When Turkey became a candidate of the EU in 1999 it had been a problematic applicant for forty years due to residual unpopularity with several member states for cultural, economic, security and normative reasons. However, the Helsinki European Council heralded a change of fortunes for Ankara and by 2005 accession negotiations had opened. This happened in spite of Turkey remaining an unpopular candidate with some member states. Moreover, since 2005, Turkey s standing within the EU has returned to a position akin to its pre-1999 stasis. This thesis thus asks: why did Turkey make such progress between 1999 and 2004/5? What was the specific configuration of structures, processes and actions that enabled that to happen then but not before or after? The thesis approaches this puzzle using a stretched eclectic version of Historical Institutionalism which can incorporate the effects of both structure and agency. In this way it can include the influence of wider structural factors, such as CEEC enlargement, Cyprus and ESDP as well as the agency of Turkey s advocates within the EU. It is a detailed qualitative process-tracing study which uses semi-structured interviews and documentary evidence to make a case for a given explanation. It concludes that a path dependent process, influenced by both structure and agency, can be traced from the Helsinki European Council to that in Brussels five years later which rhetorically entrapped the member states into agreeing to open accession negotiations in spite of Turkey s underlying unpopularity. By adopting this framework for analysis, the thesis makes a contribution to the literature on the Turkey-EU accession process by viewing the time period as a whole and taking a temporal rather than a snapshot approach. In so doing it is possible to explain why and how Turkey was able to make such progress between 1999 and 2004. It is also valuable in the study of present Turkey-EU relations as the ultimate conclusion has to be that there was a unique window of opportunity for both Turkey and the EU during this time and the window may now have closed.

La spectroscopie de fluorescence induite par laser et par rayonnement synchrotron a été utilisée pour analyser l'intense émission de l'ion Eu3+ dans les fluorures K2YF5 et K2GdF5. L'utilisation conjuguée de la spectroscopie résolue dans le temps, de la variation de la concentration en ions Eu3+ a permis d'identifier les niveaux électroniques de l'ion Eu3+ après excitation dans les niveaux 5D2, 5D1 et 5D0. Les répartitions spectrales de la fluorescence se corrèlent parfaitement avec un ion Eu3+ inséré dans un site de symétrie C1 . A basse température, en dessous de 100 K, des structures satellites apparaissent de part et d'autre des raies principales d'excitation 7F0 -> 5D0-2. L'analyse des évolutions spectrales et temporelles des fluorescences à partir du niveau 5D0 sous excitation sélective dans les raies principales d'excitation et dans les raies satellites en fonction de la température et de la concentration en ion EU3+ a permis d'attribuer les structures supplémentaires à des signatures de paires Eu3+-Eu3+ dont l'existence est favorisée par le caractère unidimensionnel de la structure cristallographique, y compris le composé K2EuF5. Des mécanismes de cascades et de divisions de photons impliquant les ions Gd3+ et Eu3+ ont été identifiés dans K2GdF5 sous excitation VUV. Finalement le caractère unidimensionnel de la structure s'avère être un handicap pour réaliser des luminophores à rendement quantique supérieur à l'unité.

<p>This study examines whether the policy breadth and the alternatives in European politics affect variations in voter turnout between member states in elections to the European Union Parliament.</p><p>The theoretical approach assumes that; a larger political polarization, an increase in EU-skeptical parties and a greater voting mobilization among groups with less means results in higher voter turnout figures. The study also consider four other variables; whether the election is held on weekends or weekdays, whether elections coincide with other national elections, whether a country has held the presidential of the EU during or the immediate term prior to the election and finally the turnout figures from national elections.</p><p>The research design is based upon a quantitative analysis using data from EP elections, national elections and databases from the European Elections Studies (EES). Study unit is twelve member-state countries and their four latest EP elections (1994, 1999, 2004 and 2009). The selected member-states origin from the EU-15 excluding Belgium, Greece and Luxembourg due to their compulsory voting laws.</p><p>The study found relationships between higher turnout figures in EP-elections and increase in EU-skeptical parties, greater mobilization among groups with less means, elections held on weekends, elections coinciding with other, national elections and an increase in voter figures in national elections.</p>

