• Refine Query
  • Source
  • Publication year
  • to
  • Language
  • 35
  • 10
  • 8
  • 8
  • 8
  • 8
  • 8
  • 7
  • 6
  • 5
  • 2
  • 2
  • 1
  • 1
  • 1
  • Tagged with
  • 162
  • 162
  • 82
  • 70
  • 63
  • 58
  • 52
  • 36
  • 36
  • 35
  • 34
  • 28
  • 24
  • 24
  • 23
  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
151

Fabianism versus welfareism : the movement towards the welfare state in the United States

St. Clair, Susan Lee 01 January 1970 (has links) (PDF)
Finally in the 1880’s there emerged a reformist group which was ultimately to be the model of the viability, adaptability, effectiveness, and success of evolutionary socialism. The group called itself the Fabian Society and in the beginning it seemed to be not unlike other protest or reformist groups which were springing up all over England at the time. The difference was that this group, though always small in numbers, was to have a tremendous impact throughout England and the rest of the democratic world. To be specific, the ideas of the Fabian Socialists can clearly be seen as influencing the movement toward the welfare state in America and this is the main thesis this paper aims to prove - that the ideas and programs of the Fabian Socialists were first implemented in Britain and later in the United State, particularly since the advent of Franklin Delano Roosevelt and his New Deal. It is the author’s contention that these ideas and programs of the Fabians are comparable to a developing movement in the United States toward the welfare state or as others would term it, the good society. This, then, is what the writer seeks to prove.
152

The Limits of Control: A History of the SALT Process, 1969-1983

Ambrose, Matthew John January 2014 (has links)
No description available.
153

The prospect for Okinawa's initiative : towards getting rid of the U.S. Military presence in Okinawa

Matsubara, Nao. January 2002 (has links) (PDF)
Includes bibliographical references (leaves [56]-[62]) Focusses on issues concerning the U.S. military presence on the island. Elaborates on Okinawa's suffering due to the military bases which have hindered Okinawa's economic development, created serious pollution and encouraged crime
154

Camille Gutt et le gouvernement de Londres: aspects politiques, économiques et financiers de la participation belge à la Seconde Guerre mondiale

Crombois, Jean-François January 1998 (has links)
Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
155

A History of the United States Caribbean Defense Command (1941-1947)

Vasquez, Cesar A 25 March 2016 (has links)
The United States Military is currently organized along the lines of regional combatant commands (COCOMs). Each COCOM is responsible for all U.S. military activity in their designated area of responsibility (AOR). They also deal with diplomatic issues of a wide variety with the countries within their respective AORs. Among these COCOMs, Southern Command (SOUTHCOM), whose AOR encompasses all of Central and South America (less Mexico) and the Caribbean, is one of the smallest in terms of size and budget, but has the longest history of activity among the COCOMs as it is the successor to the first joint command, the United States Caribbean Defense Command (CDC 1941-1947). Existing from 1941 to 1947, the CDC was tasked with protecting the Panama Canal, the Canal Zone, and all its access points as well as defending the region from Axis aggression and setting up a series of U.S. bases throughout the Caribbean from which to project U.S. military power after World War II. Throughout its short history, however, the CDC was plagued with the same types of resource scarcity that its successor commands would later experience. Early successes, as well as the progress of the war saw to it that the original mission of the Command was quickly rendered moot. Ironically, it was partially the success of the U.S. war effort that kept the CDC from ever reaching its full potential. Nevertheless, the CDC evolved into something different than had originally been envisioned. In the end, it became the model that other COCOMs would follow after November 1947 when the system of regional combatant commands was formally established. Although some research has been conducted into the history of these commands, this dissertation is the first academic attempt to chronicle the history of the United States Caribbean Defense Command. Research into this topic involved combing through the Archives of the United States Southern Command in its offices in Miami, Florida (SOUTHCOM Archives), as well as the CDC archives in Record Group 548 in the U.S. National Archives II in Suitland, Maryland. Secondary sources as well as references regarding treaties and international agreements were also consulted as necessary.
156

