiate Kants education for its cosmopolitan trait. Firstly, we draw a short panorama of the Enlightenment and its relation with education, based on the concept of climate of opinion. Then, by contrasting Rousseau and Kant, we try to show their diverging proposals of education, based on a distinction current and the history of education between a private and a public education. By showing Kants support of a public education, we try to indicate that this very bias is a way of demanding a cosmopolitan education. In a third moment, we sketch Kants conception of education, then analyzing its relation with his philosophy of history. As a conclusion, we will try to summarize Kants cosmopolitanisms in order to debate Kants cosmopolitan education as a necessity.

À une époque marquée par les interventions et les conquêtes romaines dans la Grèce égéenne, ainsi que par la décision du Sénat romain, en 167, de placer Délos sous le contrôle d’Athènes et d’en faire un port exempté de taxes douanières, les individus originaires de la péninsule italienne furent de plus en plus nombreux à s’installer ou à séjourner temporairement sur cette île qui, devenue fortement cosmopolite, joua un rôle de relais économique entre l’Italie et la Méditerranée orientale.À partir d’une documentation abondante et variée de nature essentiellement épigraphique et archéologique sont successivement abordés trois thèmes : les lieux de résidence et les modes de vie domestique des Italiens et de leur entourage familial et clientélaire, leur participation aux activités du gymnase et aux concours organisés sur l’île, et leurs pratiques religieuses. Les causes, la nature, la portée et les enjeux (parfois sociaux, économiques et/ou politiques) de chaque pratique font l’objet d’interprétations qui permettent de mieux comprendre, dans toute sa complexité, l’importante hellénisation de ces Italiens qui se sont quelquefois distingués par des usages romains.L’étude s’achève par une mise en perspective du cas délien afin de déterminer ce qui en fait à la fois un exemple représentatif des pratiques culturelles des Italiens dans la Grèce égéenne et un cas particulier. C’est l’intensité de phénomènes d’intégration multiples auxquels prenaient pleinement part les Italiens, dans le contexte de rapports de pouvoir favorables à Rome et à tous ceux qui se réclamaient de cette cité, qui paraît avoir constitué une singularité de la vie culturelle délienne. / The 2nd and 1st centuries BC were marked by Roman interventions and conquests in the Aegean Greece, and by the decision of the Roman Senate, in 167, to place Delos under the control of Athens and to make it a port exempt from customs tax. As a result, individuals who came from the Italian peninsula were more and more numerous to settle or reside temporarily on the island which became highly cosmopolitan and played a part as an economic bridge between Italy and the eastern Mediterranean.Based on a wide range of varied documents which are mainly epigraphic and archaeological, the study deals with three themes : the places of residence and the domestic daily life of Italians, their family circle and their clients, their participation in the gymnasium activities and in competitions organized on the island, and their religious practices. This dissertation tries to interpret the causes, the nature and the significance of each of these practices. It also analyses their social, economic and/or political dimensions in order to better understand the complexity of the advanced hellenization of those Italians who sometimes distinguished themselves by using Roman customs.The study concludes with a larger perspective in order to determine what makes Delos both a representative example of the Italians’ cultural practices in the Aegean Greece, and a special case. Ultimately, the distinctive feature of cultural life in Delos seems to have been the wide range of integration patterns in which Italians fully took part. This phenomenon took place in the context of a balance of power that was favourable to Rome and to all those who identified with this city.