<p>Syftet med uppsatsen är att utreda handlingskapaciteten av EU:s utrikespolitik. Irakkrisen valdes som empiriskt exempel där EU ansågs ha lidit av handlingsförlamning. Tecken på handlingsförlamningen var avsaknaden av en gemensam position samt en effektiv ståndpunkt. Syftet är därför att utreda varför en gemensam ståndpunkt inte presenterades. Uppsatsen diskuterar även om resultatet är specifikt för Irakkrisen eller om det är generellt för den europeiska utrikespolitiken. Två modeller som förklarar handlingskapacitet används för att utreda Irakkrisen. Modellerna är uppbyggda av variabler som förklarar handlingskapacitet. Den första modellen inkluderar självständighet, sammanhållning, auktoritet och erkännande. Modell två använder tillfälle/möjlighet, närvaro och kapacitet. Modell ett visar att EU saknade auktoritet, vilket påverkade de övriga variablerna negativt. Resultatet anses vara generellt för den europeiska utrikespolitiken snarare än specifikt för Irakkrisen, eftersom auktoritet enbart kan förändras i en bearbetning av fördragen. Sammanhållning kan bero på fallet men på grund av komplexiteten i utrikespolitik är det en stor risk att även sammanhållning kan brista. Modell två framhåller en process där EU skapar sig en roll i världspolitiken. Rollen förstärks genom EU:s agerande. Den roll som EU har skapat sig antyder inte en enhet som agerar krig, utan är snarare förenlig med återuppbyggandet efter krig. Idén om EU har konsekvenser för vad ett tillfälle/möjlighet innebär, likaså för EU:s kapacitets trovärdighet. Eftersom rollen skapas i en process som sker över tiden så är risken stor att de svårigheter som resultatet belyser är generella. Det vill säga att problematiken troligen kommer återfinnas i liknande kriser.</p> / <p>The aim of the thesis is to evaluate the actorness of EU’s foreign policy. The crisis in Iraqwas chosen as an empirical example, where the EU was considered to have suffered from incapacity. Signs of the incapacity were the lack of a common position and effective statements. The aim is therefore to evaluate why there was no common position presented. The thesis furthermore discusses whether the result is specific for the Iraq crisis, or if it is general for the European foreign policy. Two models explaining actorness are used to evaluate the crisis in Iraq. The models are constituted by variables explaining actorness. The first model includes autonomy, cohesion, authority and recognition. Model two uses opportunity, presence and capacity. Model one shows that EU lacked in authority, which affected the remaining variables negatively. The result is considered general to the European foreign policy, rather than specific to the Iraq crisis, since authority can only be changed in a revision of the treaties. The cohesion may depend on the case, but due to the complexity of foreign policy there is a great risk that it may also fail. Model two emphasises a process where the EU creates a role for itself in world politics. The role is enforced by the EU’s actions. The role that the EU has created does not suggest an entity that acts in war, but is rather more compatible with the rebuilding after war. The idea of the EU has consequences for what constitutes an opportunity, as well as for the credibility of EU’s capacity. Since the role is created in a process that takes place over time there is a great risk that the problems, that the result elucidates, are general and not specific to the Iraq crisis.</p>

