Darbe tyrimo objektu pasirinktus mokinių prosocialaus elgesio raišką bei reakcijas ir ketinimus elgtis nepasitenkinimą sukeliančiose situacijose buvo siekiama tikslo nustatyti mokinių prosocialaus elgesio raišką bei reakcijų ir ketinimų elgtis nepasitenkinimą sukeliančiose situacijoje ypatumus. Siekiant atsakyti į tyrimo tikslą, buvo keliami šie uždaviniai: nustatyti mokinių prosocialaus elgesio raišką lyties aspektu; nustatyti mokinių reakcijas ir ketinimus elgtis nepasitenkinimą sukeliančiose situacijose lyties aspektu; išsiaiškinti dalyvavimo popamokinėje veikloje sąsajas su mokinių prosocialiu elgesiu bei reakcijomis ir ketinimais elgtis nepasitenkinimą sukeliančiose situacijose; išsiaiškinti savijautos ir požiūrio į mokyklą sąsajas su mokinių prosocialiu elgesiu bei reakcijomis ir ketinimais elgtis nepasitenkinimą sukeliančiose situacijose. Tyrime buvo keliamos šios hipotezės: pirma, mergaitėms būdingesnis prosocialus elgesys nei berniukams, jos rečiau reaguotų agresyviai jų nepasitenkinimą sukeliančiose situacijose; antra, prosocialus elgesys būdingesnis dalyvaujantiems popamokinėje veikloje mokiniams ir trečia, popamokinėje veikloje dalyvaujantys mokiniai jų nepasitenkinimą sukeliančiose situacijose rečiau reaguotų agresyviai, negu nedalyvaujantys bendraamžiai. Tyrime dalyvavo 544 (289 mergaitės ir 255 berniukai) aštuntų – devintų klasių mokiniai parinkti taikant klasterinę atranką. Tiriant mokinius taikytas apklausos raštu metodas. Tyrimas parodė, kad mergaitėms... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The object of the paper is the expression of pupils’ prosocial behaviour and their reactions to and intentions to behave in a certain way in discontent-provoking situations. The aim of choosing such an object is to define the expression of pupils’ prosocial behaviour and the characteristic features of their reactions to and intentions to behave in a certain way in discontent-provoking situations. In order to pursue the aim of research, the following objectives were set: to determine the expression of pupils’ prosocial behaviour on the aspect of gender; to outline pupils’ reactions to and their intentions to behave in a certain way in discontent-provoking situations on the aspect of gender; to find a correlation between the participation in after-school activities and pupils’ prosocial behaviour and their reactions to and intentions to behave in a certain way in discontent-provoking situations; to discover links between pupils’ feeling about school, their attitude to school and pupils’ prosocial behaviour and their reactions to and intentions to behave in a certain way in discontent-provoking situations. This research was focused on the following hypotheses: first, prosocial behaviour is more common in girls than in boys. Girls would rarely behave aggressively in discontent-provoking situations. Second, prosocial behaviour is more common in pupils participating in after-school activities. Third, pupils participating in after-school activities would behave aggressively in... [to full text]

