Cette thèse de doctorat s'intéresse aux questions identitaires des sujets multiculturels cubains-américains, hantés par l'île mais habitants du continent nord-américain, ainsi qu'aux phénomènes de passation mémorielle inter-générationnelle exacerbés par l'expérience de l'exil post-castriste. Au cours de cette étude, sont présentées les relations complexes entre Cuba et les Etats-Unis, les grandes étapes de formation de la diaspora cubaine-américaine, en particulier les vagues successives de l'émigration post-castriste (1959) qui ont bouleversé la carte identitaire de la communauté translatée, mais en particulier l'identité d'une ville périphérique du sud de la Floride: Miami. Nous verrons pourquoi cette mégalopole états-unienne est souvent considérée aujourd'hui comme la capitale des Caraïbes, voire la capitale des Amériques. A travers l'étude des mémoires cubains-américains, seront discutées les questions de la nature de l'exil cubain post-castriste, en particulier sa temporalité, et la perception paradoxale de l'exil, à la fois associé par certains à un moment donné de leur vie d'adulte comme foyer et/ou fardeau. La thèse fait une part importante à l'enfance mutilée des membres de la génération dite 'une-et-demi', leur hybridité identitaire qui s'exprime par un nomadisme culturel et linguistique. Leurs témoignages décrivent également de nombreux phénomènes de pollinisations interculturelles, contrebalancés et/ou complétés par une répétition mémorielle obsessive des aïeux conteurs. Un dernier temps de cette étude sera consacré à l'écriture de soi qui est à la fois transcendance et rémanence de l'exil, du passé. Les mémoires cubains-américains illustrent aussi souvent le passage d'une tradition cubaine orale vers une tradition américaine de réalisation de soi par l'écriture. Ils s'inspirent de l'intime pour tendre vers l'universel, tout du moins ils tendent à s'inscrire dans le domaine de la littérature autobiographique latino-américaine, voire dans l'écriture de soi états-unienne. / This dissertation is centered on the questions of identity of the multicultural Cuban-American 'I's, haunted by the island but inhabiting the North-American continent, as well as on the phenomena of intergenerational transmission of memory, exacerbated by the traumatic experience of post-Castro exile. Along this study we discuss the complex relationship between Cuba and the United States of America, the important stages of the emergence of the Cuban-American disapora, particularly the successive post-castrist waves of emigration, which have completely altered the identity card of the displaced community but also redefined the identity and role of a peripheral southern city of Florida: Miami. How and why is this American megalopolis often considered today as the capital of the Caribbean, to some extent even of the Americas?Through a close reading of Cuban-American memoirs, we examine the post-castrist Cuban exile, more precisely its temporality, as well as its paradoxical perception by certain Cuban-Americans, at a certain point in their adult life as both a haven and a burden. The dissertation also considers the mutilated childhood of the 'one-and-a-halfers', their identity hybridity transpiring through their cultural and linguistic nomadism. Their personal testimonies depict multiple phenomena of crosscultural pollinization, counterbalanced and/or completed by an obsessive repetition of their cultural memory thanks to their story-telling grandparents. In the final part of this study we explore self-writing, which is both transcendance and resurgence of their exile and their past. Besides, Cuban-American memoirs often shed light on the passage from a Cuban oral tradition to an American tradition of self-fufilment through writing. They root their inspiration in intimacy to reach the universal, they participate in inscribing their presence their presence both within the realms of Latin-American literature and U.S. self-writing.