Public debate about energy relations between the EU and Russia is distorted. These distortions present considerable obstacles to the development of true partnership. At the core of the conflict is a struggle for resource rents between energy producing, energy consuming and transit countries. Supposed secondary aspects, however, are also of great importance. They comprise of geopolitics, market access, economic development and state sovereignty. The European Union, having engaged in energy market liberalisation, faces a widening gap between declining domestic resources and continuously growing energy demand. Diverse interests inside the EU prevent the definition of a coherent and respected energy policy. Russia, for its part, is no longer willing to subsidise its neighbouring economies by cheap energy exports. The Russian government engages in assertive policies pursuing Russian interests. In so far, it opts for a different globalisation approach, refusing the role of mere energy exporter. In view of the intensifying struggle for global resources, Russia, with its large energy potential, appears to be a very favourable option for European energy supplies, if not the best one. However, several outcomes of the strategic game between the two partners can be imagined. Engaging in non-cooperative strategies will in the end leave all stakeholders worse-off. The European Union should therefore concentrate on securing its partnership with Russia instead of damaging it. Stable cooperation would need the acceptance that the partner may pursue his own goals, which might be different from one’s own interests. The question is, how can a sustainable compromise be found? This thesis finds that a mix of continued dialogue, a tit for tat approach bolstered by an international institutional framework and increased integration efforts appears as a preferable solution. / Die öffentliche Debatte über die Energiebeziehungen Russlands und der EU ist verzerrt. Diese Verzerrungen verhindern die Entwicklung einer wirklichen Energiepartnerschaft. Kern des Konflikts ist ein Kampf um Rohstoffrenten zwischen Energie produzierenden, Energie konsumierenden und Transitstaaten. Dabei sind scheinbar nebensächliche Aspekte wie geopolitische Überlegungen, Marktzutrittsbedingungen, wirtschaftliche Entwicklung und staatliche Souveränität, die kaum Beachtung finden, von umso größerer Bedeutung. Die EU, die ihre Energiemärkte liberalisiert, sieht sich einer wachsenden Lücke zwischen abnehmenden eigenen Ressourcen und stetig steigender Energienachfrage gegenüber. Vielfältige Interessen innerhalb der Union verhindern die Definition einer kohärenten und allgemein akzeptierten Energiepolitik. Russland seinerseits ist nicht länger gewillt, die Volkswirtschaften seiner Nachbarstaaten mit billigen Energieexporten zu subventionieren. Die russische Regierung verfolgt russische Interessen, und tut dies durchaus mit Nachdruck. Insofern, als dass sie für Russland selbst mehr als die Rolle eines bloßen Energieexporteurs wünscht, verfolgt sie auch eine eigene Herangehensweise an die Globalisierung. Vor dem Hintergrund des zunehmenden globalen Wettstreits um Ressourcen erscheint Russland mit seinem großen Energiepotential als sehr vorteilhafte, wenn nicht sogar die beste Option für die europäische Energieversorgung. In einem solchen strategischen Spiel der beiden Partner sind grundsätzlich verschiedene Ergebnisse vorstellbar. Wählen beide nichtkooperative Strategien, so verlieren letztlich alle Beteiligten. Die EU sollte sich deshalb darauf konzentrieren, ihre Partnerschaft mit Russland zu intensivieren, anstatt sie zu beschädigen. Eine verlässliche Kooperation setzt dabei die Akzeptanz voraus, dass der Partner seine eigenen Ziele verfolgt, die durchaus verschieden von EU-Interessen sein können. Die Frage ist, wie ein dauerhaft tragfähiger Kompromiss gefunden werden kann. Diese Arbeit argumentiert im Sinne einer Kombination aus fortgeführtem Dialog, einer tit-for-tat Strategie, die von einem internationalen institutionellen Rahmenwerk begleitet wird sowie verstärkten Integrationsbemühungen.

