Oro för klimatet är något som blir allt vanligare hos både barn och vuxna. Majoriteten av de studier som genomförts inom området klimatoro har undersökt äldre barn och vuxnas mående kopplat till klimatkrisen. Fokus för denna studie ligger därför på de yngre barnen, i årskurs två och tre, för att undersöka vad de känner inför klimatförändringarna. Tidigare forskning har visat att transformativa och deliberativa arbetsmetoder är fördelaktiga att använda vid undervisning om komplexa ämnesområden som klimatförändringar. Därför undersöker denna studie även om lärare använder dessa arbetssätt under sin geografiundervisning. Studien är genomförd med semistrukturerade intervjuer av två lärare och tre elevgrupper med fem elever vardera. Förutom intervjuer genomfördes även mer kreativa inslag som rankningsövningar och teckningsmoment. Resultatet visade att de intervjuade lärarna, till viss del, använde transformativa och deliberativa arbetsmetoder när de hade möjlighet att dela upp klassen i mindre grupper. De intervjuade lärarna ansåg att dagens elever var väl insatta i miljörelaterade frågor, jämfört med tidigare årskullar och gärna deltog i diskussioner inom ämnet. Samma lärare ansåg däremot inte att undervisningen bidragit till att förändra elevernas inställning till klimatet. Det framgår dessutom av resultatet att klimatförändringar är ett komplext ämnesområde som är svårt för ett flertal elever att samtala om. Det kan bero på elevernas unga ålder, då de på grund av detta ännu inte haft så omfattande undervisning inom området samt att eleverna ännu inte nåtts av stora mängder information om klimatförändringar. Resultatet för teckningsmomentet, som genomfördes med eleverna, visade att drygt hälften av eleverna kände oro för klimatförändringar vilket är en lägre andel än vad tidigare forskning visat. Det bedöms bero på att eleverna i denna studie är yngre än de barn och unga vuxna som deltagit i tidigare forskning. På grund av studiens begränsade storlek kan den dock inte anses vara representativ för alla lågstadielärare och unga elevers åsikter. / Concern about the climate is something that is becoming increasingly common among children. Most of the studies that have been done around this subject have investigated older childrens feelings about to the climate crisis. This studie will therefore focus on the younger children, in class two and three, to see how they feel about climate change. Previous research has shown that transformative and deliberative methods are beneficial to use when teaching about complex areas such as climate change. Therefore, our study examines whether the interviewed teachers use these working methods during their geography teaching. The study3 av 52is carried out with semi-structured interviews of two teachers and three student groups with five students each. In addition to the interview, we also used more creative elements such as ranking exercises and a drawing session. The results showed that the interviewed teachers used transformative and deliberative learning when they had the opportunity to divide the class into smaller groups. The teachers also considered that today's students were well versed in environment-related issues compared to previous students and that they are happy to participate in discussions on the subject. Based on the results the teachers did not consider that the teaching contributed to changing the students attitude towards the climate. It also appears from the results that climate change is a complex subject and that it was difficult for several students to answer the questions during the interview. This may be due to the young age of the students, as they have not yet been taught a lot in the field and have not yet been reached by any large amounts of information about climate change. The results for the drawing session, which was carried out with the students, showed that just over half of the students felt concerned about the climate change, which is a lower percentage than previous research has shown. It is judged to be due to the fact that the students in this study are younger than the children and young adults who participated in previous research. However, due to the limited size of the study, the results cannot be considered representative of the views of all primary school teachers and young students. / <p>2024-01-12</p>

Studien utforskar hur ideal från den deliberativa demokratiteorin speglas i ett svenskt planeringsfall som går att definiera som ett informellt samarbetsnätverk, eller ’soft space in planning’. Syftet med arbetet är att delge en ökad kunskap kring den problematik som kan uppstå när aktörer å ena sidan vill effektivisera planeringsformerna men å andra sidan också måste säkerställa att de demokratiska grunderna vidhålls. Arbetet utgår ifrån deltagandet i och observerandet utav ett exploateringsprojekt i en svensk kommun där kommunen tillsammans med en byggaktör och arkitekt inlett en process utanför den lagstadgade planprocessen för att komma fram till en gemensam vision. Observationerna kompletteras med en intervjustudie där en informant från respektive aktör intervjuats. Sammanfattningsvis visade resultatet att en av grundprinciperna för processen var att skapa en arena för öppen diskussion angående de värden som önskades inkorporeras i platsens utformning. Under processens gång fanns det moment som upprätthöll de deliberativa idealen genom att tillåta alla aktörers representanter en plats i samtalet. Däremot innehöll processen också moment som kunde uppfattas som utmanande för några deltagare vilket riskerade att hämma deras åsiktsutryckande. Sammantaget gav deltagarna en positiv bild av processens genomförande och utfall även om den i vissa aspekter lämnade lite att önska gällande de deliberativa idealens säkerställande. Detta till trots argumenterar arbetet att utfallet kan anses stå på demokratiska grunder även om inte alla deliberativa ideal uppfyllts fullständigt. / The study explores how ideals from deliberative democracy theory are reflected in a Swedish planning case that can be defined as an informal cooperation network, or ‘soft space in planning’. The purpose of the work is to share increased knowledge about the problems