Desde 1994, ininterruptamente o PSDB elege seus candidatos ao governo do Estado de São Paulo. Hegemonia eleitoral de tamanha duração vitória em seis eleições consecutivas não foi alcançada por nenhum outro partido em pleitos estaduais na história democrática brasileira recente. Tal feito é ainda mais relevante ao levarmos em conta a trajetória eleitoral paulista, historicamente associada a quadros partidários e resultados das urnas surpreendentes. Assim, o objetivo desta pesquisa é identificar as bases sociais e territoriais do voto nos principais partidos do Estado de São Paulo, com ênfase no PSDB. Para tanto, utilizamos as seguintes variáveis: pesquisas eleitorais estratificadas por renda e escolaridade; tamanho dos municípios; nível de desenvolvimento médio das localidades (ao nível das zonas eleitorais e municípios) para duas regiões previamente estabelecidas a Grande São Paulo e o interior. Identificamos que o partido tucano obtém apoio crescente na medida em que se elevam os índices socioeconômicos do eleitorado. O partido, porém, mantém um importante suporte entre os setores populares sobretudo no interior do Estado. Por fim, ainda que obtenha penetração elevada em todos os municípios paulistas, o PSDB possui melhores resultados nas pequenas localidades. Ao final, discutimos estes achados à luz do panorama eleitoral, partidário e federativo no Brasil. / Since 1994 until this date the Social Democrat Brazilian Party PSDB has been continuously able to elect its candidates to the government of the state of São Paulo. Electoral hegemony for a very long time victory in 6 consecutive elections, it has been unmatched by any other party in any State of the federation in the history of Brazilian Democracy. This is extraordinary especially if we take on account the electoral politics in the history of São Paulo where political parties and election results are usually full of surprises. Thus the objective of this research is to identify the social and territorial localization of voters according to the major parties present in the State of São Paulo, emphasizing the PSDB. In order to achieve this analysis we work with the following variables: electoral surveys stratified by income and level of education; size of the municipalities; average development of the localities (at the level of constituencies and municipalities) for two regions previously selected: the Great São Paulo and the inland. We identified a growing support to PSDB as the income rises. Nevertheless the party maintains an important level of support among the popular sectors - especially in the inland of the State of São Paulo. Finally, although it has obtained a high level of support in all the municipalities of the State of São Paulo, PSDB had its best results in the small localities. These data are discussed in the light of the political and electoral panorama in Brazil.

In this research I analyse how the existence of regulations that allow private funding of election campaigns have created opportunities for crime. Three specific questions are addressed here: 1. Do electoral donations increase political corruption? 2. Why do companies give electoral donations? 3. How are electoral donors compensated? To address these questions, I adopted a nested analysis. This sequential, mixed method brings together the strengths of both regression analysis and case study research, while conducting a validity check—triangulation—by convergence of results via different methods and theoretical approaches. I first conducted a cross-national comparison of 78 countries; then, I conducted a survey of 302 private companies in Colombia; and finally, I documented one case that described how campaign contributions affect the political decision-making process. The main conclusion of this research is that electoral law creates opportunities for crime, because it legalizes the entrance of interested money into politics, disqualifies donors as perpetrators, and introduces regulations with null or limited deterrent effect on the delivery of undue reciprocities. Indeed, I demonstrated that electoral financing is used as a legal bribery by private corporations. The legal character of this political instrument is perverted when undue compensation is delivered to donors. This is not a crime with a single perpetrator; rather, donors and incumbents are equally involved. However, donors are protected by electoral law, because the money delivered as corrupt incentive is classified as legal. This suggests that the law is being used as a mechanism that neutralizes donors as perpetrators. This perspective points to the manipulative use of electoral law, or creative compliance, as the term is used by McBarnet (2006).