Public debate about energy relations between the EU and Russia is distorted. These distortions present considerable obstacles to the development of true partnership. At the core of the conflict is a struggle for resource rents between energy producing, energy consuming and transit countries. Supposed secondary aspects, however, are also of great importance. They comprise of geopolitics, market access, economic development and state sovereignty. The European Union, having engaged in energy market liberalisation, faces a widening gap between declining domestic resources and continuously growing energy demand. Diverse interests inside the EU prevent the definition of a coherent and respected energy policy. Russia, for its part, is no longer willing to subsidise its neighbouring economies by cheap energy exports. The Russian government engages in assertive policies pursuing Russian interests. In so far, it opts for a different globalisation approach, refusing the role of mere energy exporter. In view of the intensifying struggle for global resources, Russia, with its large energy potential, appears to be a very favourable option for European energy supplies, if not the best one. However, several outcomes of the strategic game between the two partners can be imagined. Engaging in non-cooperative strategies will in the end leave all stakeholders worse-off. The European Union should therefore concentrate on securing its partnership with Russia instead of damaging it. Stable cooperation would need the acceptance that the partner may pursue his own goals, which might be different from one’s own interests. The question is, how can a sustainable compromise be found? This thesis finds that a mix of continued dialogue, a tit for tat approach bolstered by an international institutional framework and increased integration efforts appears as a preferable solution. / Die öffentliche Debatte über die Energiebeziehungen Russlands und der EU ist verzerrt. Diese Verzerrungen verhindern die Entwicklung einer wirklichen Energiepartnerschaft. Kern des Konflikts ist ein Kampf um Rohstoffrenten zwischen Energie produzierenden, Energie konsumierenden und Transitstaaten. Dabei sind scheinbar nebensächliche Aspekte wie geopolitische Überlegungen, Marktzutrittsbedingungen, wirtschaftliche Entwicklung und staatliche Souveränität, die kaum Beachtung finden, von umso größerer Bedeutung. Die EU, die ihre Energiemärkte liberalisiert, sieht sich einer wachsenden Lücke zwischen abnehmenden eigenen Ressourcen und stetig steigender Energienachfrage gegenüber. Vielfältige Interessen innerhalb der Union verhindern die Definition einer kohärenten und allgemein akzeptierten Energiepolitik. Russland seinerseits ist nicht länger gewillt, die Volkswirtschaften seiner Nachbarstaaten mit billigen Energieexporten zu subventionieren. Die russische Regierung verfolgt russische Interessen, und tut dies durchaus mit Nachdruck. Insofern, als dass sie für Russland selbst mehr als die Rolle eines bloßen Energieexporteurs wünscht, verfolgt sie auch eine eigene Herangehensweise an die Globalisierung. Vor dem Hintergrund des zunehmenden globalen Wettstreits um Ressourcen erscheint Russland mit seinem großen Energiepotential als sehr vorteilhafte, wenn nicht sogar die beste Option für die europäische Energieversorgung. In einem solchen strategischen Spiel der beiden Partner sind grundsätzlich verschiedene Ergebnisse vorstellbar. Wählen beide nichtkooperative Strategien, so verlieren letztlich alle Beteiligten. Die EU sollte sich deshalb darauf konzentrieren, ihre Partnerschaft mit Russland zu intensivieren, anstatt sie zu beschädigen. Eine verlässliche Kooperation setzt dabei die Akzeptanz voraus, dass der Partner seine eigenen Ziele verfolgt, die durchaus verschieden von EU-Interessen sein können. Die Frage ist, wie ein dauerhaft tragfähiger Kompromiss gefunden werden kann. Diese Arbeit argumentiert im Sinne einer Kombination aus fortgeführtem Dialog, einer tit-for-tat Strategie, die von einem internationalen institutionellen Rahmenwerk begleitet wird sowie verstärkten Integrationsbemühungen.

Tensions exist in the way that the European Union is conceptualised. How do we reconcile the persistence of a Europe of fragmented nation-states and the European integration project based on the principle of free movement? This duality is indicative of different geographical visions: between space defined as places and space defined as unifying flows. While places tend to be associated with fixed territories and borders, it is argued that complex global flows and connections may disrupt such notions. Addressing these theoretical tensions, this thesis examines transnational frameworks for discussing the reconfiguration of borders and spaces within the European Union. The aim of this research is to explore the extent to which European Union citizens, with freedom of movement, experience mobility between member states in a frictionless manner. The thesis adopts a “bottom-up” approach of migrants’ experiences and perceptions of internal borders, as barriers or opportunities to their movement and settlement. This is illustrated through the case of Britons resident in France. The thesis draws on data generated through qualitative methods, including fifty-three in-depth interviews undertaken in an ethnographic setting. The case study demonstrates how a frictionless European space does not exist for ordinary European Union citizens, for a variety of political, legal, economic and socio-cultural reasons. The analysis reveals how Britons recreate (national) state borders, by adapting to French politico-legal structures, and identifying boundaries between “us” and “them”. The thesis also identifies how transnational spaces are created through immigrants’ social networks. By exploring the everyday lives of intra-EU migrants, the thesis contributes to literature on British migrants in France, and provides an original contribution to studies of EU integration, focused on ordinary citizens on the move.