that may arise when actors on the one hand want to streamline planning methods, but on the other hand also must maintain the democratic foundations. The work is based on participation in and observation of a development project in a Swedish municipality where the municipality, together with a developer and architect, initiated a process outside the statutory planning process to arrive at a common vision. The observations are supplemented by an interview study in which an informant from each actor was interviewed. In summary, the results showed that one of the basic principles of the process was to create an arena for open discussion regarding the values that were desired to be incorporated into the design of the site. During the process, there were moments that maintained the deliberative ideals by allowing everyone a place in the conversation. However, the process also contained elements that could be perceived as challenging for some participants, which risked inhibiting their expression of opinion. Overall, the participants gave a positive picture of the process's implementation and outcome, even though it left a little to be desired in confirming some aspects of the deliberative ideals. Despite this, the study argues that the outcome can be considered to be on democratic grounds even if not all deliberative ideals were fulfilled completely.

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[pt] Esta tese no campo da comunicação política dialoga com as noções de público, de John Dewey (2012[1922]), e esfera pública, de Habermas (1991; 1997; DAHLGREN, 2005; CALHOUN, 1992), com a teoria dos sistemas deliberativos (PARKINSON; MANSBRIDGE, 2012; ELSTUB et al., 2016; HENDRIKS, 2015), bem como com a literatura especializada em consultas públicas online (SHANE, 2012; COLEMAN; SHANE, 2012). O objetivo é analisar a comunicação política que se formou a partir das duas consultas públicas online sobre o Marco Civil da Internet de modo a perceber contribuições epistêmicas desse processo por meio da análise de material midiático e dos discursos dos Deputados e Senadores no Congresso Nacional. Nesse sentido, esta pesquisa tem por base duas research questions: (RQ1) de que forma as consultas públicas online do Marco Civil da Internet informaram, do ponto de vista da comunicação política e da deliberação, o sistema deliberativo que se construiu em torno do tema?; e (RQ2) que ganhos epistêmicos e democráticos as consultas públicas online do Marco Civil da Internet podem ter trazido ao sistema deliberativo e ao processo decisório? Com o intuito de entender significados compartilhados a partir das duas consultas públicas online sobre o Marco Civil da Internet, os procedimentos metodológicos utilizados incluíram buscar, pela observação dos comentários dos participantes no momento das consultas, temas e argumentos utilizados para cada grande tema do debate, resultando em 322 indicadores (ou posicionamentos que sustentaram cada tema), divididos no espectro analítico dos direitos e das responsabilidades dos seguintes atores: 1) governo, 2) provedores e empresas prestadoras de serviços de internet; e 3) usuários. Ao fim, enfatiza-se que os significados gerados a partir das duas consultas públicas online para cada tema circularam pelos dois espaços deliberativos analisados - mídia e Congresso Nacional - tanto em termos de diversidade de posicionamentos, quanto em relação à sua ampla utilização, sendo possível perceber uma conexão relevante do sistema deliberativo em torno do Marco Civil da Internet, a partir dos argumentos desenvolvidos nas duas consultas públicas online e utilizados nos espaços deliberativos analisados. / [en] This thesis in the field of political communication discusses Dewey s notions of the public (DEWEY, 2012 [1922]), and Habermas s public sphere (HABERMAS, 1991; 1997; DAHLGREN, 2005; CALHOUN, 1992); the deliberative systems theory (PARKINSON; MANSBRIDGE, 2012; ELSTUB et al., 2016; HENDRIKS, 2015); as well as the specialized literature on online public consultations (SHANE, 2012; COLEMAN; SHANE, 2012). The aim is to analyze the communication developed during the two online public consultations of the Brazilian Internet Law Framework, within the dimensions of deliberative systems, in order to understand if and how there were epistemic contributions for this process with the reproduction of the positions developed during the online public consultations in other deliberative spaces. Through the observation of media material and the speeches of Congressmen and Senators in Parliament, the aim is to analyze which arguments born from the public sphere were repeated on those spaces. There are two main research questions: (RQ1) how did the online public consultations of the Brazilian Internet Law Framework inform, in the light off political communication and deliberation, the deliberative system that was built around the theme? And (RQ2) What were the epistemic and democratic gains that the online public consultations of the Brazilian Internet Law Framework brought to the deliberative system and to the decision-making process? In order to understand the meanings shared from the public consultations of the Brazilian Internet Law Framework, the methodological procedures included the search of comments made available at the time that the online public consultation occurred, aiming to discover the frameworks and arguments used by participants for each major theme, resulting in 322 indicators (or arguments that supported each framework). These were broken down into the analytical spectrum of rights and responsibilities of the following actors: 1) government, 2) internet service providers and companies; and 3) users. Finally, it is emphasized that the arguments generated from the two public consultations for each framingcirculated through the two deliberative spaces - media and parliament - both in terms of diversity of positions and in relation to their wide use, therefore establishing a strong connection to the deliberative system around the Brazilian Internet Law Framework, formed from the arguments developed in the two public consultations and used in the deliberative spaces analyzed, namely, media and parliament.