A tese parte da hipótese central de que existe uma antinomia fundamental no pensamento político ocidental contemporâneo entre os Direitos Humanos e a Soberania. Observamos tal antinomia em dois campos distintos, porém interconectados: no campo propriamente teórico, no qual chegamos à antinomia do projeto universal-cosmopolita dos Direitos Humanos em relação ao Estadoemuralhado- nacional, e no campo do direito internacional, no qual a antinomia se faz presente em alguns instrumentos jurídicos internacionais do pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial. Ao final da pesquisa, a hipótese central se confirmou, o que mostrou, portanto, a vigência de uma dupla matriz teórico-prática no pensamento político (duas filosofias) presentes no mundo contemporâneo. De um lado, os Direitos Humanos levados às últimas consequências (em sua extremidade lógica), remetem a um mundo sem fronteiras e o defendem: o do kosmopolites (cidadão do mundo). Por outro lado, a Soberania, de igual forma, em sua extremidade lógica, remete às fronteiras territoriais, aos territórios fechados e de jurisdição exclusiva. Vista por esse viés, a Soberania atém-se à lógica da muralha, da distinção e polaridade do eu e do outro enquanto o cidadão-nacional versus o estrangeiro. / This thesis argues from the central hypothesis that there is an essential antinomy in the contemporary Western political thought between human rights and Sovereignty. This antagonism can be observed in two fields (although interconnected): in the theorethical field itself, in which we arrive at a universal-cosmopolitan project antagonistic to the State-enclosed-national terrritory; and in the field of international law, where we encounter this paradox in some of the international post-Second World War legal instruments. At the end of the research, the hypothesis was confirmed, thus revealing the existence of a double theoretical-practical matrix in the political thought (two philosophies) of the contemporary world. On the one hand, human rights are taken to the very end (in its logical extreme), correlate and defend a world without borders, of the kosmopolites (world citizen). On the other hand, Sovereignty, equally taken in this logical extreme, refers back to territories frontiers, to the closed territories, and its exclusive jurisdiction. Seen from this point of view, Sovereignty ties itself to the logic of the wall, the distinction and polarity of I and the other, as the national-citizen versus the foreigner.

The purpose of this research was to explore how students developed over a four-year international higher education experience, the first longitudinal study of student development through undergraduate careers completed entirely abroad. One hundred six students representing forty-three different countries at an American international liberal arts college in Switzerland participated in this grounded theory study, which incorporated an additional 186 anonymous survey respondents. The study addressed the processes and outcomes of such an education. The work utilized data produced through a number of different formats, including student peer-to-peer interviews, reflective student writing, participant observation, and open survey questions. The research showed that this experience prepared students for seven related cosmopolitan futures, ranging from global activist to glocal elite. In addition to classifying typologies, the study explained how students utilized three separate learning arenas to structure their experience: the intercultural bubble, the larger world of travel, and local communities. Students autonomously employed distinct methods within these learning arenas, using cyclical processes involving agency, constant comparison, risk-taking, and reflection. Students developed both intercultural competencies and worldliness. Key aspects of intercultural competencies included adaptability, open-mindedness, and perspective-taking. Worldliness instead comprised independence, travel savvy, and self-assuredness. Findings suggest that, regardless of a student’s original cosmopolitical orientation, the net effect of the extended international higher education experience was to expand students’ orientations and modes of acting and perceiving toward greater global understanding and appreciation, including aspects of ethical cosmopolitanism. The experience was transformative, albeit in an incremental fashion, building upon students’ previous lives. The research proposed a more evidence-based definition of cosmopolitan education than previous conceptualizations, one that encompasses tensions in discourses around internationalization and globalization. This thesis contributes to the literatures on the internationalization of higher education, international education, education for global citizenship, higher education policy, cosmopolitanism in practice, and the sociology of globalization. The thesis concludes with recommendations for international education researchers, practitioners, and campus leaders.