Ce travail contient une première caractérisation générale du discours de la communauté cubaine à Montréal, avec une attention particulière sur deux aspects: le comportement de certains traits qui caractérisent l'espagnol de Cuba chez les locuteurs migrants, et les possibles variations produites par le contact linguistique. Pour ce faire, nous utilisons les données d'un corpus élaboré par la chercheuse à partir de conversations semi-dirigées enregistrées (registre colloquial) avec 19 Cubains: dix hommes et neuf femmes vivant à Montréal. L'analyse des données nous permet de vérifier que les traits caractéristiques étudiés se sont conservés dans le discours des Cubains résidants dans la ville, mais quelques variations se sont produites, provoquées par le contact avec les langues dominantes (français-espagnol, et moins en anglais-espagnol) et d'autres variétés de l'espagnol, ainsi qu’avec une réalité socio-économique, politique et culturelle très différente de celle d’origine. Les variations morphosyntaxiques ont été détectées principalement dans les mots invariables (prépositions). Au niveau lexico-sémantique, nous avons trouvé essentiellement des emprunts lexicaux. Il existe également des prêts sémantiques, des calques et des changements de fréquence de certains mots. Concernant le niveau pragmatique, nous avons remarqué un ralentissement du rythme dans les conversations de l'échantillon qui pourrait être dû à la situation du bilinguisme fonctionnel. En résumé, le discours des Cubains participants dans cette étude montre quelques-uns des traits caractéristiques à toute situation de contact de langues, mais aussi des particularités relatives aux caractéristiques de la communauté étudiée (les attitudes linguistiques, par exemple), à la distance typologique entre les langues impliquées (espagnol et français) et au contraste entre les sociétés d’origine et d’accueil, entre autres. / This paper presents a first general characterization of the speech of the Cuban community in Montreal, with special attention to two aspects: the behavior of some of the characterizing features of Cuban Spanish in migrant speakers, and the possible contact-induced variations. To do this, we use data from a corpus collected by the researcher through recorded conversations (colloquial speech) with 19 Cubans: ten men and nine women currently living in Montreal. After analyzing the data, we have found that the characterizing features are preserved in the speech of Cuban residents in the city. The data also show some variations induced by the contact with the dominant languages (French-Spanish and, to a lesser extent, English-Spanish) band other varieties of Spanish, as well as with a new reality that is socio-economically, politically and culturally very different from the Cuban one. The detected variations at the morphosyntactic level are mainly in invariable words (prepositions).At the lexical-semantic level, we have found predominantly loanwords. There are also semantic loans, calques and frequency changes of some words. Concerning the pragmatic level, a slower rhythm of speech, possibly due to the condition of functional bilingualism, has been observed. In sum, the speech of the Cuban participants in this study shows some of the characteristic features of any language contact situation, but also has peculiarities relating to the characteristics of the community under study (language attitudes, for example), the typological distance between the languages involved (Spanish-French) and the contrast between the societies, among other factors. / El presente trabajo contiene una primera caracterización general del habla de la comunidad cubana en Montreal, atendiendo especialmente a dos aspectos fundamentales: el comportamiento de algunos de los rasgos tipificantes del español de Cuba en hablantes migrantes, y las posibles variaciones sufridas producto del contacto lingüístico (francés-español, y en menor medida inglés-español). Para ello, empleamos los datos de un corpus confeccionado por la propia investigadora gracias a las conversaciones semidirigidas grabadas (habla coloquial) con 19 cubanos: diez hombres y nueve mujeres residentes en Montreal. El análisis de los datos nos permite comprobar que los rasgos tipificantes objeto de estudio se conservan en el habla de los cubanos residentes en la ciudad, pero esta ha sufrido algunos cambios provocados por el contacto con las lenguas dominantes y con otras variedades del español, así como con una realidad muy diferente a la de origen desde el punto de vista socioeconómico, político y cultural. Las variaciones se han detectado tanto en el nivel morfosintáctico, principalmente en las palabras invariables (preposiciones), como en el nivel léxico-semántico. En este último, predominan los préstamos léxicos. También se observan préstamos semánticos, calcos y cambios de frecuencia de algunas palabras. Desde el punto de vista pragmático, es posible observar una mayor lentitud en el ritmo de habla de los informantes, que podría deberse a la condición de bilingüismo funcional. Con todo, el habla de los cubanos participantes en este estudio presenta algunos de los rasgos característicos de cualquier situación de contacto lingüístico, pero posee también peculiaridades debidas a las características propias de la comunidad objeto de estudio (actitudes lingüísticas, por ejemplo), a la distancia tipológica de las lenguas implicadas (español-francés) y al contraste entre las sociedades de origen y de acogida, entre otros factores.

