De senaste vetenskapliga rapporterna visar på betydande miljö- och klimatförändringar. Dethar lett till en ökad medvetenhet och växande oro inför klimatfrågor bland EU-medborgare.EU har genom sin samordnande roll fått en allt större betydelse för att tackla dessautmaningar. Samtidigt finns en skepsis mot EU och det väcker frågan om oro för miljön ochklimatförändringar kanske samvarierar med tillit till EU. Syftet med studien är att undersökaom det finns en samvariation mellan miljöoro och tillit till EU bland EU-medborgare. Samtatt undersöka hur miljöoro står sig mot tidigare förklaringar för tillit till EU, såsomidentitetsrelaterade faktorer och utilitaristiska faktorer.Studiens beroende variabel, tillit till EU, är utformad så att respondenterna antingen tenderaratt lita på EU eller inte. För att spegla miljöoro används en variabel som är konstruerad efterde som angett miljön och klimatförändringar som ett viktigt problem för EU.Identitetsrelaterade faktorer undersöks med hjälp av variabler som är kopplade till en starkkänsla av nationell identitet. För att undersöka utilitaristiska faktorer används variabler somfångar respondentens situation på arbetsmarknaden och inkomst. För att undersökasamvariationen utförs en logistisk regression på tvärsnittsdata. Resultatet visar på en positivsamvariation mellan miljöoro och tillit till EU. Resultatet visar även en negativ effekt mellande identitetsrelaterade faktorerna och tillit till EU samt en positiv effekt mellan deutilitaristiska faktorerna och tillit till EU.

Denna uppsats syftar till att analysera EU:s förslag till en gemensam europeisk invandrings- och asylpolitik som presenterades av Kommissionen den 17 juli 2008. Foucaults begrepp governmentalitet och hans förståelse av diskurs har använts som analytiska verktyg för att hjälpa till att påvisa logiken bakom förslaget. För att göra detta studeras vilka diskurser som ligger till grund för förslaget samt vilken typ av diskurs som förslaget förmedlar och vilken effekt denna kan tänkas ha på samhällsklimatet och relationerna människor emellan inom EU. Kärnan till analysen är formandet av den europeiska befolkningen och en europeisk identitet. Invandringspolitik kan sägas handla om att sköta distributionen av människor och sätta upp ramar för vem som ska inkluderas i vilken befolkning och under vilka förutsättningar. EU:s invandringspolitik säger därför en hel del om vilka människor som unionen önskas bestå av, och även vilken relation organisationen önskar ha till den egna befolkningen. Centrala punkter är bevarandet av välfärden inom unionen och etablerandet av en europeisk gemenskap. En strategi som diskuteras angående skapandet av denna gemenskap är etableringen av idén om hotet mot Europa, och på vilket sätt detta kan sägas vara ett sätt för EU att motivera bevakningen av den egna befolkningen. Vidare undersöks sambanden mellan skapandet av en europeisk gemenskap eller europeisk identitet och tendenser mot en ökad eurocentrism baserad på samma värderingar som den nationalism som EU skapades för att motverka. Den bild som EU producerar av Europa och den europeiska befolkningen innebär indirekt en formulering av det som finns utanför och de som inte anses tillhöra denna gemenskap. Denna uppsats ämnar påvisa hur detta tillsammans med den bild som EU förmedlar av invandrare och invandring kan antas påverka attityderna och relationerna inom Europa. / This thesis aims at analysing the EU's proposal for a common immigration and asylum policy for Europe that was presented by the Commission on the 17th of July 2008. Foucault's notion governmentality and his understanding of discourse have been used as analytical tools to help demonstrate the logic behind the proposal. To do this focus is put on which discourses it is that constitutes the foundation of the proposal, which type of discourse that is created through the proposal and what effects it could be considered having on the European society and the human relations within the EU.The core of the analysis is the shaping of the European population and a European identity. Immigration policies are concerned with dealing with the distribution of people, and creating frames for who gets to be included in which population and under which circumstances. The EU's immigration policy therefore says a lot about which people are wanted within the union, and also which type of relationship the organisation wishes to have with its population. Key points are the maintenance of the welfare within the union and the establishment of a European community. One strategy that are discussed concerning the achievement of this community is the establishment of the idea about the threat against Europe, and in what way this could be a way for the EU to motivate the surveillance of its own population. Further the connections are studied between the creation of a European community or European identity and tendencies towards an increased eurocentrism based on the same values as the nationalism the EU was created to prevent. The picture the EU produces of Europe and the European population also indirect imply a formulation of what is outside and those not considered being a part of this community. This thesis aims at showing how this, along with the picture the EU presents of immigrants and immigration, can be assumed to affect the attitudes and relations within Europe.

