The main purpose of my thesis entitled "The legislative process - the role of Members of Parliament" is to analyze the process of preparing, making and passing laws by the Parliament of the Czech Republic, focusing on the role of Members of Parliament in the legislative process (including comparisons between members of the coalition, opposition and non- attached) and provide a comparison theory, therefore, the possibility of the constitution and other laws and actual practice.

Formation flying of satellites describes a mission in which a set of satellites arrange their position with respect to one another. In this paper, satellite formation flying guidance and control algorithms are investigated in terms of required velocity increment Delta-v, and tracking error for a Chief/Deputy satellite system. Different control methods covering continuous and impulsive laws are implemented and tested for Low Earth Orbit (LEO). Sliding Mode, Feedback Linearization and Model Predictive Controllers are compared to an Impulsive Feedback Law which tracks the mean orbital element differences. Sliding Mode and Feedback Linearization controllers use the same dynamic model which includes Earth Oblateness perturbations. On the other hand, Model Predictive Control with Multi-Objective Cost Function is based on the Clohessy–Wiltshire equations, which do not account for any perturbation and do not cover the eccentricity of the orbit. The comparison was done for two different missions both including Earth Oblateness effects only. A relative orbit mission, which was based on the Prisma Satellite Mission and a rendezvous mission, was implemented. The reference trajectory for the controllers was generated with Yamanaka and Ankersen’s state transition matrix, while a separate method was used for the Impulsive Law. In both of the missions, it was observed that the implemented Impulsive Law outperformed in terms of Delta-v, 1.2 to 3.5 times smaller than the continuous control approaches, while the continuous controllers had a smaller tracking error, 2 to 8.3 times less, both in terms of root mean square error and maximum error in the steady state. Finally, this study shows that the tracking error and Delta-v has inversely proportional relationship. / Formationsflygning av satelliter innebär att en grupp satelliter flyger tillsammans och anpassar sina relativa lägen i förhållande till varandra. I detta examensarbete studerades regleralgoritmer för formationsflygande satelliter med fokus på bränsleförbrukning och positionsavvikelse genom ”Chief & Deputy”-metoden. Olika reglermetoder har studerats, t.ex. Sliding Mode- och Feedback Linearization-reglering för formationsflygningsfall i låg jordbana med J2-störning samt en Model Predictive-reglering för fall med relativ rörelse baserad på Clohessy-Wiltshire-ekvationerna. Vidare studerades en reglermetod baserad på impulsframdrivning. De fyra reglermetoderna implementerades på två olika rymduppdrag. Först ett uppdrag baserat på Prisma-satelliterna för två satelliter i relativ omloppsbana och sedan ett Rendezvous-uppdrag. Referensbanan för alla reglermetoder, utom för implusmetoden, har tagits fram med hjälp av Yamanakas och Ankersens tillståndsmatris. Resultaten visar att den implementerade impulsmetoden presterar bättre med avseende på bränsleförbrukning, medan de kontinuerliga reglermetoderna producerade mindre relativ positionsavvikelse, både med avseende på kvadratiskt medelvärde och maximalt värde.

1. 4. ABSTRACT Diploma Thesis Mladá - Between the Destrution of Village and the Emergence of Military Training Ground (1904-1906) discusses the turbulent lives of the parish community on Benátky-Region, which, in 1904, was in the very center of planned artillery firing ranges and military training ground of the Austro-Hungarian army. As the only one of the affected villages, Mladá was doomed, people were forced to move, and the local buildings were used to house troops, and, subsequently, they were used as artillery targets. Sacrificing Mladá village in fact brought economic prosperity to the surrounding municipalities. The Transport infrastructure had improved, local trade got new impulses, agriculture production found a new outlet in the army etc. Finally, the dissolution of Mladá village led to the emergence of a new micro-regional center, when a small village of Milovice became a town that still commemorates this historical event village through the name of one of its urban parts - Mladá.