Sverigedemokraterna är ett radikalt högerpopulistiskt parti som fortsätter att öka sedan valet år 2010. Vid en opinionsundersökning i april 2012 skulle partiet få 8 procent av medborgarnas röster. Syftet med vår uppsats är att förstå och förklara vilka orsaker som ligger till grund för att allt fler medborgare röstar på Sverigedemokraterna. För att kunna besvara syftet med uppsatsen har vi valt att göra en kvalitativ studie genom att med semistrukturerade intervjuer undersöka upplevelser och attityder till dagens samhällsförändringar bland Sverigedemokraternas väljare och relatera deras upplevelser till tidigare forskning inom ämnet. För att besvara vårt syfte blir frågeställningarna följande: På vilket sätt kan SD som parti locka allt fler väljare i dagens globaliserade Sverige? Vilka faktorer kan ligga till grund för att vissa medborgare röstar på SD? Samt vad tror de att SD kan bidra med och förändra i det svenska samhället och mer specifikt för deras egen situation? Vårt teoretiska ramverk är globalisering, representationen ”Vi och Dom”, nation/nationalism och välfärdschauvinism. Med dessa teorier kommer vi ur ett sociologiskt perspektiv förklara vilka samhällsprocesser som interagerar med väljarnas vardagssituation och därmed ligger till grund för deras politiska beslut. Det slutgiltiga resultatet visar att radikal högerpopulistisk retorik är genomgående i samtliga intervjuer. Invandring och välfärdsfrågor var det viktigaste faktorerna till varför intervjupersonerna röstade på Sverigedemokraterna. / The Sweden Democrats is a radical right wing party who continue to increase since the elections in 2010. At a poll in April 2012, the party would get 8 percent of the votes. The purpose of our paper is to understand and explain the reasons underlying that more and more citizens vote for the Sweden Democrats. To be able to respond to the purpose of the paper, we have chosen to make a qualitative study by using semi-structured interviews examine the experiences and attitudes of today's social changes among the Sweden Democrats ' voters and relate their experiences to the previous research on the subject. To answer our purpose becomes the following questions: In what way can the SD as an increasing number of voters in the party attract today's globalized Sweden? What factors can serve as the basis for that some citizens vote on SD? What do they think that SD can contribute and change in Swedish society and more specifically for their own situation? Our theoretical framework is globalization, representation "We and Them" nation/nationalism and welfare-chauvinism. With these theories we come from a sociological perspective to explain what social processes that interact with voters ' living situation and thus is the basis for their policy decisions. The final result shows that radical right wing rhetoric is consistently in all interviews. Immigration and welfare issues were the main factors why the respondents voted for the Sweden Democrats.

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Populistische Ideen haben in den letzten 20 Jahren in westlichen Demokratien immer mehr Unterstützer:innen gefunden. Doch wieso ist populistische Politik gerade jetzt so erfolgreich? Grundsätzlich verstärken Populist:innen negativ geprägte Wahrnehmungen der politischen, ökonomischen und kulturellen Verhältnisse im Kontext gesellschaftlicher Liberalisierungsschübe. Um Legitimitätsprobleme repräsentativer Demokratien zu heilen und verwandte gesellschaftliche Krisen zu überwinden, fordern sie mehr direkte Beteiligung nach dem Majoritätsprinzip. In diesem Kontext liefern soziale Medien eine ideale Plattform, um populistische Unzufriedenheiten zu artikulieren und (neue) Wähler:innen zu mobilisieren. Vor diesem Hintergrund fragt diese Arbeit wie populistischen Mobilisierungsprozesse funktionieren. Zwei Papiere untersuchen, wie sich unterschiedliche Spielarten populistischer Unzufriedenheit auf politische Beteiligung und die populistische Parteiwahl auswirken. Das dritte Papier analysiert, wie politische Parteien populistische und krisenhafte Kommunikation in sozialen Medien nutzen. Der vierte Beitrag vergleicht den Einfluss von Parteikommunikation und politischen Einstellungen auf das politische Engagement. Für die empirischen Analysen wurden drei eigene Datenerhebungen durchgeführt (zwei Online-Umfragen der deutschen Wahlbevölkerung [N= 2.038; N= 2.024] und eine manuelle Inhaltsanalyse der Facebook-Kommunikation deutscher Parteien [N= 3.500]). Insgesamt erweitert diese Dissertation den Forschungsstand auf mehrfache Weise: Erstens bietet sie ein dynamisches Modell, dass die Determinanten populistischer Mobilisierung aus Angebots- und Nachfrageseite miteinander verknüpft. Zweitens klärt sie das Verhältnis von Populismus und krisenhafter Unzufriedenheit. Drittens widerspricht sie der Annahme, dass populistische Aktivierung die Probleme politischer Beteiligung heilt. Stattdessen wirkt Populismus primär als Entscheidungshilfe zugunsten populistischer Parteien bei Wahlen. / In the past 20 years, populist ideas fell on fertile ground in many Western democracies. But why is populist politics so successful right now? Basically, populists reinforce negative perceptions of political, economic and cultural conditions in the context of societal liberalization. To cure legitimacy problems of representative democracies and overcome related societal crises, they demand more direct participation according to the principle of majority rule. In this context, social media provide an ideal outlet for articulating populist dissatisfaction and mobilizing (new) voters. Against this background, this dissertation asks how populist mobilization processes work: The first two papers examine how different varieties of populist dissatisfaction among voters affect different modes of political engagement and populist voting. The third paper analyzes how political parties use populist and crisis-related communication in social media. Finally, the fourth article applies an experimental design to compare the effect of parties’ online communication and political attitudes on political engagement. For the empirical analyses, I conducted three self-collected datasets. I exploited data from two online surveys (paper I and paper II: N= 2,038; paper IV: N= 2,024) among the German electorate. For the third contribution, I conducted a manual content analysis (N= 3,500) of the Facebook communication of German political parties. This dissertation extends the body of research threefold: First, it provides a dynamic model linking various determinants of populist mobilization from the supply- and demand-side of the electoral market. Second, it updates state-of-the-art literature by disentangling the relationship between populism and crisis-related discontent. Third, it contradicts the idea that populist activation necessarily cures problems of political participation. Instead, populism primarily serves as a decision-making tool in favor of populist parties in elections.