This article analyzes the role of political scandals at different times of the government’sactivity, with the intention to verify if news of corruption differs in electoral and non-electoral periods. We try to verify in what contexts Argentinean and Brazilian governments are more permeable to political scandals and respond more actively. We consider the electoral schedule and the type of Presidentialism in Argentina and Brazil. We argue that after an accusation of corruption in media, public officials assess risks in order to consider if their reputation were erode by not facing scandals of corruption. During electoral periods politicians fear of punishment from voters through mechanisms of electoral accountability. Finally we say that the majority Presidentialism is less permeable to allegations that coalition one. To corroborate these hypotheses we investigate responses of governments in Argentina (as a case of majoritarian Presidentialism),and in Brazil (as a case of coalitional Presidentialism). / Este artículo se propone analizar el papel de los escándalos políticos en diferentes momentos de actividad de un gobierno, con la intención de verificar si existen variaciones en los niveles de denuncias de corrupción entre los períodos electorales y los no eleccionarios. Asimis- mo, se intenta verificar en qué contextos los gobiernos de Argentina y Brasil son más permeables a las denuncias mediáticas y responden más activamente. Para ello, consideramos el calendario electoral y el tipo de presidencialismo de cada país. Se argumenta que, tras una acusación de corrupción en los medios, los funcionarios públicos evalúan los riesgos de ver sus reputaciones erosionadas por no enfrentar la denuncia. El costo para contrarrestar la opinión pública tiende a ser mayor en los períodos electorales, ya que el temor al castigo de los votantes mediante mecanismos de accountability electoral también aumenta. Finalmente, afirmamos que el presidencialismo mayoritario resulta menos permeable a las denuncias que uno de coalición. Para corroborar estas hipótesis se investigan las respuestas de los gobiernos en Argentina, como caso de presidencialismo mayoritario, y en Brasil, como caso de presidencialismo de coalición.

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo estudar o voto dividido para as eleições municipais de 2004 e 2008 no Brasil. A análise está centrada em verificar se os eleitores votam em candidatos de partidos e/ou coligações diferentes em um mesmo pleito, ou seja, se dividem ou não o voto para prefeito e vereador. Considera-se aqui que a coordenação eleitoral entre os partidos e as elites políticas tem um papel estruturador para uma divisão ou não do voto, sendo que um dos indícios de maior coordenação eleitoral está relacionado à capacidade dos partidos em coordenar suas ações a partir das coligações eleitorais. Assim, os resultados expostos demonstram como a coordenação eleitoral dos partidos, além de resultar em um maior sucesso eleitoral, diminui a probabilidade de divisão do voto por parte do eleitor. / The current work aims to investigate the split vote for the municipal elections of 2004 and 2008 in Brazil. The study focuses on verifying whether the electorate votes for candidates from different parties and/or coalitions in the same round or not i.e. whether voters split their votes in between the mayor and city counsellor. It is taken for granted in the literature the fact that the electoral co-ordinations among the various parties and political elites has an influential role for the splitting or not of the vote. One of the main indicators of greater electoral co-ordination is related to the party ability to co-ordinate its actions as from electoral coalitions. Thus, the results show how the party electoral co-ordination, besides fostering a greater electoral success, reduces the probability of splitting the vote on the part of the voter.

