[pt] Esse trabalho tem como objetivo descrever o processo de institucionalização de políticas ambientais no Banco Mundial.Inicialmente, a dissertação descreve a organização internacional e suas formas de atuação sobre os países membros; tanto financeiramente quanto na incorporação e na disseminação de conhecimento. Na segunda parte são particularmente enfatizadas as mudanças organizacionais ocorridas em três fases - de 1970 a 1987, de 1987 a 1992, e de 1992 em diante -, cujo objetivo foi incluir as políticas ambientais nas rotinas e processos do Bird. / [en] This work intends to describe the process of environmental institutionalization occurred in the World Bank. Initially, the thesis describes the international organization not only as an economic resource provider to its members but also as an intellectual actor. Then, it was particularly emphasized three phases that led to organizational changes - from 1970 to 1987, from 1987 to 1992, and from 1992 on -, in order to include environmental aspects into the routines of the Bank.

Made available in DSpace on 2010-04-20T20:48:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 3 68478.PDF.jpg: 11886 bytes, checksum: ec7cb706097c24a59adc7d2a0fded08b (MD5) 68478.PDF: 1828377 bytes, checksum: 482bceea6b96921a46f51ea948294272 (MD5) 68478.PDF.txt: 665595 bytes, checksum: b2a8222c119c90db3d3beb6273b4b9ad (MD5) Previous issue date: 2003-06-24T00:00:00Z / Num contexto marcado pela difusão e consolidação do conceito de desenvolvimento sustentável e como desdobramento do Projeto Áridas - estratégia de desenvolvimento sustentável para o Nordeste brasileiro - é promulgado, em 1997, o Plano de Desenvolvimento Sustentável do Rio Grande do Norte - P.D.S./R.N.. Constatado o insatisfatório grau de cumprimento de suas ações, esta tese busca identificar e analisar os fatores que dificultam a implementação do P.D.S./R.N.. Dadas a diversidade e a complexidade dos temas abordados no Plano potiguar, optou-se por fazer um recorte de uma de suas polítcas - a Política Ambiental - já que a economia norte rio-grandense tem se baseado, nas últimas décadas, sobretudo, na exploração de recursos naturais, na fruticultura e no turismo. A fim de checar o pressuposto assumido pelo presente trabalho - o de que dificuldade de implementação da Política Ambiental contida no P.D.S./R.N. deve-se, de um lado, à ineficiência do Estado e de outro, à baixa capacidade de articulação dos atores sociais - utilizou-se a pesquisa bibliográfica, a investigação documental e a pesquisa de campo com entrevistas semi-estruturadas. Por fim, em contraposição aos fatores identificados como dificultadores do processo de implementação da Política Ambiental, são sugeridos aspectos passíveis de aumentar as possibilidades de sucesso de uma política dessa natureza. / In a context marked by the diffusion and the consolidation of sustainable development concept and, as expansion of the Áridas Project – strategy of sustainable development for the Northeastern Brazil – it is promulgated in 1997, The Rio Grande do Norte Sustainable Development Plan – R.N./ S.D.P.. Verified the unsatisfactory level of its acts fulfillment, this thesis intends to identify and analyze the agents that embarrass the implementation of R.N/ S.D.P.. Given the diversity and complexity of the topic broached in the Potiguar Plan, it was chosen to clip one of its politics – the environmental politics– since the Rio Grande do Norte economy has been based, in the past decades, above all, in the exploitation of the natural resources, in the fruit growing and in the tourism. Intending to check the presupposed assumed by the present work – that the difficulty of implementation of environmental politics enclosed in the R.N./ S.D.P. is due to, on one side, the inefficiency of the state and on the other side, the poor capacity of articulation of its social members - bibliographical research, documental investigation and research made in the mentioned place through semi-structured interviews were used for so. Finally, in opposition to the agents identified as responsible for the embarrassment to the process of the environmental politics implementation, aspects which are capable of increasing the possibilities of success to such politic are suggested.

Faced with environmental problems such as climate change and biodiversity loss, the dominant political response has been sustainable development, balancing environmental protection against economic prosperity and social justice. While political action is increasingly being called for, the role and capacity of the state is questioned – as captured neatly in the story from government to governance that implies a relocation of authority and power between policy levels and in public-private relations, as well as a radical restructuring within public administration. Taking its conceptual point of departure in theories of sustainable development, govern­ance, and policy change, this thesis assesses, explains, and theorises about recent developments of environmental governing within Swedish forestry and transport, two areas with high environmental impact and that involve strong eco­nomic val­ues and interests. The findings are presented in four articles that have all been published in leading academic journals. The thesis concludes that public policy has changed within both policy areas as environmental objectives and new modes of governing have been adopted – a development that can be characterised as governing towards sustainability. However, the storyline from government to governance is too simple to capture these changes. The state remains important in several ways (actor, arena, institutional structure, form of authority) and influ­ences society through a variety of modes of governing. Thus, governance and government remain relevant. To explain policy change we need to recognise mul­tiple barriers to and enablers of change as well as having a contextual under­standing of the policy area in focus. The thesis concludes by arguing that sustain­able development needs to be politicised in terms of visible political action and open political contestation between differing visions of a sustainable society.