The researcher used the integration of both qualitative and quantitative approaches. The respondents were drawn from three district, one regional, one academic and two private hospitals. Data was collected by means of questionnaires. The open-ended questions in the questionnaire allowed the respondents to respond in their own words (“etic” description). This enhanced the organisation and reduction of the relevant data for analysis as well as the validity and trustworthiness of the study. The study revealed that even though most of the South African government health policies were very advanced and among the best in the world, some crucial policies appeared to have encountered problems with implementation, from conflicting ideologies and opinions from hospital management, different unions, professional associations, the provincial government, the South African Nursing Council (SANC) and patients. Too many groups appeared to have discussed nurses‟ issues with government and made decisions for nurses, leaving nurses disillusioned. The majority of the respondents attributed this to poor representation at government level. Furthermore, some decisions, resolutions and strategies agreed upon between the unions and bargaining councils appeared to have worked against nurses, further dividing RNs and failing to accomplish the intended purpose. Although most of the respondents had hoped that the Occupational Specific Dispensation (OSD) for nurses would address chronic low salaries for all nurses in the PHS, it favoured certain specialty qualifications (which were based on the description of post-basic courses in R212 and R48, which were not clearly delineated). In addition, RNs were not informed about the meaning and implications of the OSD prior to implementation. The study thus found an information gap between government and RNs at the production level, which appeared not to be with the government and the nurses, but in between. Most importantly, nurses seemed to be represented more by unions to government and bargaining councils, as opposed to nurses, while most of the respondents did not favour the division of nurses between professional associations and unions. Decisions in the PHS appeared to have been dominated by leaders who had no experience with pragmatic issues of health care services (HCS), particularly at the operational level, and the dynamics of the nursing profession. The study therefore concluded that, if the right people (nurses, doctors and systems) were put in place, and nurses were represented by nurses at government level, bargaining councils and parliament, discontent among RNs in the PHS could be reduced significantly. Existing strategies were found to deal with the symptoms and not the root cause of discontent among RNs in the PHS. / Health Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Health Studies)

Discontent with preaching as mode of communication is the problem statement of this study. The authoritative nature of deductive preaching is mirrored by the exploratory, "discovery nature" of inductive models, emphasizing how dialogical preaching is enhanced by incorporating inductive elements into preaching. Meaning production and levels of meaning were studied, and a hermeneutical model for Pentecostal churches were proposed. Dialogical preaching as attitude and principle as well as method was looked at, and the role of interactive participative communication in the dialogic process was described. Special emphasis was placed on the Parable, the metaphor and narrative preaching as models for inductive preaching, and the development and phases of the "plot" was examined. Bridging models between inductive and deductive styles were explored, while two dialogical tools for preparation of sermons were designed. / Practical Theology / Th.M. (Practical theology)