羅爾斯於一九九三年發表《政治自由主義》，試圖為多元社會的整合提供一套哲學基礎。羅爾斯認為價值的差異與分歧是當代社會的重要特徵，多元的宗教觀、哲學觀、道德觀、人生觀是一個既存的事實，然而合理的公民能夠形成「交疊共識」，支持一套政治性正義觀，作為規範社會基本結構的基礎。尤其在面對憲政核心爭議與基本正義問題時，合理的公民能夠擱置具爭議性的整全性學說，遵循公共理性的理念，根據同一套政治性正義觀所提供的政治價值與正義原則來解決爭議、凝聚共識、證成決策。不過，羅爾斯的公共理性論受到許多批評，其至少面臨「公共理性無法證成政治共識」、「公共理性不公平地排除整全性學說」、「公共理性是多種而非一種」、「公共理性將淪為膚淺的大眾理性」四種挑戰，此四種挑戰分別是對於公共理性之「完備性」、「公平性」、「單一性」、「公共性」的質疑。針對這些挑戰，羅爾斯對其理論進行了三項主要修正：第一，以「寬觀點公共理性」與「包含式公共理性」補充「排除式公共理性」。第二，公共理性的內容是由一整套「自由主義政治性正義觀之族系」所給定，「正義即公平」也只是諸多合理的政治性正義觀之一。第三，羅爾斯承認公共理性的侷限，然而在必要時，得以「基於公共理性的投票」做出決策。根據這些修正，筆者認為羅爾斯的公共理性論能夠回應「完備性」、「公平性」、「單一性」三方面的挑戰，但是仍無法完全解決「完備性」的問題。因此在本文中，筆者試圖以「寬觀點公共理性」與「廣泛的反思均衡」證成「羅爾斯式的審議理論」，以突破公共理性的限制。尤其是筆者認為，「羅爾斯式審議理論」具有「公共證成的審議模式」、「尊重民主文化」、「兼顧程序正義與實質正義」、「滿足『真誠要求』」、「強化公民意識」、「重視公共理由」等特質，體現了一種自由主義式的審議式民主理論。因此，當我們思索「多元社會的政治共識如何可能？」時，「羅爾斯式審議理論」是一項較合理的方案。 / This dissertation intends to explore John Rawls’s idea of public reason. Public reason is the core conception of Rawls’s political liberalism. Its subject is the public good concerning questions of fundamental political justice. Rawls argues that, though value diversity is the fact of a modern democratic society, reasonable citizens will follow a political conception of justice endorsed by the overlapping consensus between different kinds of comprehensive doctrines in order to resolve the deep conflicts. Especially, when the problems about constitutional essentials and basic justice occur, reasonable citizens will abide by the idea of public reason to deal with the problems. The idea of public reason is helpful for us to justify political consensus in a pluralistic society. However, some philosophers challenge the idea of public reason. They criticize that the idea of public reason cannot deal with the hard issues such as abortion, euthanasia, and affirmative action. Faced with these criticisms, Rawls revises his theory in three aspects. First, he revises the exclusive view of public reason by the inclusive view of public reason and the wide view of public reason. Secondly, he argues that the content of public reason is given by a family of reasonable political conceptions of justice. Thirdly, he asserts that we can make a political decision by voting in accordance with the idea of public reason if it is necessary. But, these revisions seems cannot completely overcome the shortcoming of the theory of public reason. Therefore, I want to justify Rawlsian deliberative theory based on the wide view of public reason and the wide reflective equilibrium to overcome the shortcoming of the idea of public reason. Owing to Rawlsian deliberative theory can reconcile liberalism and deliberative democracy, strengthen our civic friendship, and urge us to value public reasons more, I think it is a more plausible theory to justify political consensus in a modern pluralistic society.