Este trabalho analisa filmes do cineasta Chris Marker que indagaram sobre a Unidade Popular do Chile nos anos 1970. Entre as produções abordadas, estão duas que foram remontadas a partir de documentários chilenos feitos durante o governo de Salvador Allende: La première année (1973) e On vous parle du Chili: ce que disait Allende (1973). Além disso, mais três filmes desse realizador se dedicaram ao tema: La Spirale (1976), Lambassade (1974) e O fundo do ar é vermelho (1977). Por meio do estudo dessa filmografia, identificaram-se quais foram as estratégias narrativas utilizadas e qual foi o discurso político sobre a chamada experiência chilena que essas estratégias elaboraram. A reflexão sobre o corpus permitiu verificar que o interesse por esse processo, visto desde a França, emergiu do espaço deixado pelas frequentes desilusões diante de uma referência política anterior, igualmente vinda da América Latina e que havia motivado os debates da esquerda francesa na década de 1960: a Revolução Cubana. Assim, optou-se por incluir também na pesquisa produções markerianas que nasceram do contato entre esse realizador e o Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematográficos (ICAIC): Cuba si (1961), La bataille des dix millions (1970), On vous parle du Brésil: tortures (1969) e On vous parle du Brésil: Carlos Marighela (1970). A análise dos filmes elencados revela que, durante os anos da UP no poder, houve uma vontade de aproximação entre Chile e França que valorizava os caminhos empregados pela via chilena ao socialismo, apontando-os como possibilidades para uma Nova Esquerda europeia. Porém, com o golpe de Estado de 1973, essa postura passou por uma revisão, e a experiência chilena serviu à elaboração de leituras que apontassem um legado e lições que poderiam ser retirados da queda da Unidade Popular. Nesse sentido, as produções de Marker fazem uma denúncia das ações da direita que derrubaram Allende, bem como constroem uma visão autocrítica que indica os erros cometidos pela própria esquerda que possibilitaram essa derrota. Essa tentativa de atribuir um legado e lições buscava responder sobretudo aos anseios de uma esquerda francesa que dispunha de um programa comum de governo fortemente inspirado naquele da UP chilena, mas que deveria ser submetido a uma revisão após o fracasso de sua referência latinoamericana. Sob essa visão, esta tese propõe um estudo voltado à circulação de ideias culturais e políticas entre América Latina e França, que delega ao continente um papel central nessa relação durante os anos 1960 e 1970 e a Chris Marker a função de um mediador cinematográfico. / This work analyses the Chris Markers films that inquired about the Popular Unity in the 1970s. Among the productions approached, two of them have been reassembled from other Chilean documentaries that had been made during the Salvador Allendes government: La première année (1973) and On vous parle du Chili: ce que disait Allende (1973). Furthermore, three other films by Chris Marker have analysed this subject: La Spirale (1976), The embassy (1974) and The grin without a cat (1977). By studying his filmography, this research could identify the narratives strategies that had been used by the director, as well as the political discourse elaborated by them. The reflections about the corpus allowed verify how the interest for this Chilean process, viewed from France, has emerged from an empty space left by the usual delusion given by an earlier reference that had motivated the French left during the 1960s, also gone from Latin-American: the Cuban Revolution. So, we chose to also include in the research the Markers productions came from the relationship between this director and the Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematográficos (ICAIC): Cuba si (1961), La bataille des dix millions (1970), On vous parle du Brésil: tortures (1969) and On vous parle du Brésil: Carlos Marighela (1970). The analysis of the films-selected shows that, during the UPs years in the power, there was a wish to approach Chile and France by valorising the Chileans way to the socialism and pointing it as a possibility to the European New Left. However, after the coup détat in 1973, this attempt has been revised and the Chilean experience has been used to elaborate lectures that pointed a legacy and lessons from the follow of Popular Unity. In this sense, the Markers productions denounce the rights actions to overthrow Allende, as well as built a self-criticism vision to indicate the lefts mistakes that had collaborated to the defeat. This wish to show a legacy and lessons has dialogued with the expectations of a Frenchs left that had have a common government programme tightly inspired in the Chileans UP ones, but that has required a revision after the failure of its Latin-American reference. From this point of view, this thesis proposes a study based on the circulation of cultural and political ideas between Latin American and France that delegated to this continent a central role in this relationship during the 1960s and the 1970s, and assigned to Chris Marker the function of a cinematographic mediator.