British intelligence and American neutrality during the First World War

Larsen, Daniel Richard January 2014 (has links)
This PhD examines the role of British intelligence in Anglo-American relations during the period of American neutrality in the First \Vorld \Var. Unbeknownst to the Americans, British intelligence began to intercept and decrypt virtually all American diplomatic telegrams between Washington and U.S. diplomatic outposts throughout Europe. Although several studies of Anglo-American relations in this period exist, none consider British intelligence's role. Providing an analysis of the relevant cod.es and cryptographical developments during the war, the thesis traces British intelligence's progress in deciphering these various diplomatic codes and offers an analysis of the distribution and use of this intelligence material. Through an exploration of this intelligence aspect, this thesis challenges existing interpretations of British and American policy in this period. A crucial conflict at the heart of British policy-one missed by previous historians-existed over the importance of the United States. Presaging America's international role later in the twentieth centu1y, many of Britain's leaders came to seriously doubt that, without the United States, the war remained winnable at all. Yet these officials contended with a second, powerful faction that remained wedded to outmoded ideas of America's limited relevance on the global stage and that refused to accept the existence of practical limits to British power. This conflict play~ out in several areas of British policy-over diplomatic, military, financial, and political affairs. Intelligence, however, provea a favoured weapon. Intercepted communications, sometimes ripped from their context, caused serious but spurious paranoia that the Americans were collaborating with Germany. Previous scholars, however, by ignoring the weapon, have failed to see the battle. Until it entered the war, American policymakers worked t:u:elessly to achieve a peaceful settlement. Previous historians have entirely dismissed the significance of these efforts, casting them as well-intentioned but futile. In reality, however, those British leaders who understood Britain's dependence on the United States tended to favour these proposals as a useful way of ending an unwinnable war that was bleeding the country d17- This PhD makes a significant contribution to the history of British intelligence, British policy, and American diplomacy during the period of American neutrality during the First World War.
157

Les réseaux d’information et la circulation des nouvelles autour de l’exil de Marie de Médicis (1631-1642) / Information Networks and circulation of news about Mary de’ Medici’s exile (1631-1642)

Guérinot-Nawrocki, Sophie 04 January 2011 (has links)
En 1631, Marie de Médicis (1573-1642), reine de France, opposée à la politique de Richelieu, quitte précipitamment le royaume pour trouver refuge à la cour de Bruxelles. Jusqu’à sa mort en 1642, elle ne réussit jamais, malgré maintes tentatives, à rentrer en France. Elle vit dans les Pays-Bas espagnols jusqu’en 1639, puis, après un bref passage dans les Provinces-Unies, à Londres jusqu’en 1641, pour finir ses jours à Cologne. Alors que la guerre de Trente ans déchire l’Europe, Marie de Médicis tisse des liens avec les princes, mais aussi avec d’autres émigrés français, tels que Gaston d’Orléans ou la duchesse de Chevreuse. A travers cette situation exceptionnelle, nous étudions les réseaux, officiels ou secrets, qui se font et se défont autour de ces émigrés. La mise en place des réseaux et leur bon fonctionnement sont assurés par des hommes, ambassadeurs, courtisans, serviteurs, qui ont chacun des profils et des ambitions différents. Leurs histoires individuelles permettent de restituer la logique organique de cet ensemble complexe et mouvant à travers lequel circulent des nouvelles. Celles-ci sont analysées du point de vue matériel de leur support et de leur acheminement, mais aussi en fonction de leur contenu, qui varie selon les circonstances et les tensions politiques du moment. La circulation et les mutations de l’information ont sur la diplomatie des incidences qu’il faut évaluer. De plus, elles reflètent des idées politiques et révèlent des codes, des symboles, des représentations et des comportements particuliers. La mise en scène de l’information devient alors un objet d’étude fondamental. / In 1631, Mary de’ Médici (1573-1642), queen mother of the French king, opposed to Richelieu’s government, precipitately leaves the kingdom to find shelter at the court of Brussels. Until her death in 1642, she never succeeds, in spite of many attempts, to be allowed to come back to France. She lives in the Spanish Netherlands from 1631 to 1639. Then, after a short passage through the United Provinces, she stays in London until 1641, to move out again to Cologne, where she finally dies. Whereas the Thirty Years War tears Europe to pieces, Mary de’ Médici weaves bonds not only with foreign princes, but also with other French banned emigrants, such as Gaston of Orleans or the duchess of Chevreuse. The study of this outstanding situation reveals official or secret networks, which are built up and undone around those emigrants. The making and good working of those networks are ensured by a pool of ambassadors, courtiers, servants, who have various profiles and follow different purposes. By rebuilding the individual stories of these men, we can disclose the organic logic of this complex and moving party, in which the news arise and flow. We try to provide an analysis from the point of view of the material support and routing of information, but also according to its content, which may vary following the peculiar circumstances and political issues. The circulation and changes of the news affect the diplomatic deeds in a way that must be investigated and explained. Moreover, information, as a mirror of political thoughts, is reflecting codes, symbols, representations and behaviors. Therefore, the setting and showing of information can be seen as a significant matter for political studies.
158

