No description available.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:39:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5082.pdf: 624659 bytes, checksum: 63c0714b66dcd701ba9f630ab6cc632d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-01-28 / This dissertation aimed to understand the relationship between public school and democracy, mediated by democratic management, the perspective of school managers, believing that democratic development in society comes through participation spaces, with decisions. It reflected on the importance of democracy and its significance in the context of school relations, taking into account that it is an epistemological problem as much as a political enigma seizing axes articulators of public policy. Had the mainspring three concerns: the extent to which the managers interviewed established democratic practices in school management? In what areas? How these practices were considered democratic, and how they strengthened? In the empirical part we selected a city located in São Paulo, midsize, called Rio Claro. It set up a sample of ten managers, with whom semi-structured interviews were conducted. Presented a study on democracy, from the economic, political and social that characterize modernity, with reflections on modern liberal democracy; Theory of Communicative Action and the transformations that characterize modernity, according to Jurgen Habermas, and a panorama of relations that characterize the formation of the state and of Brazilian politics. It was understood that the managers interviewed were creating democratic practices in school management, to stimulate dialogue and hosting, while listening demands, respect for differences, singularities and interests in the school daily, to share decisions and responsibilities to respect the limits of the functions and duties of a member in the hierarchy of the workplace, to pursue work together, the use of "instruments" as simple questionnaire for families of students, the flexibility of schedules to attendance of parents and family, participation and training partnership between school and family for the benefit of students, the collective construction of PPP as an approximation between the school and community. These actions allowed us to understand how managers understood to be enabling democratic practices in school, the school administration and school linking democracy. The spaces for these actions were: meetings HTPC; APM meetings, meetings with parents or guardians; "politics of coffee" etc.. Despite the respondents did not indicate a reference or a theorist of democracy in particular, it was possible to see that realized, procedurally, a democratic relationship within the school and interpersonal relationships. / Essa dissertação teve como objetivo compreender a relação entre escola pública e democracia, mediada pela gestão democrática, na perspectiva de gestores escolares, acreditando-se que o desenvolvimento democrático numa sociedade advém por meio de espaços de participação, com decisões. Refletiu-se sobre a importância da democracia e do seu significado no âmbito das relações escolares, levando-se em conta que ela é um problema epistemológico tanto quanto um enigma político que apreende eixos articuladores das políticas públicas. Teve como mola propulsora três inquietações: em que medida os(as) gestores(as) entrevistados(as) criaram práticas democráticas na gestão escolar? Em quais espaços? De que forma essas práticas eram consideradas democráticas, e como elas se fortaleciam? Na parte empírica foi selecionada uma cidade localizada no interior de São Paulo, de médio porte, chamada Rio Claro. Estabeleceu-se uma amostra de dez gestores(as), com os quais foram efetuadas entrevistas semiestruturadas. Apresentou-se um estudo sobre a democracia, a partir das transformações econômicas, políticas e sociais que caracterizam a modernidade, com reflexões sobre: democracia liberal moderna; teoria da Ação Comunicativa e as transformações que caracterizam a modernidade, segundo Jurgen Habermas; e, um panorama das relações que caracterizam a formação do Estado e da política brasileira. Compreendeu-se que os(as) gestores(as) entrevistados(as) estavam criando práticas democráticas na gestão escolar, ao estimular o diálogo e o acolhimento, ao escutar demandas, ao respeito às diferenças, singularidades e interesses na realidade escolar diária, ao compartilhar decisões e responsabilidades, ao respeitar os limites das funções e atribuições de membro na hierarquia do ambiente de trabalho, ao procurar realizar o trabalho em conjunto, no uso de instrumentos simples como o questionário para as famílias de estudantes, na flexibilização dos horários para atendimento de pais e familiares, na participação e formação de parceria entre escola e família para benefício dos estudantes, na construção coletiva do PPP como forma de aproximação entre a escola e a comunidade. Essas ações permitiram compreender como os(as) gestores(as) entendiam estar possibilitando práticas democráticas na escola, isto é, a gestão escolar articulando escola e democracia. Os espaços destinados a essas ações foram: reuniões de HTPC; reuniões de APM; reuniões com pais ou responsáveis; política do cafezinho etc. Apesar dos(as) entrevistados não indicarem uma referencial sobre democracia ou um teórico em especial, foi possível visualizar que realizavam, de forma processual, uma relação democrática dentro da escola e nas relações interpessoais.