The Swedish ecological breakthrough of the late 1960’s and the early 1970’s entailed a rapid proliferation of competing perspectives on the environment, on man’s relation to it, and on the possible – dystopian or utopian – futures that lay ahead. By drawing on the theoretical concept of sociotechnical imaginaries as defined by Sheila Jasanoff and Sang-Hyun Kim, this thesis aims to explore the critical role played by these perspectives, and by these visions of the future, during this formative period of the emerging environmental consciousness and of early Swedish environmental politics. With this purpose in mind, the thesis examines the sociotechnical imaginaries mobilized in three Swedish books on environmental politics written by politically concerned scientists, as well as the two first environmental manifests published by the ruling Social Democratic Party in 1968 and 1972. By comparing the imaginaries mobilized in each text, the thesis then argues that the party incorporated certain elements of the critical perspectives into the dominant paradigm, but that they never wavered in their commitment to industrial development. The thesis also shows how these environmental imaginaries were used to legitimize political power, as well as the social democratic hegemony.

This thesis examines 'improvement' of wetland commons in early modern England as a contested process of rapid environmental change. As a flagship project of agrarian improvement, drainage sought to alchemise pastoral fen commons into arable enclosed terra firma and promised manifold benefits for crown, commoners, and commonwealth alike. In practice, however, improvement schemes generated friction between the political and fiscal agendas of governors and projectors and local communities' customary ways of knowing and using wetland commons, provoking the most sustained and violent agrarian unrest of the seventeenth century. This thesis situates the first state-led drainage project in England, in the northern fens of Hatfield Level, in the context of the local politics of custom, national legal and political developments, and international movements of capital, expertise, and refugees; all of which intersected to reshape perceptions and management of English wetlands. Drawing on the analytic perspectives of environmental history, this thesis explores divergent ideas and practices generating conflict over the making of private property, reorganisation of flow, and reconfiguration of lived environments. This thesis argues that different 'environing' practices - both mental and material - distinguished what was seen as an ordered or disordered landscape, determined when and how water was understood as a resource or risk, and demarcated different scales and forms of intervention. Rival visions of the fenscape, ways of knowing land and water, and concepts of value and justice were productive of, and produced by, different practices of management, ownership, and use. Drainage disputes therefore crossed different spheres of discourse and action, spanning parliament, courtroom, and commons to bring improvement into dialogue with fen custom and generate a contentious environmental politics. In seven substantive chapters, this thesis investigates how improvement was imagined, legitimised, and enacted; how fen communities experienced and navigated rapid environmental transformation; and how political, social, and spatial boundaries were reforged in the process. By grounding improvement in the early modern fenscape, this thesis reintegrates agency into accounts of inexorable socio-economic change, illuminates ideas at work in social contexts, and deepens understandings of environmental conflict.

隨著氣候變遷及其不利影響的科學證據日益明確，國際社會與主權國家從1980年代以來關懷思考如何因應氣候議題。台灣受限於特殊的國際地位，難以參與《氣候變遷綱要公約》與《京都議定書》為主的國際氣候談判，但是台灣如何因應氣候議題，對於國內與國際都具有重要性。對於國內而言，氣候變遷產生議題連結的效果，加劇環境退化現象，觸發極端氣候事件的頻率與程度，衝擊處於生態脆弱的台灣。對於國際而言，台灣屬於主要的排放溫室氣體國家，意謂台灣是否願意承諾積極的減排責任，對於全球氣候行動舉足輕重。然而，當台灣從2005年推動《溫室氣體減量法》的立法過程，卻採取消極的政治立場，不僅不願意建立積極的減量目標與期程，同時立法院也不願意通過該法以因應全球氣候倡議。本研究討論不同國家面對國際氣候行動採取各自的政治立場，台灣為何選擇消極的政治立場。 在研究理論與方法上，本研究提出修正的利益解釋模型，該模型認為有兩個因素得以解釋國家因應國際環境倡議的立場。第一個因素是風險認知，其認為國家面對國際環境倡議的政治立場，考量國內民眾對於生態脆弱性的風險認知。第二個因素是考量污染減量經濟成本，國內決策者基於各自的成本與利益考量，在決策過程中彼此協商，形塑國家減量成本與利益盤算，當減量成本越低，則國家越傾向於支持國際環境行動，反之亦然。基於修正模型的假定，本研究利用不同的研究方法與資料，分析上述兩項因素。在風險認知面向，本研究利用中央研究院社會學研究所進行台灣社會變遷基本調查2010年六期一次問卷Ⅱ環境題組的實證資料進行統計分析。在減量成本面向，本研究就《溫室氣體減量法》立法過程涉及相關行為者進行深度訪談，透過質化分析理解不同行為者在決策過程的互動。 在研究結果上，本研究發現在風險認知上，台灣民眾儘管認知氣候風險的嚴重性，但是考量氣候變遷的不利影響與後續因應都具有長期特性，降低民眾支持台灣採取積極的政治立場以因應氣候議題的意願。在減量成本上，因應氣候議題的決策形成一種姿態政治（gestural politics），儘管積極倡議台灣必須因應國際氣候議題，但是卻不願意制訂涵蓋積極減量目標與總量管制的《溫室氣體減量法》，其原因在於氣候決策嵌入能源與產業結構的挑戰。在能源結構上，台灣面對核能使用的政治爭議，加以再生能源短期難以巨幅成長，使得台灣仍然呈現以化石燃料為主的能源結構。在產業結構上，既有發展型國家的思維使得政治菁英傾向於強調發展的重要性，依賴高污染、高耗能與高排碳產業推動國家經濟發展，而難以透過調整能源價格等政治策略，改變依賴高排碳產業的產業結構。