La presente investigación tiene como objetivo evaluar la conveniencia de implementar mejoras a través del uso de la tecnología al procedimiento de verificación de firmas que se encuentra a cargo de la Sub Gerencia de Verificación de Firmas y Apoyo Electoral del Registro Nacional de Identificación y Estado Civil (RENIEC). La finalidad es demostrar que es factible brindar un mejor servicio al ciudadano y así fortalecer el valor público dentro del sistema democrático del país, ya que la manera en la que actualmente se desarrolla este procedimiento se evidencia serios cuestionamientos en su seguridad científica y jurídica debido a los problemas existentes: firmas falsificadas, demora en la entrega de resultados, marco jurídico inadecuado, falta de personal capacitado y la no optimización de recursos públicos. Para efectuar este cambio en el procedimiento, se propone la modificación del marco normativo, la restructuración del procedimiento principal y la identificación de beneficios como consecuencia de la implementación propuesta. Este informe de la investigación realizada se encuentra organizada en cinco capítulos. En el primero, se presenta el marco teórico general. Aquí se describen aspectos relacionados con el sistema electoral peruano, como son el cuerpo normativo electoral, la legislación vigente en materia de creación y regulación del RENIEC, la gestión por indicadores, el valor público y los lineamientos de la política de modernización del Estado. El segundo capítulo se enfoca en describir la situación actual del procedimiento de verificación de firmas. En este, se detalla el área técnica del RENIEC que está a cargo de la realización de dicha actividad. Además, se hace una breve descripción del marco normativo de este procedimiento y de los indicadores de gestión que utiliza para su desarrollo. En el tercer capítulo, se abarcarán los objetivos estratégicos de la RENIEC con la finalidad de identificar como estos coadyuvan al mejoramiento del procedimiento de verificación de firmas. Además, se identifica cuál es el servicio brindado, los clientes que se benefician y los requerimientos utilizados para efectuar el mencionado procedimiento. En el cuarto capítulo, se identifican las áreas u órganos que intervienen en la ejecución del procedimiento de verificación de firmas. Asimismo, se detalla la forma en la que se realiza el mismo de acuerdo al marco normativo vigente; también, se presenta la evolución histórica del procedimiento de acuerdo a los últimos años. Finalmente, en el quinto capítulo, se aborda la mejora del procedimiento y, tras el análisis y evaluación del mismo, se identifican las dificultades existentes. Luego de ello, se valora la propuesta de mejora y se indica la secuencia lógica para su implementación. Para ello, se efectuó la propuesta normativa adecuada para implementar el nuevo sistema de verificación de identificación biométrica. Además, se indican los beneficios de uso del mismo y la estrategia para su implementación en el RENIEC en un plazo de tres (3) años, con lo cual se coadyuvará a la optimización de recursos y entrega de resultados. Y para finalizar, se presentan las conclusiones y recomendaciones en base a la propuesta de mejora y al plan de implementación. / The research is intended to evaluate the suitability of implementing improvements through the use of technology to the signature verification procedure performed by the Sub-Department of Signature Verification and Electoral Support of the National Registry of Identification and Civil Status (RENIEC). The purpose is to demonstrate the feasibility of providing user citizens with more effective services and strenghten public value within the country´s democratic system, since the way in which this procedure is currently being carried out does not generate legal certainty due to existing problems: forged signatures, delays in the delivery of results, an inadequate legal framework, insuffciently trained staff and nonoptimized public resources. In order to improve on the procedure, modifications to the regulatory framework, a restructuring of the main procedure and the identification of benefits derived from the proposed implementation are proposed. This research report consists of five chapters. In the first one, a general theoretical framework is presented. Aspects related to the Peruvian electoral system are described, such as the electoral regulatory body, such as the electoral regulatory body, the legislation responsible of the creation and regulation of RENIEC, its indicator-based management practices and the guidelines for the State modernization policy. The second chapter focuses on describing the current status of the signature verification procedure and of RENIEC’s technical department in charge of carrying out this activity is discussed. In addition, the chapter includes a brief description of the regulatory framework for this procedure and of the management indicators that it uses for its development. The third chapter covers RENIEC’s strategic objectives, in order to determine their contribution to the improvement of the signature verification procedure. It also identifies the service that is provided, the users that benefit from it and the requirements to perform this procedure. In the fourth chapter, the areas or bodies involved in the execution of the signature verification procedure are identified. The chapter also presents the steps to perform this procedure in compliance with the current regulatory framework. The historical evolution of the procedure in recent years is discussed as well. Finally, the fifth chapter discusses the improvement of the procedure and, after due analysis and evaluation, the identification of existing difficulties. The proposed improvement is assessed and the logical steps towards its implementation are provided. An appropriate normative proposal consisting of implementing the new biometric identification verification system is made. In addition, the chapter discusses its potential benefits and the strategy for its implementation by RENIEC in a three-year period, which will support the optimization of resources and the delivery of results. The final section of this research report includes conclusions and recommendations based on the proposed improvement and implementation plan. / Trabajo de investigación