This thesis argues that the Australian military intervention in East Timor in 1999 was motivated primarily by the need to defend Australia’s own strategic interests. It was an act of Australian imperialism understood from a Marxist perspective, and was consistent with longstanding strategic policy in the region.¶ Australian policy makers have long been concerned about the security threat posed by a small and weak neighbouring state in the territory of East Timor. This led to the deployment of Australian troops to the territory in World War Two. In 1974 Australia supported Indonesia’s invasion of the territory in order to prevent it from becoming a strategic liability in the context of Cold War geopolitics. But, as an indirect result of the Asian financial crisis, by September 1999 the Indonesian government’s control over the territory had become untenable. Indonesia’s political upheaval also raised the spectre of the ‘Balkanisation’ of the Indonesian archipelago, and East Timor thus became the focal point for Australian fears about an ‘arc of instability’ that arose in this period.¶ Australia’s insertion of military forces into East Timor in 1999 served its own strategic priorities by ensuring an orderly transfer of sovereignty took place, avoiding a destabilising power vacuum as the country transitioned to independence. It also guaranteed that Australia’s economic and strategic interests in the new nation could not be ignored by the United Nations or the East Timorese themselves. There are therefore underlying consistencies in Australia’s policy on East Timor stretching back several decades. Despite changing contexts, and hence radically different policy responses, Australia acted throughout this time to prevent political and strategic instability in East Timor.¶ In addition, the intervention reinforced Australia’s standing as a major power in Southeast Asia and the Southwest Pacific. The 1999 deployment therefore helped facilitate a string of subsequent Australian interventions in Pacific island nations, both by providing a model for action and by building a public consensus in favour of the use of military intervention as a policy tool.¶ This interpretation of events challenges the consensus among existing academic accounts. Australia’s support of Indonesia’s invasion and occupation of East Timor from 1974 was frequently criticised as favouring realpolitik over ethical considerations. But the 1999 intervention, which ostensibly ended severe violence and secured national independence for the territory, drew widespread support, both from the public and academic commentators. It has generally been seen as a break with previous Australian policy, and as driven by political forces outside the normal foreign policy process. Moreover, it has been almost universally regarded as a triumph for moral conduct in international affairs, and even as a redemptive moment for the Australian national conscience. Viewing the intervention as part of the longstanding strategy of Australian imperialism casts doubt on such positive evaluations.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O estudo a ser apresentado tem como objetivo analisar a influência dos deputados federais na política externa brasileira, mais especificamente dos deputados da Comissão de Relação Exteriores e Defesa Nacional. A idéia não é criar um novo paradigma de inserção, mas levantar pistas sobre diferentes formas de participação que o legislativo pode ter na condução dessa política no país. Contrariamos as análises que atribuem ao legislativo pouca participação ao processo decisório e focalizam a atuação na aprovação (ou não), dos acordos internacionais enviados pelo Executivo. Nesse sentido, procuramos ir além dessa abordagem tradicional abrindo o leque para outras formas de participação dos deputados federais na política externa brasileira. A politização da política externa e o papel mais ativo da Comissão de Relações Exteriores e Defesa Nacional (CREDN) têm levado a uma maior atuação do legislativo nessas questões. Principalmente a partir da maior atenção da oposição para as questões de política externa. A política externa foi considerada a política pública mais insulada do debate político-partidário. Mas, agora, os legisladores têm participado e se interessado cada vez mais por estas questões. O Congresso tem utilizado mais seus instrumentos institucionais de fiscalização para monitorar a condução da política externa. Assim, foi analisado o papel da CREDN como mecanismo de aquisição de informação, com o intuito de informar o legislador mediano em termos de política externa. O estudo parte do modelo informacional para encontrar respostas sobre o incentivo que os legisladores teriam em coletar informações (custosas) sobre política externa. Desse modo, procura-se analisar o incentivo dos legisladores em ativar tal política no plenário (Santos e Almeida, 2009; Martin, 2000). De forma cada vez mais extensiva e fiscalizadora, acrescentando informações às políticas formuladas pelo Executivo (Almeida & Santos, 2008) / The study presented has the objective to analyze the influence of deputies in Brazilian foreign policy, specifically members of the Committee of Foreign Relations and National Defense. The idea is not to create a new paradigm of influence, but to raise ideas about different ways that the legislative may participate on the conduction of this