Ferdinand Ier de Bulgarie : politique étrangère et diplomatie (1887-1918) / Ferdinand I of Bulgaria : Foreign Policy and Diplomacy (1887-1918)

Nicollet, Charlotte 13 October 2016 (has links)
Fondée en 1878 par le traité de San Stefano, mutilée par celui de Berlin, la principauté autonome de Bulgarie voit ses destinées confiées en 1887 à Ferdinand de Saxe-Cobourg et Gotha. Le nouveau knyaz est contraint dès son avènement à imposer sa personne et les ambitions de son pays dans l’arène internationale. Après une lutte de longue haleine pour obtenir la reconnaissance de son titre par le concert européen, il s’évertue à mener les Bulgares vers la réalisation de leurs idéaux nationaux. Il se heurte aux blocages dus aux liens unissant Sofia à Constantinople, à la rivalité des États environnants et aux politiques balkaniques contradictoires des puissances. Le prince aiguise au fil des ans son sens de la diplomatie et déploie une politique extérieure visant à tirer profit à la fois de la position stratégique de son pays et des rivalités des forces en présence, tout en exploitant à bon escient les circonstances successives. Sa politique de bascule aux ressorts progressivement définis est mise en œuvre, et à l’épreuve, au cours des secousses qui rythment les deux premières décennies du XXe siècle. Si elle permet à la Bulgarie d’accéder à l’indépendance, et au statut de royaume, dans le sillage de la crise bosniaque de 1908, ses revers sont patents pendant les Guerres balkaniques et le premier conflit mondial. Pourtant, force est de constater que ses échecs ne sont pas imputables au seul Ferdinand dont l’examen des faits tend à atténuer les responsabilités dans les « Catastrophes nationales », les deux défaites vécues par les Bulgares en 1913 et 1918, conséquences d’un écheveau de causes d’une grande complexité. / The boundaries of an autonomous Bulgarian principality established by the provision of the San Stefano Treaty in 1878 were substantially reduced by the Great Powers at Berlin. Many unresolved problems between Sofia and Saint-Petersburg led to suspension of the bilateral relations and the abdication of Alexander of Battenberg. Ferdinand of Saxe-Cobourg and Gotha was elected Prince in 1887. After a “controversial” accession to the Bulgarian throne, the young knyaz was committed to impose himself and his country’s national interests to the international scene. After a long-term efforts aimed at recognition of his title of king amongst European chancelleries, he tried hard to realise Bulgarian national ideas. However, it undermined relationship between Sofia and Constantinople but also contributed to the rivalry between surrounding States and the Great Powers in the Balkans. Due to his diplomatic experience, Ferdinand opted for a new foreign policy strategy designed to benefit both from the Bulgaria’s strategic position and the rivalry between powers. Thus, the first two decades of the 20th century were marked by the tumult of Balkan politics. However, it allowed Bulgaria to gain independence, the status of the Kingdom in the wake of the Bosnian crisis in 1908, and the defeats during the Balkan Wars and the First World War. The defeats are not attributable entirely to Ferdinand who was the most responsible for the “National Catastrophes” in 1913 and 1918. This research has shown that fact-based analysis provides a more nuanced picture of Ferdinand’s reign which was effected by a complexity of contributing factors that inevitably plunged the country into international isolation and defeat in the Great War.
159