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:55:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RicardoSB.pdf: 513523 bytes, checksum: a7e284b7570e2b02e306ed0d667aab6c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-01-25 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / In this work, we present a hardware-software architecture for controlling the autonomous mobile robot Kapeck. The hardware of the robot is composed of a set of sensors and actuators organized in a CAN bus. Two embedded computers and eigth microcontroller based boards are used in the system. One of the computers hosts the vision system, due to the significant processing needs of this kind of system. The other computer is used to coordinate and access the CAN bus and to accomplish the other activities of the robot. The microcontroller-based boards are used with the sensors and actuators. The robot has this distributed configuration in order to exhibit a good real-time behavior, where the response time and the temporal predictability of the system is important. We adopted the hybrid deliberative-reactive paradigm in the proposed architecture to conciliate the reactive behavior of the sensors-actuators net and the deliberative activities required to accomplish more complex tasks / Neste trabalho ? apresentada uma arquitetura de hardware e software para controle do rob? m?vel aut?nomo Kapeck. O hardware do rob? Kapeck ? composto por um conjunto de sensores e atuadores organizados em um barramento de comunica??o CAN. Dois computadores embarcados e oito placas microcontroladas foram utilizadas no sistema. Um dos computadores foi utilizado para o sistema de vis?o, devido ? grande necessidade de processamento deste tipo de sistema. O outro computador foi utilizado para coordenar e acessar o barramento CAN e realizar as outras atividades do rob?. Placas microcontroladas foram utilizadas nos sensores e atuadores. O rob? possui esta configura??o distribu?da para um bom desempenho em tempo-real, onde os tempos de resposta e a previsibilidade temporal do sistema s?o importantes. Foi seguido o paradigma h?brido deliberativo-reativo para desenvolver a arquitetura proposta, devido ? necessidade de aliar o comportamento reativo da rede de sensores-atuadores com as atividades deliberativas necess?rias para realizar tarefas mais complexas

Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo a análise do Conselho Municipal de Educação de Ribeirão Preto (CMERP) a partir de três aspectos essenciais - os contornos do seu desenho institucional, os conteúdos dos seus processos deliberativos e os sentidos da participação em seu contexto. Es-peramos que essa análise possa indicar os caminhos que têm sido tomados por conselheiras e conselheiros no espaço participativo do Conselho, bem como compreender suas conquistas e desafios na direção da ampliação democrática. Os objetivos específicos são a investigação sobre o traçado e o funcionamento instituicional, a efetividade dos processos deliberativos e as rela-ções que se estabelecem numa conjuntura de partilha de poder entre o Poder Público e a socie-dade civil. O enfoque metodológico é qualitativo, com a reunião de dados documentais e a coleta de entrevistas semiestruturadas. O fenômeno da participação democrática no Brasil, em especial por meio das mais diversas instituições participativas criadas desde a redemocratização do país, tem gerado um campo vasto de pesquisas empíricas que tomam por base a democracia como processo de deliberação argumentativa e buscam avaliar ganhos e dificuldades desse ca-minho. Os resultados produzidos dentro de algumas décadas de funcionamento das instituições participativas ganham a centralidade da agenda de pesquisa, que busca medir a capacidade de tornar mais democráticas as relações entre Poder Público e sociedade civil. Para a nossa pesquisa, realizamos a análise de dados colhidos sobre o CMERP - a legislação, as atas das reuniões ordinárias e extraordinárias, o Plano Municipal de Educação de Ribeirão Preto, as entrevistas com conselheiras e conselheiros e as notas de campo. O CMERP é um conselho em funcionamento e que cumpre com suas atribuições legais. A instituição conta com uma participação marcadamente fiscalizatória do Poder Público e das políticas educacionais, com uma representação concentrada nos segmentos da educação municipal, em especial do professorado. Dentre os desafios encontrados em termos de ampliação democrática, estão a aproximação da sociedade civil e a diversificação dos setores representados internamente. / This research aims to analyze the Municipal Education Council of Ribeirão Preto (CMERP) through three essentials aspects: the outlines of its institutional design, the contentes of its de-liberative processes and the meanings of the participation in its context. We hope this analysis may indicate the paths that have been