Genom våra två fallstudier har vi undersökt formuleringsarenans intentioner vad gäller elevinflytande i förhållande till hur dessa tar sig uttryck i praktiken. För att finna formuleringsarenans intentioner har vi använt oss av Skolkommitténs tre utgångspunkter om varför elever skall ges inflytande i skolan. Skolkommittén har på ett konkret och förståeligt sätt redogjort för tre motiveringar till elevinflytande vilka benämns som: ”Mänsklig rättighet”, ”Demokratifostran” och ”Elevers inflytande över sitt lärande”.   I vår text har vi eftersträvat att ringa in ämnesområdet och ge läsaren en tillräcklig bakgrund för vidare läsning. För att vidga vår förståelse för elevdemokrati idag ser vi det med andra ord som angeläget att mer översiktligt och kort redogöra för en historisk tillbakablick. Med vår undersökning som underlag hävdar vi att elevdemokrati sett ur elevperspektiv, observatörperspektiv och lärarperspektiv kan te sig mycket olika. Eleverna talar om sitt inflytande i förhållande till deras mänskliga rättigheter såsom när de ska sova, äta och om att få vara inomhus när det är kallt. Det framkommer även att praktiserandet av elevdemokrati i de båda undersökta klassrummen tycks vara avhängigt lärarens egen uppfattning om vad elevdemokrati är och vilka demokratiska förmågor som är viktiga att utveckla i klassrummet. Ytterligare en intressant iakttagelse vi har gjort i vår studie är att skolans sociokulturella upptagningsområde inverkar och påverkar skolans förutsättningar och behov att utöva elevdemokrati. Denna iakttagelse förefaller intressant och anses av oss författare som lämplig för vidare studier. Vår uppsats är begränsad av en tidsram och lämnar oss och förmodligen andra med frågor för vidare forskning. Vår förhoppning är att denna uppsats ger läsaren reflektioner och ett väckt intresse kring elevdemokrati och elevinflytande. / Trough our two case studies we have sought to explore how and if, the description of democracy in the Swedish curriculum is viable in the reality. To our benefit the Skolkommitténs three motivations for pupils’ democracy, named “human right”, “democratic upbringing” and “pupils’ influence over their own learning”, has been useful. In this text the reader will find an attempt to surround the subject and give enough background information for comprehension. By using the methods of conversations with pupils, classroom observations and teacher interviews at two different schools, including literature studies, we have been able to make the conclusion that the realisation of the curriculum is a long process of transformation and influence from various angles. We have found that the meaning of pupils’ democracy differs depending on whose perspective is being regarded. Pupils tend to focus their human rights. Such as when to eat, sleep or wanting to stay inside when it is cold outside. Teachers on the other hand seem to solely be the ones to decide what impact pupils’ democracy will have in the classroom, and what democratic abilities that are important for pupils to acquire. Amongst our results we find the sociocultural surroundings from where the pupils derive as distinguished from the others concerning the schools conditions for pupils’ democracy. This fact has also encouraged our interest and we will pass this on as a future matter of research. Our research has nevertheless been restricted by schedule and leaves us and probably others with questions for further research, however our hope is that this essay will give the reader enough thoughts to see the relevance in our research.