Yalta, a tripartite negotation to form the post-war world order: planning for the conference, the big three's strategies

Grossberg, Matthew M. 08 1900 (has links)
British influence on the diplomacy of WWII, as it relates to postwar planning, is underappreciated. This work explores how the use of astute tactical maneuvering allowed Winston Churchill and Anthony Eden to impact the development of the post-war world in a greater degree than is typically portrayed in the narratives of the war. Detailing how the study of business negotiations can provide new insights into diplomatic history, Yalta exposes Britain’s impact on the creation of the post-war order through analyzing the diplomacy of WWII as a negotiation. To depict WWII post-war planning diplomacy as a negotiation means that the Yalta Conference of 1945 must be the focal point of said diplomacy with all the negotiations either flowing to or from the conference. This analysis reveals that Britain harnessed the natural momentum of the negotiation process to create bilateral understandings that protected or advanced their interests in ways that should not have been afforded the weakest party in the Grand Alliance. By pursuing solutions to the major wartime issues first and most stridently through the use of age-old British diplomatic tactics, they were able to enter into understandings with another member of the Grand Alliance prior to the tripartite conferences. Creating bilateral understandings with the Americans on the direction of military operations and the Soviets over the European settlement produced the conditions under which the tripartite negotiations transpired. Options available to the excluded party were thus limited, allowing for outcomes that aligned more favorably to British interests. A synthesis of diplomatic documents, diaries, and memoirs with historical writings as well as research on business and international negotiations brings to life the diplomatic encounters that led to the creation of the post-war order. To provide the reader a basis for analysis of wartime diplomacy, this work is broken down into two parts. Part I focuses on the strategies created for Yalta. Part II (future doctoral dissertation) will use these strategies to evaluate the performances of each party. Combined the two parts expose that British diplomatic maneuverings is an undervalued aspect of wartime diplomacy.
160

THE ONE EXHIBITION THE ROOTS OF THE LGBT EQUALITY MOVEMENT ONE MAGAZINE & THE FIRST GAY SUPREME COURT CASE IN U.S. HISTORY 1943-1958

Edmundson, Joshua R 01 June 2016 (has links)
The ONE Exhibition explores an era in American history marked by intense government sponsored anti-gay persecution and the genesis of the LGBT equality movement. The study begins during World War II, continues through the McCarthy era and the founding of the nation’s first gay magazine, and ends in 1958 with the first gay Supreme Court case in U.S. history. Central to the story is ONE The Homosexual Magazine, and its founders, as they embarked on a quest for LGBT equality by establishing the first ongoing nationwide forum for gay people in the U.S., and challenged the government’s right to engage in and encourage hateful and discriminatory practices against the LGBT community. Then, when the magazine was banned by the Post Office, the editors and staff took the federal government to court. As such, ONE, Incorporated v. Olesen became the first Supreme Court case in U.S. history that featured the taboo subject of homosexuality, and secured the 1st Amendment right to freedom of speech for the gay press. Thus, ONE magazine and its founders were an integral part of a small group of activists who established the foundations of the modern LGBT equality movement.

Page generated in 0.0977 seconds