taken by counselers in the Council\'s participative space, as well as the understanding of its conquers and challenges towards a democratic enlargement. The specific objectives are the investigation on the layout and the institutional operation, the effectivness of deliberative processes and the relations that take place in a conjucture of power sharing between public Power and the civil society. The metodologic approach is qualitative, gathering documental data and collecting semi-structured interviews. The democratic partici-pation phenomenum in Brazil, especially by the means of several participative institutions that were created since the country\'s redemocratization, has generated a wide field of empirical researches that base the democracy as an argumentative deliberation process and aim to evalu-ate gains and difficulties on that path. From this perspective, the results produced whithin a few decades of operations of the participatory institutions gain the centrality of the research agenda in this area, which seeks to measure its ability to turn the relations between public sector and civil society more democratic. For our research, we did the analysis of direct and indirect data gathered on the CMERP - legislation, the minutes of meetings (ordinary and extraordinary), the Ribeirão Preto\'s Educational Municipal Plan, the interviews with advisors and counselors and the field notes. We can say that the Council is in operation and fulfills its legal atributions. The institution has a participation thar markedly fiscalizes do Public Power and educational public policies, with concentrated representation in the fields of municipal education, in special the teachers. Among the challenges in terms of democratic expansion, are the approaching of civil society and the diversification of sectors represented internally.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:46:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Felipe_Franz_Wienke_Dissertacao.pdf: 1961165 bytes, checksum: 3db6965e1f47c7d748886855f3f31bcb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-09-26 / The management councils are deliberative arenas for the preparation and monitoring of public policies. In the environmental zone, the municipal councils for the environment is getting more important, especially in municipalities with responsibility for environmental licensing. The City Council Environmental Protection of Pelotas - COMPAM - collegiate parity with the participation of representatives from governmentand and civil society, is the organism higher for the establishment of environmental policy in Pelotas. This study aims to examine the relationship between the COMPAM and the municipal government by examining the influence of the collegiate on environmental policies effected by the municipality. To this end, the work is organized into four chapters. In the first, we analyze the deliberative democratic theories, the emergence and consolidation of management councils and the evolution, in the Brazilian scenario, of the environmental policies. Later, it presented the City Council Environmental Protection of Pelotas, being analyzed its regimental structure, composition, and the deliberations recorded in minutes. Then, with the research about the environmental actions by the municipal government, is investigated the influence of the COMPAM on executive decisions. Finally, through interviews with the conselors are identified potential conflicting aspects in the relationship between the COMPAM and the municipality. The conclusions of the study show that there is an obstruction in the dialogue of the COMPAM with the municipal council, which is caused both by the attitude of the collegiate such as the municipal government / Os conselhos gestores constituem arenas deliberativas para elaboração e fiscalização de políticas públicas. Na área ambiental, os conselhos municipais de meio ambiente vem obtendo maior importância, sobretudo nos municípios com competência para o licenciamento ambiental. O Conselho Municipal de Proteção Ambiental de Pelotas COMPAM colegiado paritário, com a participação de representantes do poder público e da sociedade civil, é a instância superior para o estabelecimento da política ambiental de Pelotas. O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a relação entre o COMPAM e o poder público municipal, averiguando a influência do órgão colegiado sobre as políticas ambientais efetivadas pelo município. Para tanto, o trabalho é organizado em quatro capítulos. Nos primeiros, são analisadas as teorias democráticas deliberativas; a emergência e consolidação dos conselhos gestores e a evolução, no cenário brasileiro, das políticas ambientais. Posteriormente é apresentado o Conselho Municipal de Proteção Ambiental de Pelotas, sendo analisada a sua estrutura regimental, sua composição, bem como as deliberações registradas em atas. Em seguida, com a investigação sobre as ações ambientais efetivadas pelo poder público municipal, é averiguada a influência do conselho nas decisões do executivo. Por fim, através de entrevistas com os conselheiros são identificados possíveis aspectos conflituosos na relação entre o COMPAM e o executivo. As conclusões do trabalho demonstram que existe um quadro de obstrução no diálogo do conselho com a administração municipal, o qual é provocado tanto pela postura do órgão colegiado, como do poder público municipal