The most happening in today’s world is the issue of global warming and the Arab spring. They both are matters of concern and the term globalization explains their complication. A lot of aspects in this world are inter-connected, starting from events of climate change to events of the Arab spring they all require an international response. The happenings in the Arab spring have jeopardized the common values, mutual interests and the democratic values the world is building upon. It is a huge hit to the modern society with so many existing organizations, institutions and rule of law that are contradicting these events. In consideration with these events, this paper will concentrate on EU and its institutional capability in resolving the issues of Arab spring. Regardless, that these events have a global influence. EU’s response will be reflected considering its interests in the region and geo-political location. The interpretation will have emphasis on preliminary and present EU-Syria relations in co-ordination with theory and policy conditions. The theory used in this regard will be Liberal Intergovernmentalism (LI) and the policy conditions that would be referred to is Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP).

No

Yes

Yes / The African continent is a sleeping giant which will increasingly be a player to be reckoned with on the global stage. At the same time, its migration potential will be multiplied by Africa’s forthcoming demographic explosion. Consequently, the EU and Africa have a shared interest in working together towards making African development sustainable. African integration will be key towards speeding up this process. This paper first evaluates the stakes of the African challenge for the European Union. It considers the economic potential that can be unleashed by speeding up integration processes in Africa. Second, it argues that Africa will be ‘the China of the 21st Century’, and that any development, positive or negative, taking place there will have large repercussions in Europe, and that therefore the EU and Africa are communities of destiny in need of a joint approach towards African industrialisation. Finally, it provides a roadmap of important steps that Europe needs to consider in its endeavour to support African development.

No description available.

This study has aimed to examine the actions of the European Union and its member states during the on-going refugee crisis. The EU is founded on a certain set of values and institutions that were clearly abandoned by more than one of the actors of the EU in the face of the overwhelming refugee crisis. The purpose is thus to investigate the cause behind these decisions by using two European integration theories. Neofunctionalism and Security Communities were chosen because of their founding role in the field of theories and because they constitute a so called hard case. The study concludes that the reason for these actions has its explanation in the lack of trust and common values between the member states. The crisis is also perceived by some actors as an outside threat due to the securitization of the European identity.

This study examines whether the policy breadth and the alternatives in European politics affect variations in voter turnout between member states in elections to the European Union Parliament. The theoretical approach assumes that; a larger political polarization, an increase in EU-skeptical parties and a greater voting mobilization among groups with less means results in higher voter turnout figures. The study also consider four other variables; whether the election is held on weekends or weekdays, whether elections coincide with other national elections, whether a country has held the presidential of the EU during or the immediate term prior to the election and finally the turnout figures from national elections. The research design is based upon a quantitative analysis using data from EP elections, national elections and databases from the European Elections Studies (EES). Study unit is twelve member-state countries and their four latest EP elections (1994, 1999, 2004 and 2009). The selected member-states origin from the EU-15 excluding Belgium, Greece and Luxembourg due to their compulsory voting laws. The study found relationships between higher turnout figures in EP-elections and increase in EU-skeptical parties, greater mobilization among groups with less means, elections held on weekends, elections coinciding with other, national elections and an increase in voter figures in national elections.

A different type of polity requires a different type of constitution; more importantly, it also requires a different way of thinking, a new constitutionalism able to address the relevant descriptive and normative questions facing this new political entity. This thesis tries to contribute to the development of EU constitutionalism by focusing on the interplay between the different normative concerns behind the EU’s market freedoms identified in traditional legal discourse – as results mainly from court decisions and academic discussions –, and the institutional environment which mediates the freedoms’ application. It is hypothesised that such interplay can be better understood by reference to the findings of some disciplines ‘external’ to internal legal discourses such as economics, philosophy, or political science. Normatively, it is hoped that debates concerning the market freedoms that take into account ‘external elements’ will be more attractive to the legal community than those that do not include such considerations. Descriptively, it is submitted that the incorporation of insights arising from these ‘external’ disciplines into the traditional modes of discourse and analysis on the EU market freedoms – in effect, the internalisation of these ‘external’ elements – can provide better descriptive fits of the law and its development than theories that do not take them into account. An incidental result of this approach is that by the end of this thesis a theory of the market freedoms will have been sketched: by combining ‘internal’ and ‘external’ elements, an analytical framework can be developed that is able to make descriptive sense, formally and substantively, of free movement law at both its most general – where formal common structures seem to be undeniable, and a minimum common substantive content can be found –, and at its most detailed levels – where substantive variations and greater normative specification seem to exist.