The researcher used the integration of both qualitative and quantitative approaches. The respondents were drawn from three district, one regional, one academic and two private hospitals. Data was collected by means of questionnaires. The open-ended questions in the questionnaire allowed the respondents to respond in their own words (“etic” description). This enhanced the organisation and reduction of the relevant data for analysis as well as the validity and trustworthiness of the study. The study revealed that even though most of the South African government health policies were very advanced and among the best in the world, some crucial policies appeared to have encountered problems with implementation, from conflicting ideologies and opinions from hospital management, different unions, professional associations, the provincial government, the South African Nursing Council (SANC) and patients. Too many groups appeared to have discussed nurses‟ issues with government and made decisions for nurses, leaving nurses disillusioned. The majority of the respondents attributed this to poor representation at government level. Furthermore, some decisions, resolutions and strategies agreed upon between the unions and bargaining councils appeared to have worked against nurses, further dividing RNs and failing to accomplish the intended purpose. Although most of the respondents had hoped that the Occupational Specific Dispensation (OSD) for nurses would address chronic low salaries for all nurses in the PHS, it favoured certain specialty qualifications (which were based on the description of post-basic courses in R212 and R48, which were not clearly delineated). In addition, RNs were not informed about the meaning and implications of the OSD prior to implementation. The study thus found an information gap between government and RNs at the production level, which appeared not to be with the government and the nurses, but in between. Most importantly, nurses seemed to be represented more by unions to government and bargaining councils, as opposed to nurses, while most of the respondents did not favour the division of nurses between professional associations and unions. Decisions in the PHS appeared to have been dominated by leaders who had no experience with pragmatic issues of health care services (HCS), particularly at the operational level, and the dynamics of the nursing profession. The study therefore concluded that, if the right people (nurses, doctors and systems) were put in place, and nurses were represented by nurses at government level, bargaining councils and parliament, discontent among RNs in the PHS could be reduced significantly. Existing strategies were found to deal with the symptoms and not the root cause of discontent among RNs in the PHS. / Health Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Health Studies)

Discontent with preaching as mode of communication is the problem statement of this study. The authoritative nature of deductive preaching is mirrored by the exploratory, "discovery nature" of inductive models, emphasizing how dialogical preaching is enhanced by incorporating inductive elements into preaching. Meaning production and levels of meaning were studied, and a hermeneutical model for Pentecostal churches were proposed. Dialogical preaching as attitude and principle as well as method was looked at, and the role of interactive participative communication in the dialogic process was described. Special emphasis was placed on the Parable, the metaphor and narrative preaching as models for inductive preaching, and the development and phases of the "plot" was examined. Bridging models between inductive and deductive styles were explored, while two dialogical tools for preparation of sermons were designed. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / Th.M. (Practical theology)

Sudden personal transformation (SPT) was defined as a subjectively reported, positive, profound, and lasting personal change that follows a relatively brief and memorable inner experience. Although such change has been described in numerous biographies, works of fiction, and religious and scholarly texts, a consistent definition and systematic program of research is lacking in the psychological literature. Moreover, almost nothing is known about what causes such change from the subjective point of view of individuals who have experienced it first hand. This study used semi-structured interviews and thematic analysis to explore the common beliefs of three participants about the factors that facilitated and the mechanisms that caused their SPT. Findings reveal that all participants reported a life transition, feeling miserable, feeling exhausted, feeling unable to resolve adverse circumstances, reaching a breaking point, and support from others facilitated their individual SPT’s. All participants also indicated that a formalized activity or ceremony as well as a process outside of their conscious control (either a higher power or a deep inner wisdom) produced or caused their SPT’s. Implications for future research and counselling practice are discussed. / Graduate