There is a gap between the citizens and the political institutions of the European Union. Many theorists think that this is due to the fact that the EU suffers from a “democratic deficit” and that the EU is perceived as a project made by and for the political elite. Several years of low participation in the European Parliamentary elections and the French and Dutch rejection of the European Constitutional Treaty in Spring 2005 shows that the EU has weak legitimacy in the eyes of the people. In 2004, Margot Wallström was charged to renew the European Commission’s communication strategy and to reconnect with the citizens by stimulating dialogue and debate. This thesis is a critical study of the deliberative qualities of the new communication strategy based on Habermas’s discursive theory, which discusses the strategy’s possible effects on EU legitimacy. It finds that the communication strategy, despite several deliberative apects, have little chances to have an impact on EUs legitimacy, since it fails to engage “common people” in the debate and since it is not part of a major institutional reform but just an “icing on the cake”.

After the appointment of a new European Commission in 2004, “communication” was made a top priority on the agenda. The Commission presented a new communication policy, which would establish a dialogue with the citizens, thereby bringing more democracy to the union and bridging the gap to the citizens. Three documents containing the policy were published, namely an internal action plan for the Commission, Plan D which establishes the framework for national debates and a whitepaper on EU communication policy. These documents were met by mistrust and criticism from many different actors such as journalists and experts. The aim of this master thesis is to examine this new communication policy from a deliberative democratic perspective. The thesis asks whether the new policy has a potential of contributing to deliberative democracy, by investigating the documents from a discursive point of view. Deliberative democracy focuses mainly on public discussions and the generation of a general will by public conversation where every one has a right to participate on equal terms. This thesis uses a discursive interpretation, as stated by the philosopher Jürgen Habermas, where the public sphere and political rights which constitutes the public area plays an important role. The theoretical perspective is used in the thesis to understand and assess the policy. To be able to draw conclusions, the new communication policy is searched for discursive ideas and the occurrence is analyzed by a both qualitative and quantitative text analysis. The analysis shows that the policy includes a lot of actions that goes well along with a discursive perspective, as defined in the thesis, although some important considerations are missing. The new communication policy as presented by the European Commission has therefore a good potential of contributing to deliberative democracy in the Union. The policy is also discussed in relation to the criticism that has been presented regarding the theory of deliberative democracy. The thesis shows that the communication policy includes actions which decrease the importance of this criticism, allowing for the policy to possibly contribute to European democracy and decreasing the democratic deficit.

This thesis shows how democratic politics requires a commitment to pluralism as engagement and encounter of the other in their otherness. I contend that it is necessary to commit to such an idea of pluralism because of the problem of incomplete understanding. I establish this premise by drawing on Hans-Georg Gadamer’s account of human finitude. Based on this premise, I argue that the instantiation of Gadamer’s principle of openness leads democratic politics to pluralism as engagement and encounter of the other. Further, I develop accounts of asymmetric reciprocity, reflexivity, and agonism as modes of democratic politics that instantiate the principle of openness. In chapter 1, I establish discourse as a necessary element for democratic politics by drawing from the way Jurgen Habermas uses ‘discourse ethics’ to address the problems of understanding in plural societies. In chapter 2, I demonstrate how incomplete understanding poses a problem for discourse and gives rise to interpretive conflicts by drawing from Gadamer’s account of human finitude. Here I also develop an account of openness as a suitable principle for beings with incomplete understanding based on Gadamer’s idea of hermeneutical experience. In chapters 3-5, I develop accounts of asymmetric reciprocity, reflexivity, and agonism as modes of democratic politics that instantiate the principle of openness. I do so by drawing from Iris Young’s, John Dryzek’s, and Chantal Mouffe’s approaches to the problems that plurality poses to discourse ethics and democratic politics.