一九五九年革命後成為西半球第一個社會主義國家，革命以前的經濟幾乎全部受到美國企業的控制，是典型資本主義依賴形式。古巴革命後大多依賴理論學者認為古巴依賴結構應已打破，於是將古巴排除於依賴理論的適用解釋之外，但是歷經三十六年的社會主義的洗禮，從歷史縱向發展脈絡來看，古巴依然處於依賴情境之下。 　　不同點在於社會主義依賴的剝削機制少了跨國公司與外國私人資本，不過蘇聯透過跨國的共黨組織關係作為掌握社會主義衛星國的政經發展。因此有學者認為革命後的古巴用一種（社會主義）形式的依賴交換另一種（資本主義）形式的依賴。筆者認為依賴理論不應拘泥於抽象的解釋而應能用於具體形式的詮釋，故對依賴理論能否適用解釋社會主義體系加以探討。 　　此外，依賴理論所探討的問題核心大多偏向國內發展的各項問題，事實上依賴對外交政策的影響就如同對國內的影響多少會產生扭曲的作用。筆者試圖從古巴發展的歷史軌跡去探討在西班牙殖民時期、「唯美主義」下的古巴政治經濟發展並進而探討「蘇聯社會主義體系」下的古巴依賴結構與外交政策的演變。

拉丁裔的人口數量已於2002年凌駕非洲裔成為美國最大的少數族群，2004年杭廷頓（Samuel P. Huntington）在《我們是誰？對美國國家認同的挑戰》（Who Are We? The Challenges to America’s National Identity）ㄧ書中嚴厲譴責拉丁裔移民進入美國後，倡議兩種語言與兩種文化，此將危及美國國家「盎格魯－新教」（Anglo-Protestantism）文化，更將侵蝕美國的國家利益與威脅美國在國際社會的霸權地位。由於目前國內學界對拉丁裔研究多為單一族裔的研究，本文藉由比較性研究呈現古巴裔與墨西哥裔的不同發展歷程。研究內容涵蓋古巴裔與墨西哥裔對美國的影響，以及布希政府對不同族裔的移民政策研究。研究結果可發現古巴裔與墨西哥裔的影響能力與影響層面有所不同，而布希政府看待古巴裔與墨西哥裔的態度也有不同。 針對古巴裔與墨西哥裔影響的研究，超過六成的古巴裔集中在佛州，因此古巴裔在佛州的影響力明顯，而分佈廣闊的墨西哥裔卻能挾人數之眾影響全國性議題。此外，重視外交議題的古巴裔也與重視內政議題（教育為主）的墨西哥裔不同。另就古巴裔與墨西哥裔的身分、認同與母國關係也有不同的發展歷程，因而導引出布希政府不同的移民政策。古巴裔部分，因為古巴裔的公民身分與美古雙邊關係發展，使得古巴裔在移民過程中擁有較多的優惠；墨西哥裔部分，墨西哥裔美國人重視雙語教育政策，而墨西哥裔非法移民則期待移民大赦與臨時工計畫。然而，布希政府不僅反對雙語教育與全面的移民大赦，表態支持的臨時工計畫卻受到參眾兩院無法達成協議而停滯。 / The population of Latinos has exceeded African American and become the largest minority group in the U.S in 2002. In the book “Who Are We? The Challenges to America’s National Identity,” Samuel P. Huntington condemn Latinos as advocating double language and double culture, and this will ultimately endanger the Anglo-Protestantism culture of U.S. Moreover, the increasing entrance of Latinos into the U.S will erode America's national interest and influence America's hegemony in international society. Since domestic research has focused on studying single ethnic group-Latinos, this research tries to present the different developmental process of Cubans and Mexicans via comparative studies. This paper discusses Cubans and Mexicans' impact on America, and George W. Bush's immigration policy toward different ethnic groups. From my research result, I have found that Cubans and Mexicans’ influential power and level as being different, and President Bush’s policy toward Cubans and Mexicans is different as well. More than sixty percent Cubans lives in Florida, which implies that Cubans has strong impact on Florida. On the other side, the massive number of Mexicans can influence national policy with its national wide population distribution. In addition, Cubans is more concerned about foreign policy toward Castro regime, while Mexicans concerns more about internal issues, especially education. Cubans and Mexicans also have different development process regarding their status, identity, and relationship with home countries, thus leading Bush’s distinct policy toward this two groups. For the Cubans, because of citizenship rate and U.S.-Cuba relationship, Cubans has more privileges during immigration. To the Mexicans, Mexican American is concerned about bilingual education, and Mexican illegal labors have focus on amnesty temporary worker program. However, Bush administration not only opposes bilingual education and a comprehensive immigration amnesty, but the temporary worker program is also delayed by the Senate and the House of Representative.