policy in Brazil. Contrary to the analysis that said that the legislative have low participation in decision-making and focus the performance on the approval (or not), of the international agreements sended by the Executive. Therefore, we aim to go beyond this traditional approach, expanding to other forms of participation of the federal deputies in the Brazilian foreign policy. The politicization of foreign policy and the most active role of the Committee on Foreign Relations and National Defense (CREDN) have led to greater performance of the legislative on these issues. Mainly, because of the increased focus of opposition on the foreign policy issues. Foreign policy was regarded as the most insulated public policy from the political debate. But now, the federal deputies have participated and are increasingly interested in these issues. Congress has been using their institutional instruments to monitor the conduction of foreign policy. Therefore, we investigated the role of CREDN as a mechanism for information acquisition, in order to inform the median legislator in terms of foreign policy. The study starts from the information model, to find answers about the incentive that legislators would have to collect information (costly) about foreign policy. Thus, we seek to analyze the incentive for legislators to turn that policy on the floor (Santos and Almeida, 2009; Martin, 2000). In an increasingly extensive and supervisory way, adding information to the policies formulated by the Executive (Almeida & Santos, 2008)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O estudo a ser apresentado tem como objetivo analisar a influência dos deputados federais na política externa brasileira, mais especificamente dos deputados da Comissão de Relação Exteriores e Defesa Nacional. A idéia não é criar um novo paradigma de inserção, mas levantar pistas sobre diferentes formas de participação que o legislativo pode ter na condução dessa política no país. Contrariamos as análises que atribuem ao legislativo pouca participação ao processo decisório e focalizam a atuação na aprovação (ou não), dos acordos internacionais enviados pelo Executivo. Nesse sentido, procuramos ir além dessa abordagem tradicional abrindo o leque para outras formas de participação dos deputados federais na política externa brasileira. A politização da política externa e o papel mais ativo da Comissão de Relações Exteriores e Defesa Nacional (CREDN) têm levado a uma maior atuação do legislativo nessas questões. Principalmente a partir da maior atenção da oposição para as questões de política externa. A política externa foi considerada a política pública mais insulada do debate político-partidário. Mas, agora, os legisladores têm participado e se interessado cada vez mais por estas questões. O Congresso tem utilizado mais seus instrumentos institucionais de fiscalização para monitorar a condução da política externa. Assim, foi analisado o papel da CREDN como mecanismo de aquisição de informação, com o intuito de informar o legislador mediano em termos de política externa. O estudo parte do modelo informacional para encontrar respostas sobre o incentivo que os legisladores teriam em coletar informações (custosas) sobre política externa. Desse modo, procura-se analisar o incentivo dos legisladores em ativar tal política no plenário (Santos e Almeida, 2009; Martin, 2000). De forma cada vez mais extensiva e fiscalizadora, acrescentando informações às políticas formuladas pelo Executivo (Almeida & Santos, 2008) / The study presented has the objective to analyze the influence of deputies in Brazilian foreign policy, specifically members of the Committee of Foreign Relations and National Defense. The idea is not to create a new paradigm of influence, but to raise ideas about different ways that the legislative may participate on the conduction of this policy in Brazil. Contrary to the analysis that said that the legislative have low participation in decision-making and focus the performance on the approval (or not), of the international agreements sended by the Executive. Therefore, we aim to go beyond this traditional approach, expanding to other forms of participation of the federal deputies in the Brazilian foreign policy. The politicization of foreign policy and the most active role of the Committee on Foreign Relations and National Defense (CREDN) have led to greater performance of the legislative on these issues. Mainly, because of the increased focus of opposition on the foreign policy issues. Foreign policy was regarded as the most insulated public policy from the political debate. But now, the federal deputies have participated and are increasingly interested in these issues. Congress has been using their institutional instruments to monitor the conduction of foreign policy. Therefore, we investigated the role of CREDN as a mechanism for information acquisition, in order to inform the median legislator in terms of foreign policy. The study starts from the information model, to find answers about the incentive that legislators would have to collect information (costly) about foreign policy. Thus, we seek to analyze the incentive for legislators to turn that policy on the floor (Santos and Almeida, 2009; Martin, 2000). In an increasingly extensive and supervisory way, adding information to the policies formulated by the Executive (Almeida & Santos, 2008)