L’objectif de cette thèse est double. D’une part, il convient de montrer que la réforme de l’État libanais ne progresse pas depuis l’accord de Taëf. Aujourd’hui, le Liban fait face à un blocage en raison de la controverse opposant les partis et forces politiques du pays autour de cette question. D’autre part, il s’agit d’identifier cette controverse sur la base de leurs priorités électorales et de la légitimité des coalitions qu’ils forment.Dans la première partie, nous avons exploré la structure de la Constitution, l'évolution des relations entre les partis libanais et l’État, et la typologie des partis libanais. À l’issue de cette partie, nous avons présenté les diverses tentatives de réforme effectuées dans les domaines du social, de l’économie, de la justice, de la défense, des relations extérieures et de l'environnement.Dans la deuxième partie, nous avons analysé les programmes électoraux présentés par les partis à l’occasion des élections parlementaires et municipales des années 1993, 1996, 1998, 2000 et 2004. Nous avons accordé une large place au projet porté par le Premier ministre Rafic Hariri, concernant la reconstruction du pays et surtout de Beyrouth après des années de guerre. Les diverses positions des partis envers ce projet ont aussi été récapitulées.Dans la troisième partie, nous avons procédé à une étude comparative des programmes électoraux des partis lors des deux élections parlementaires libanaises de 2005 et 2009. Nous avons vu que la transformation du système partisan ont entraîné des changements en termes de priorités électorales au sein des partis ; d’où l’émergence d’autres conceptions de la réforme de l’État. Dans le dernier chapitre, nous avons proposé une étude de terrain portant sur trois principaux éléments: la participation des jeunes Libanais, leurs visions sur les priorités de la réforme de l’État, et leurs perceptions des forces au pouvoir et des partis politiques dans ce processus de réforme. Enfin, nous avons interviewé des membres et des responsables de partis, afin de cerner leurs points de vue et de déterminer si, selon eux, il existe une solution à la crise que vit l’État libanais. Cette étude nous a permis d’ouvrir des nouvelles voies de recherche pour l’avenir du Liban. / This study has a dual aim: On the one hand, addressing the failure of the Lebanese state’s reform process, because of the parties dispute over it, since the Taif Agreement until today. And on the other hand it aims to identify this dispute from these parties electoral priorities and their political coalitions perspective In the first part, we explored the structure of the Lebanese Constitution, the evolving relationship between parties and the state, and then the political and the typology of these parties. Finally, in this part, we addressed reform efforts in various areas such as: social, economic, justice, defense, environment, and foreign relationships.In the second part, we analyzed the election programs during different parliamentary and municipal elections of 1993, 1996, 1998, 2000 and 2004. This led us to focus on Prime Minister Rafic Hariri's project to rebuild the country, in particular, Beirut after the civil war and the position of the parties concerning this project.In the third part, we made a comparative study for the parties' election programs for the two parliamentary elections of 2005 and 2009. It was noted that the transformation accord in the party system has led to changes in the electoral priorities of the parties and thus in their perspectives towards the reform of the State. In the last chapter, we made a field study on the participation of the Lebanese youth, their views on the priorities of the reform of the state, and their perceptions of the Parliament’s role, the government and the political parties' role in the process of the State reform. Finally, we interviewed members and leaders of the political parties to stand at their views on solving the crisis of the Lebanese state. We hope this study will contribute in opening new horizons for the future of Lebanon.

The master's thesis "Electoral Geography of Poland After 1989" explores the spatial distribution of patterns of electoral behavior in Poland on the basis of analysis of the results of all presidential elections and elections to the Sejm that took place in the country between the years 1990-2010. The main hypothesis tested by this master thesis is that former boundaries between Russia, Prussia (Germany) and Austria (Austria-Hungary), between which the territory of modern-day Poland was divided in the 19th century, still have an impact on Poland's electoral geography. On the basis of this hypothesis, political parties and presidential candidates are divided into two pre-defined categories: traditionalist and modernist The validity of the hypothesis is then proven by visual analysis of political parties' and presidential candidates' electoral maps, and also by the application of Pearson's correlation coefficient on political parties' electoral results from constituencies and presidential candidates' electoral results from voivodships. In contemporary Poland, a clear rift exists between the parts of the country formerly dominated by Prussia (Germany) and major Polish cities on the one hand (also known as "Poland A"), and Russia and Austria (Austria-Hungary) on the other hand (which is sometimes...

The presented thesis mainly focuses on an analysis of twenty years of the politics of electoral reform in Czechoslovakia (1990-1992), on the federal level (the Federal Assembly), and the national level (the Czech National Council), respectively, and later on the politics of electoral reform in the Czech Republic, on the national level (the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic). First, the thesis discusses how and why electoral systems are chosen and changed. Recent analysis of the politics of electoral reform has yielded two main theoretical perspectives regarding the reforms of recent decades. The first one, the power-maximizing perspective, assumes that politicians control the choice of the electoral system and that they are motivated to maximize their power. The other perspective allows for a wider range of actors - in particular, including ordinary citizens as well as politicians - and sees electoral reform as the product of a mix of inherent and contingent factors. Reform can, under this approach, occur in response to specific instances of systemic failure. More recently, Alan Renwick (in 2010 and more precisely in 2011) seeks to develop a more refined understanding of electoral reform processes through two steps. At the outset, there is an acknowledgement that there are...

Elections are a core democratic procedure intended to peacefully transfer power between political parties. However, in many parts of the world, elections are associated with the strategic use of violence to affect results and future power dynamics. This study tests a current theory on how the state apparatus affects challengers’ and incumbents’ perpetration of electoral violence. It hypothesizes that incumbents are the main perpetrator of electoral violence because they have a comparative advantage through the coercive state apparatus. This makes resorting to election violence more rational for incumbents. The hypothesis is empirically tested by conducting a logistic regression on global data from the DECO and QoG datasets. The results are inconclusive due to statistical insignificance and low confidence in the accuracy of the expected relationship. Moreover, the inconclusive result is assumably affected by scarce and incompatible data. While the result is inconclusive, the paper contributes to research by providing descriptive statistics on the main perpetrator of electoral violence. Furthermore, the research design can also be a reference for future research on how state capacity affects electoral violence.

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