This project charts the emergence of the Cuban Theatre of the Absurd, or teatro del absurdo, over the course of the 1940s, 50s, and 60s, its suppression by the revolutionary government, and its revival during the "Special Period" of the 1990s. Rather than understand the category as either an extension of the European Theatre of the Absurd, or as the invention of scholars intent on exporting such a schematic to Latin America, the Cuban teatro del absurdo should be recognized as a material phenomenon that evolved organically within the Havana theatre community, proposed a historically specific Cuban absurd as its object of representation, and assumed great ideological importance within the cultural and political landscape of the time. Its chief pioneer and practitioner was Virgilio Piñera, while José Triana and Antón Arrufat produced foundational absurdist works of the post-revolutionary period. Their plays and critical essays affirm the teatro del absurdo as a site of edification for audiences because of the anti-ideological nature of the works performed, and the authority these performances bestow on spectators as meaning creators. Because the teatro del absurdo opened conceptual space for difference in reception, while also operating as a cosmopolitan margin where European influences were incorporated within plays that spoke to the absurdity of Cuba's socio-political reality, it posed a threat to the univocal ideological control of the revolutionary government. The absurdo's resonance during the Special Period and within contemporary Cuban theatre is a testament to its enduring viability as a dynamic form that allows multiple truths and voices to be heard. Chapter one of the study explores the critical archive surrounding both the European Theatre of the Absurd and the Theatre of the Absurd in Latin America and Cuba. It argues that, rather than discard the category as imperfect or perpetuate a paradigm that privileges text over performance, critics should account for its unique ideological currency within the specific context of pre and post-revolutionary Cuba by tracking the material extension of the term and the works subsumed by it within Havana's theatre and performance archive. Chapter two investigates the historical basis of the Cuban absurdo, localizable in the concept of choteo, and maps the concept's valence in the context of 19th century teatro bufo as well as Piñera's early theatre of the 1940s and 50s. Chapter three considers the role of the teatro del absurdo in post-revolutionary Cuba by examining works by Piñera, Triana and Arrufat in conjunction with their critical essays of the time, in order to capture the political significance of the genre as a zone of dissidence and opposition to the total system of the revolution. Chapter four tracks the revival of the teatro del absurdo as a source of endurance during the privation of the Special Period of the 1990s. The re-emergence of voices like Piñera's signaled a return to a past of provocation and confrontation in order to generate a future in which space for difference would be preserved. / text

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Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of History, 2008. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 26-31).

La thèse entend établir les fondements théoriques des recours administratifs en tenant compte des présupposés liés au contrôle de l'administration sur elle-même et à la garantie des droits des administrés. Elle confronte ensuite ces fondements à la situation juridique en vigueur aujourd'hui à Cuba, et propose des réformes pour rendre la réglementation cohérente avec ces présupposés théoriques. / This thesis aims to establish the theoretical grounds for administrative remedies, taking into account the presuppositions deriving from the control of public administration by itself, and the protection of citizen's rights. It faces those grounds with the actual legal organisation in Cuba, and propose reforms with the purpose to let the legal regulation be consistent with these theoretical grounds.

Orientador: Alberto Aggio / Banca: Adriane Vidal Costa / Banca: Marcos Sorrilha Pinheiro / Resumo: No presente trabalho buscamos investigar os fundamentos da elaboração, desenvolvimento e repercussão da ―teoria da revolução latino-americana‖ produzida pelo intelectual francês Régis Debray, especialmente a partir da análise do seu livro Revolução na Revolução, publicado em 1967. As formulações de Debray, inspiradas na revolução cubana de 1959, marcaram profundamente a cultura política da esquerda latino-americana a partir da década de 1960. Suas teses influenciaram a esquerda radicalizada regional, que adotou a luta armada como única alternativa para realização e consolidação do projeto revolucionário no continente. Régis Debray envolveu-se com a revolução cubana mais do que qualquer outro intelectual da esquerda ocidental, transformando-se em um dos seus principais ideólogos. A partir de sua experiência com os cubanos, Debray criaria a teoria do ―foco‖, e essa cumpriu, especialmente na década de 1960, o papel de uma ―teoria da revolução latino-americana‖, tendo a revolução cubana como paradigma / Abstract: In the present work, we aim at investigating the foundations of the elaboration, development and repercussion of the ―Latin American revolution theory‖, put forth by the French intellectual Régis Debray, from the analysis of his book Revolução na revolução, published in 1967, in particular. Debray's formulations, having taken inspiration in the 1959 Cuban revolution, deeply influenced the political culture of the Latin American left wing from the 1960's onward. His theses influenced the regional radicalized left wing, who adopted armed struggle as the only alternative to the realization and consolidation of the continent's revolutionary project. Régis Debray got more involved with the Cuban Revolution than any other Western left-winged intellectual, becoming one of its main ideologists. From his experience with the Cubans, Debray would create the ―foco‖ theory, which had, particularly in the 1960's, the vole of a ―Latin American revolution theory‖, having the Cuban revolution as its paradigm / Mestre