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2018-05-08T16:39:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniel de Souza Mota_.pdf: 688791 bytes, checksum: 9de093a3abbe129953d4392949dc16b9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-08T16:39:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniel de Souza Mota_.pdf: 688791 bytes, checksum: 9de093a3abbe129953d4392949dc16b9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-01-10 / Nenhuma / A presente dissertaçãotem por objetivo abordar o temada reflexão moral no escrito político de Kant sobre A Paz Perpétua. O trabalho parte de uma abordagemanalítica e interpretativada filosofia moral de Kant, especialmente desenvolvida pela Fundamentação da Metafísica dos Costumes, com algumas incursõesna Crítica da Razão Pura,para, em seguida, por em destaque o seu desdobramento na reflexão sobre a filosofia política que discorre sobre os seus fins, sua estrutura e os meios para alcançar a paz entre as Nações. Para tanto, são trabalhados osconceitossobre a compreensão da moral em Kant como ovalor da boa vontade, a lei moral e as fórmulas do dever, destaca-se a seguir a necessidade da paz permanente: como os argumentos para a paz e a ideia de cosmopolitismo esses argumentos trarão sustentação moral sobre a paz perpétua, Kant entendequea paz permanente é umprocesso a ser desenvolvido ao longo da caminhada humana, tendo como meta a construção do sujeito autônomo e moral, portanto, livre. O sujeito da paz deve constituir-se conformetais preceitos, garantidos por meio de uma moralprimorosa que lhe tire do estadodamenoridade e lhe conduza à maioridade,em busca de um Estado cosmopolita, que lhe garanta a paz permanentemente. Segundo a teoria kantiana, a sociedade não poderia ter outra constituição que não fosse republicana -por estar fundada sobre princípios de liberdade, de dependência de uma legislação comum e de igualdade dos cidadãos entre si. Quando sujeito e Estado estiverem em plena harmonia, onde não haja injustiças nem privilégios, estaráda mesma forma, se descortinando o caminho para a implantação do que Kant nominou Estado das Nações. E, a partir deste, quiçá para a construção do Estado Mundial Cosmoético. / This dissertation has as objective to approach the issue of the moral reflection in Kant’s political writing about Perpetual Peace. The study arise of an analytical and interpretative approachof Kant’s moral philosophy, specially developed by Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals, includingsome inroads in Critique of Pure Reason, in order to, henceforth, highlight his unfolding in the reflection about the political philosophy which expatiate on its aims, structure and the means to reach the peace between Nations. For this purpose, the concepts about the moral comprehension in Kant are worked as the value of the goodwillthe moral law and the formulas of duty, stand out subsequently the necessity of permanent peace: such as the arguments for the peace and the idea of cosmopolitanism, these considerations will bring moral sustentation about the perpetual peace. Kant believes that the permanent peace is the process to be developed in the human along journey, seeking the construction of the autonomous and moral subject, therefore, a free individual. The peace subject needs to be constituted according to such precepts, guaranteed through of an exquisite moral that take away it of the minority state and conduct it to the maturity,in quest for a cosmopolitan State, whom guarantees the peace permanently. Pursuant to Kantian theory, the society could not have other constitution that does not be republican-for being funded on liberty principles, of dependency in a communal legislation and of equality among citizens itself. When the subject and the State are in full-fledge harmony, where do not have injustices nether privileges, it will be, in the same way, uncovering the highway for the implantation of what Kant named as State of Nation. Having this in mind, perhaps, this could be concretized for the construction of a Cosmoethics Mundial State.