The aim of this thesis is to explore how different competing discourses inthe historical context of the Swedish education development have qualifiedand disqualified different constructions of national curriculum. How andafter what kind of principles is the curriculum constructed? What qualifywho are going to be recognized as the author and addressee of the curriculum?These key questions of the study are discussed in the first part of thethesis. My point of departure is that the curriculum can be understood as arelation between freedom and control. In an educational system this relationshipreflects the problematic tension between the external demandsfrom an authoritative center and the local need to independently reflectover educational issues. How these concepts are defined by the prevailingsocial discourses affect specific relations and constructions of curricula as asteering tool and a producer of specific teacher identities. In this sense, Iclaim that curriculum is constructed in different ways depending on whichof the didactic questions are emphasized and answered and who is judgedas the legitimate author. Based on this, three models of curriculum constructionare formulated; the content based, the result based and the processbased. These models are subsequently used as an analytical tool to examinethe historical development of Swedish national curricula.The second part of the thesis investigates the Swedish education systemand the production of the national curriculum as a product of rival discourses.The historical investigation begins 1842 when the first state curriculumwas issued and the inquiry concludes in 2008. The findings indicatethat no one single construction has been totally dominant and thatthere has been an on-going discursive struggle between different alternativeand opinions about what teachers must do and be.

[pt] O objetivo do presente trabalho é tratar do fenômeno do ativismo judicial utilizado pela jurisdição constitucional brasileira para sindicar inúmeras omissões legislativas, dentre as quais se destaca a condução da reforma eleitoral pelo Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (TSE), a partir da regulamentação da perda do mandato por infidelidade partidária pela Resolução 22.610/07. O objetivo do estudo é examinar os impactos negativos do ativismo judicial em relação ao princípio da separação de poderes e ao princípio democrático, bem como a possibilidade de aplicação da teoria de autocontenção judicial da autoria de Sunstein ao direito brasileiro visando combater tanto o ativismo judicial quanto o institucionalismo assimétrico, que sobrevalorizam a capacidade institucional do Poder Judiciário em detrimento do Poder Legislativo para tratar de questões constitucionais complexas. Aborda-se, ainda, a potencialidade desta teoria para incentivar a prática de um diálogo material entre os poderes Legislativo e Judiciário num contexto de interpretação cooperativa da Constituição, com intervenções recíprocas destes poderes no aprimoramento do sentido e do alcance do texto constitucional. Ao final do trabalho, pretende-se demonstrar que a aplicação da referida teoria ao constitucionalismo brasileiro garante ao Poder Legislativo igual capacidade institucional para interpretar a Constituição, ao lidar com questões constitucionais complexas, o que atesta a sua potencialidade de combater o ativismo judicial e incentivar o debate público a partir do ideal de democracia deliberativa. / [en] The aim of this paper is to address the phenomenon of judicial activism used by the Brazilina constitucional jurisdiction to syndicate several legislative omissions among which stands out the conduct of electoral reform the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE), based on the regulation of the disqualification by party loyalty by Resolution 22.610/07. The objective is to examine the negative impacts of judicial activism in relation to the principle of separation of powers and the democratic principle and the possibility of applying the theory of judicial selfrestraint Sunstein authored by Brazilian law to combat both judicial activism and asymmetrical institutionalism, which overemphasize the institutional capacity of the judiciary at the expense of the Legislature to deal with complex constitutional issues. Covers are also the potential of this theory to the practice of encouraging a dialogue between the legislative material and judicial interpretation in the context of cooperative Constitution, with powers of reciprocal assistance in enhancing the meaning and scope of the constitutional text. At the end of the work is intended to demonstrate that the application of that theory to the Brazilian constitutionalism provides the legislature with equal institutional capacity to interpret the Constitution, dealing with complex constitutional issues, which attests to their potential to combat judicial activism and encourage public debate from the ideal of deliberative democracy.