I devote major attention to the Act no. 234/2014 Coll., of the Civil Service, which was accepted despite the veto of the President on 1st October 2014. I briefly characterize the law and in the practical part I analyze and interpret the process of making of this law through a theoretical concept "Multiple Streams Approach". Within the theory I focus on the context of agenda setting to the issue and simultaneously I take into account the role of Policy Entrepreneurs in the legislative process of the Civil Service Act. After reading the reader will have an overview of the process of making the Civil Service Act. The reader will be also familiar with the shortcomings of this Act, for which it was criticized. The theoretical part is used for introducing to the issue. In the theoretical part I outline the historical development of the civil service in Czech Republic and I also briefly characterize the Civil Service Act. Subsequently the reader gets the knowledge about the content of "Multiple Streams Approach" in this part. The practical part of diploma work is enriched by attitudes and opinions of two political actors, who directly attended of discussing the law in Chamber of Deputies. It will be possible to compare the data received from expert survey with the results of the analysis process of making law.

This literary/historical novel details the life of African-American Deputy US Marshal Bass Reeves between the years 1838-1862 and 1883-1884. One plotline depicts Reeves’s youth as a slave, including his service as a body servant to a Confederate cavalry officer during the Civil War. Another plotline depicts him years later, after Emancipation, at the height of his deputy career, when he has become the most feared, most successful lawman in Indian Territory, the largest federal jurisdiction in American history and the most dangerous part of the Old West. A preface explores the uniqueness of this project’s historical relevance and literary positioning as a neo-slave narrative, and addresses a few liberties that I take with the historical record.

"S. Dooley: Tertiary Reader" / Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / This study provides analysis, conclusions and recommendations to assist the Deputy Commandant (DC), Manpower and Reserve Affairs Department (M&RA) and DC, Programs and Resources Department (P&R) in structure and process decisions concerning Marine Corps Manpower budget execution. DC, M&RA is the owner of the Marine Human Resource Development Process (HRDP) and the Military Personnel Marine Corps (MPMC) appropriation sponsor, while the DC, P&R has budgetary (1517) authority for MPMC budget execution. In contrast, the Navy has both sponsorship and 1517 authority within one cell at N1. By comparing these two services' organizational factors and Planning, Programming, Budgeting, and Execution Systems (PPBES), relevant differences surface, conclusions are drawn, and recommendations offered for improvements. Recommendations include realignment of 1517 authority within MPMC execution, and the melding of the Programs and Budget Branch of Manpower Plans Division, M&RA with the Military Personnel Branch, Fiscal Division, P&R (RFM). This new office will be responsible for all facets of MPMC programming, budgeting, and execution. / Captain, United States Marine Corps

Durant el període que va des de la mort de Carles II (1700) fins a la fi de la Guerra de Successió (1714), els tres comuns (Consell de Cent, Diputació del Catalunya i Braç Militar), assoliren un paper fonamental en la defensa de les Constitucions davant les transgressions dels monarques. La seva actuació, però, va estar dirigida per una institució de recent creació: la Conferència dels Comuns. La present tesi doctoral estudia aquesta institució, que va esdevenir decisiva en el tombant del segle XVII i ajuda a entendre per què els catalans es decantaren a favor de Carles III, l'arxiduc, durant el conflicte successori. Però la Conferència dels Tres Comuns va ser rellevant també per la seva significació dins el context de les institucions representatives: va afavorir l'actuació mancomunada dels comuns a la vegada que va facilitar l'accés dels nous sectors mercantils en la presa de decisions polítiques. / Durante el periodo que va desde la muerte de Carlos II (1700) hasta el fin de la Guerra de Sucesión (1714), los tres comunes (Consejo de Ciento, Diputación del General y Brazo Militar), adquirieron un papel fundamental en la defensa de las Constituciones ante las transgresiones de los monarcas. Su actuación, sin embargo, estuvo dirigida por una institución de reciente creación: la Conferencia de los Comunes. La presente tesis doctoral estudia esta institución, que fue decisiva en el cambio del siglo XVII y ayuda a entender por qué los catalanes apoyaron a Carlos III, el archiduque, durante el conflicto sucesorio. Pero la Conferencia también fue relevante por su significación dentro del contexto de las instituciones representativas: favoreció la acción mancomunada de los comunes a la vez que facilitó el acceso de los nuevos sectores mercantiles en la toma de decisiones políticas. / During the period that goes from the death of Charles II (1700) to the end the of Succession War (1714), the three commons (Consell de Cent, Deputation of Catalonia and Military Arm), acquired a very important role in the defense of the Constitutions when kings tried to beak them. However, the actions of three commons were guided by a new institution: the Conference of Commons. This doctoral thesis studies this institution, which was decisive during these years, and helps us to understand why Catalans supported to Charles III, the archduke. Conference of Commons was also important because of its meaning in the context of representative institutions: it did well for the unity of action of the commons, and, at the same time, it permits the access of the new mercantile sectors to the groups with political power.