Föreliggande uppsats har undersökt volontärers uppfattningar om vilka stödinsatser som är till störst nytta för romska EU-medborgare från Rumänien som kommer till Sverige för att tigga, samt hur de förstår EU-medborgarna och deras situation. Syftet var att få en helhetsbild av hur frivilligarbetarna ser på EU- medborgarna och hur de anser att eventuellt stöd bör utformas. Ett övergripande syfte var att bidra till ökad kunskap om gruppen EU- medborgare som tigger. Detta gjordes genom sju semistrukturerade intervjuer som analyserades tematiskt. Studiens resultat, som analyserades med hjälp av empowerment- och tillitsteorier, visade att frivilligarbetarna anser att det är viktigt att stötta de individer som kommer till Sverige för att tigga. De uttrycker nödvändigheten av att bistå med det mest basala, men att det viktigaste och mest omfattande biståndsarbetet bör ske förebyggande i hemlandet Rumänien. Frivilligarbetarnas syn på EU-medborgarna framstår som positiv och hoppfull, samtidigt som de uppvisar gedigna kunskaper om romernas komplicerade situation i Rumänien. De uttrycker en tilltro till romernas möjlighet, att med visst bistånd, kunna påverka sin tillvaro i hemlandet. / The present study explores the experiences of volunteers working with Roma EU citizens who spend time in Sweden for the purpose of begging. The overall purpose was to investigate how the volunteers viewed the begging EU citizens and their need of support, in order to increase our awareness of begging EU citizens. Seven semi-structured interviews were carried out and, the data were analyzed using a thematic approach. Theories on empowerment and trust informed the analysis. The results indicate that the volunteers believe that Roma EU citizens are best supported preventively, where they live in Romania, although all of the volunteers expressed the necessity of basal support when the EU citizens were in Sweden. The volunteers, who showed profound knowledge of the complex Roma situation in Romania, seem to have an optimistic view of the possibilities for EU citizens to, with some support, improve their situation in Romania.

The establishment of the European External Action Service (EEAS) was the latest organisational innovation aimed at bridging the disjuncture between EU external relations and foreign policy structures. Almost immediately after its creation, it attracted wide-spread criticism of its functioning by the very same actors who had created it. This thesis develops a three-stage bureaucratic-institutionalist framework in order to explore the political contestation of this new organisation and its impact on the organisation and functioning of the EEAS. Inception, establishment and consolidation are the three phases of the organisation s life cycle under scrutiny. The thesis begins with the inception of the EEAS during the Convention on the Future of Europe from 2002-2003. Through the lens of rational choice historical institutionalism it analyses the positions of various actors in the Convention and the options that were considered during this phase. It then shows how disagreements between integrationist and more sceptical groups led to a vague compromise on the EEAS and its organisational design. The thesis continues with an analysis of the establishment phase, i.e. the negotiation process leading to the EEAS decision of 2010, throughout which the political conflict continued between the EU institutions on central design elements of the service such as status, scope and staffing. Theoretically, this conflict is captured through the politics of Eurocratic structure approach. In the final consolidation phase, the EEAS started to operate as a new administrative actor, but was heavily influenced by political and bureaucratic contestation. Bureaucracy theory helps to predict the organisational behaviour of the EEAS to a degree, but the thesis shows how the organisation was also shaped by bureaucratic politics between EU institutions and member states. The thesis concludes that a bureaucratic-institutionalist approach explains why the EEAS is a strongly contested bureaucracy and how the processes of contestation at the EU level hindered institutional design throughout the organisation s life cycle of inception, establishment and consolidation. It reveals limitations of this approach, such as the persistence of actors, the weight of decision precedent and the permeability of organisational development phases.

This thesis focuses on state aid law as a specific part of EU competition law. State aid is therefore primarily set in the context of protection of competition in the EU internal market. Furthermore, the thesis provides an interpretation of Article 107, paragraph 1 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, which contains four attributes of state aid: state resources, favoring certain undertaking or the production of certain goods, distortion of competition and effect on trade between EU Member States. Analysis of the attribute "effect on trade between Member States" is made in a separate part of the work. In this section, the work seeks to explore how European Commission and the Court of Justice of the European Union approach and interpret this attribute. Attention is paid especially to decision-making activities of the European Commission in recent years. Decisions of the Commission, as a body authoritatively determining whether a measure constitutes state aid, as well as the compatibility of state aid with the internal market, could also indicate the direction in which the state aid law will develop in the future. The analysis of the Commission's decisions found that not even potentially affects trade between Member States a measure with purely local impact. Such measure will...