In an age of globalisation, conflicting identities and cultures continue to remain a source of seemingly intractable conflict. Educative interventions are meanwhile increasing in trend among academics, politicians and multilateral aid organisations. Each regard education as a long-term solution to contemporary social and security issues. Supporting literature on the relationship between education and identity suggests that formal education has a powerful influence on students’ outlook on life, their loyalties and their identities. This premise suggests that when questioned about global issues, Egyptian students who attend international schools within their own country of origin should show more signs of cosmopolitanism and global mindedness than their nationally educated peers. Yet, contrary findings to that of prevailing discourse suggest that education’s ability to shape values and loyalties is likely overemphasised when placed in the context of foreign curricula and international education. At times, students of international schools involved in this study showed more signs of nationalism than their nationally educated counterparts, and presented as equally traditional, conservative and ‘anti-West’ as their compatriots. The thesis thus argues that when education is placed within an international framework, its ability to socialise is significantly weakened, as it is faced with considerable firewalls that are yet to be adequately acknowledged in the discussion of post-national citizenship education. Using a combination of interpretative and critical research methods, rich and original qualitative data was gathered on attitudes and lifestyles of elite Egyptians enrolled at a variety of Egypt’s private international schools. Twenty-two international school educated Egyptian students, and a control group of 21 nationally educated Egyptian students of the same socio-economic background were invited to participate in specially tailored one-to-one interviews to measure their degree of cosmopolitan attitudes. Supplementary participant observations of Egyptian families actively involved in Egypt’s international education community were also conducted to consider the complementarity of the students’ home lives with their school lives. Focus groups were held with students of international schools to determine their views and attitudes towards global issues and other communities. All findings from this research were assessed alongside large-scale values surveys including the World Values Surveys and the Arab Youth Surveys. With the large sample size of pre-existing opinion polls, and the unique isolation of curriculum type as an independent variable in this study, it was possible to assess the transformative impact that an international education plays in the expression of values and beliefs of Egyptian students. The findings of this thesis have multidisciplinary value. For political science readers, the study offers a critical and epistemological analysis of concepts of cosmopolitanism, Westernisation, globalisation and global citizenship. For readers of the Middle East, it is a study into Egyptian youth today and their conflicting identities and loyalties. The Egyptian experience of private international schools and foreign investment is representative of a regional trend, and valuable to those wishing to consider competing narratives for identity in twenty-first century Middle East societies. Finally, it is a study that has an added value to educationists as it explores the role education plays on identity, and more specifically the role of international schools on globalisation and international mindedness. The growing trend of research and analysis that focuses on increased global connectedness and a culturally converging world makes this thesis an important and timely contribution. In an effort to extend the debate beyond the prevailing macro-analyses of change through globalisation, this thesis stresses the importance of looking at global interconnectivity at the micro-level, and particularly how young people navigate and negotiate their identity within the context of increasingly transnational spaces. Through this endeavour, it has reached a critical evaluation of our current understanding of a ‘post-national’ future, through the attitudes and opinions of some of today’s internationally educated generation.

This thesis examines the book and archival holdings of the Cottonian Collection – a national designated eighteenth-century collection of fine art and books – between 1791 and 1816, the period of William Cotton II’s custodianship. Prior to this thesis, the Cottonian Collection has not been the subject of a full-length academic study. Whilst the art holdings have received some attention, the book and archival contents have not been examined. This thesis addresses this imbalance by conducting a thorough examination of the archival holdings and the history of the book collection. Taking the actions of the collection’s penultimate private owner, William Cotton II, as its primary focus this thesis examines the curatorial practices of acquisition, preservation and disposal through three key lenses: the presentation of the collection as a symbol of gentlemanly status, the evolution of Enlightenment cosmopolitanism thought, and the rise of Anglican Evangelicalism during this period. In doing so, this thesis considers the effects of the broader societal, political and religion changes on a national designated collection during a period defined by ideological threat and revolutionary warfare. In the process, it seeks to embed the history of the Cottonian Collection within the broader context of late-eighteenth-century book collecting practices.

La paix : l’Idée de l’avenir du monde selon Kant. Kant est un auteur qui ose, alors que l’Europe s’est construite par la guerre entre les Etats, penser que la guerre est « démodée » et tend à perdre toute valeur politique. Il ose penser que la paix sera désormais ce qui fait la valeur des politiques extérieures de tous les Etats. Il a inspiré la SDN et l’ONU.La paix entre les nations est d’abord une exigence morale (« la raison pratique impose son veto », écrit Kant). Mais cette exigence morale doit obtenir une validité juridique, historique et politique pour devenir une réalité juridique historique et politique / The peace: the Idea of the future of the world according to KantKant is an author who dares, while Europe built itself by the war between States, to think that the war is "old-fashioned" and tends to lose any political value. He(it) dares to think that the peace will be from now on what makes the value of the foreign policies of all the States. He(it) inspired LEAGUE OF NATIONS and UNO.The peace between nations is at first a moral requirement (" the practical reason imposes its veto ", writes Kant). But this moral requirement has to obtain a legal, historic and political validity to become a legal historic and political reality.