民主原則之規範性困境，今日已於所有民主國家的政治生活中，展現為層出不窮的民主危機。尤其因為民粹威權主義於成熟民主國家的大行其道，民主危機的解決已成為當代民主迫在眉睫的問題。為求取釜底抽薪的解決之道，則必須從理論層面出發，對民主之概念進行徹底的反省。然而，法學本身顯然難以克服此一困境，而必須將道德哲學與政治哲學的理論資源與方法納入視野之內，以便從規範性證立民主的基本內涵開始，循序漸進地獲致其反映於制度層面應有的具體內容。 　　過往的民主理論證立民主之所以具有無法克服的困難，是因為其終須依賴當代多元社會下有爭議的道德信念。對此，本文以Jürgen Habermas的「論辯倫理學」為基礎，從而對民主的基本精神提出無爭議的規範性證立。透過論辯倫理學的進一步推演，Habermas亦導出「法律論辯理論」，以說明法律作為施展強制力的工具是如何被證立的。藉由結合論辯倫理學與法律論辯理論，便能將民主強制付諸於日常生活的實踐之中，據此呈現出民主作為憲法原則的應有樣貌。植基於此一的路徑，本文拓展了Habermas的理念，從而證立並闡發民主的核心精神。 　　此一依循論辯倫理學及法律論辯理論所獲致的民主原則內容，即為審議民主理論。依據前述的理論奠基，本文認為審議民主理論蘊含的內容可歸結為「論辯之基本權」以及「政治平等諸規則」兩大理念，並能透過基進民主理論的批判以深化對後者的理解，從而闡發審議民主理論的基進意涵。「基進審議民主」明確而豐富的內容不僅宣告著民主原則規範性困境之解決，也同時於實踐上提出了化解民主危機的制度建議。 / In the political life of all democracies, the normative dilemma of principle of democracy has appeared as endless crises of democracy. Accrodingly, to solve the crisis of democracy thus becomes an urgent issue for the contemporary democracy. As populist authoritarianism propagated on a upsetting scale around developed democracies, finding a resolution also grows more significant. To solve this problems once and for all, we must proceed forward from a theoretical perspective that indicate a profound reflection on the concept of democracy. Because jurisprudence becomes manifest in lack of proper paths to overcome this dilemma by itself, incorporating the theoretical resources and methods of ethics and political philosophy into the field of vision may be imperative and necessary. With the foundation that justifies fundamental connotations of democracy in a normative approch, we will obtain the specific contents that democracy reflects at the institutional level progressively. 　　Previous works on democratic theory are so difficult to justify democracy per se because their justifications depending on controversial moral beliefs in contemporary plural society drift into failure. In this regard, Jürgen Habermas advanced the “Discourse Ethics” which suggests a non-controversial normative justification of democratic essences as the most promising theory at present. Through employing Discourse Ethics, Habermas deduced “Discourse Theory of Law” to explain how to justify law as a compulsory instrument. In this manner, democracy can be forced into daily life, via combining Discourse Ethics and Discourse Theory of Law, to draw a ideal form as a a constitutional principle. Through the illustration of Habermas's doctrine, this thesis tries to broaden the ways to understand and describe the democracy. 　　“Deliberative Democracy” is the very idea derived from Discourse Ethics and Discourse Theory of Law. Based on the foundations of the above, this thesis suggests that the contents of Deliberative Democracy can be attributed to the two basic concepts including “fundamental rights of discourse” and “rules of political equality”, which, through criticisms of radical democracy, shall be further deepen the understanding of the latter to elucidate what radical meanings do Deliberative Democracy have. With specific and profuse contents, radical deliberative democracy not only invents a solution to the normative dilemma of principle of democracy, but puts forward institutional proposals to resolving crises of democracy in practice simultaneously.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)

The dominant construction of democracy on a global scale is in the liberal tradition. It is evident in the criteria which constitute democratic barometers in organisations like Freedom House, the International Monetary Fund, the United Nations and the World Trade Organisation. This study seeks to provide a third-order analysis of liberal democratic consolidation theory in order to highlight that its theoretical discourse and underlying structure is not necessarily compatible with the cultural values of the non-Western world using a critical discourse analysis. Democratic consolidation in the non-Western world may not necessarily mirror the theoretical model of liberal democratic consolidation. Given the hegemonic position of liberal democracy‘s criteria and its dominant discourse and role as a barometer of democracy, this study focuses on democratic consolidation in this tradition. It is primarily due to the perceived inability of non-Western states to consolidate their democracies in the liberal democratic tradition and by default, construct thriving liberal democracies. Present theories of liberal democratic consolidation theory deal with governmental, political organisational and societal aspects of liberal democracy. The level of change these theories propagate is all encompassing, and consequently one cannot merely study one aspect of liberal democratic consolidation theory, but needs to analyse the paradigm as a whole in order to explore its metatheoretical structure. It is in this light that the study conducts an appraisal of liberal democratic consolidation theory. The critique developed in this study is aimed at addressing a disparity that currently exists within contemporary consolidation of liberal democracy theory, namely a failure of producers of liberal democratic discourse to understand the philosophical and ideological undertone of liberal democratic consolidation‘s understructure. The study does not seek to conceptualise alternative criteria of democratic consolidation in the non-Western context, but focuses on liberal democratic consolidation theory, to demonstrate that its criteria is not necessarily an appropriate barometer to measure democracy in the non-Western world. / Political Sciences / D.Litt. et Phil. (African Politics)