The purpose of this essay is that through idea analysis and ideal types examines if the EU changed the kind of peace they seek to promote to confirm or falsify Magnus Jernecks thesis that the meaning of peace change depend on the context. I will be making two comparison points, the first at the peace projects start in the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the second in the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). My ideal types that I have chosen are the idealistic perspective of peace, the justice peace perspective and the perspective of balance of power which has constituted a main line when it comes to issues of war and peace. My research question is linked to my ideal types and reads - is the peace that ECSC and ENP promote: 1) a peace of the idealistic perspective, 2) a peace of the justice perspective, 3) a peace of the balance of power perspective. I seek the answer of these questions in two types of documents. The Schuman declaration which is directed to answer the question ECSC and the report Wider Europe – Neighbourhood: a new framework for relations with our Eastern and Southern neighbors which is directed to answer the question ENP. The results of the study shows that the EU was intended to promote a different kind of peace within the ECSC than the ENP. The ECSC seek to promote a peace of justice and a peace of the balance of power perspective. With ENP they seek to promote a peace of justice and the idealistic peace perspective. This can give a result that EU loses its trustworthiness as a peace-builder if one is not clear when this change occurs.

This diploma thesis deals with the relations between European Union and Republic of Moldova. It presents the EU as a unique entity within European territory, which influences its neighbourhood through "soft power", i. e. through peaceful means. Although such means are not binding and legally enforceable, they have certain impact on countries concerned. The thesis aims at examining to what extent the Republic of Moldova is influenced by these means. A special attention is given to transmission of those values and norms, which are the most important for EU (democracy, rule of law, human rights protection, etc.). The issue is seen from a social constructivist perspective.

In the aftermath of the Arab Spring, Tunisia is often described as the solitary success among the political transitions which followed. Much has been ascribed to the trade agreement (Euro-Mediterranean Partnership or EMP) between EU and Tunisia in promoting said democracy. Recently, Tunisia has also become dependent on IMF loans. This has raised concerns of the effect of neoliberal policies that are advocated for by the IMF, EU and the World Bank. The correlation between neoliberal policies and political stability is still being debated among scholars and the linear causalities remain unclear. Several scholars have criticised the EU-Tunisian trade agreement and EU policies, claiming that this has led to increased poverty and social instability in the country. This study seeks to determine, in accordance with such critique, if a neoliberal agenda is advocated for by the EU. Previous studies have focused on policy effects of the trade and foreign relations between EU and Tunisia. Instead this study analyses the mutual trade agreement and EU political policy agenda for Tunisia to understand the intent of the EU. A content analysis is used on the Association Agreement as well as the EU Policy Paper `Cadre Unique d’appui 2017-2020´ towards Tunisia.This study uses a definition of neoliberalism based on Joseph Stiglitz well-renowned critique on IMF-policies in developing countries in the 1980s-1990s. The result of the analysis shows that even though policy or trade provisions may correspond to a neoliberal agenda, the overall language in both the trade agreement and the policy documents suggest that EU is well-aware of possible negative effects of neoliberal policies. Throughout the documents EU advocates for a balanced approach including both economic and social interests.The study does not find evidence for EU knowingly pursuing a neoliberal agenda in Tunisia. Instead it suggests that future studies on the topic should focus on the EU Commission’s own projections of its policies, a more thorough study on policy effects of specific treaty- and policy provisions, and/ or how neoliberal approaches have recently evolved in development policies.

La Politique européenne de voisinage (PEV) a été conçue pour promouvoir la prospérité, la stabilité et la sécurité dans les régions voisines de l'UE. L'analyse de cette politique dans le cadre du développement des relations entre l'Ukraine et l'UE, ainsi que dans le contexte de l'évolution d'une dynamique intra-régionale du Partenariat oriental, a conduit à l'identification d'une série de lacunes de nature différente, concernant à la fois les failles institutionnelles de la PEV et les incertitudes pesant sur ses perspectives finales vis-à-vis de l'Ukraine. En outre, la PEV a montré la limite de ses capacités à faire face aux défis sécuritaires lors de la crise en Crimée. Elle a également démontré les limites de sa stratégie géopolitique dans le cadre des relations entre la Russie, l'Ukraine et l'UE, de même qu'elle a révélé son incapacité à prévenir les risques potentiels qu'entraînerait l'Accord d'association Ukraine-UE pour l'Ukraine. / The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) was originally designed to promote prosperity, stability and security in the European Union's neighbouring regions. The analysis of this policy within the framework of the relations between Ukraine and the EU and in the context of the evolution of the intraregional dynamics of the Eastern Partnership and of the external policy of the Union did however reveal a number of inherent flaws. In addition to the policy's deficiencies relating to both institutional failings and to the uncertainty regarding the final perspective of this process for Ukraine, the ENP also turned out to be insufficient when faced with the security challenges of the Crimean Crisis. It has demonstrated its limitations concerning the EU's geopolitical strategy within the framework of the relations between Russia, Ukraine and the EU and was shown to be unable to prevent potential risks arising from the European Union's Association Agreement with Ukraine.

La politique européenne de voisinage (PEV) est née de la volonté de développer un espace de prospérité et de stabilité aux frontières de l’Union élargie. Elle vise à renforcer la coopération politique, sécuritaire, économique et culturelle entre l’UE et ses nouveaux voisins immédiats ou proches, tout en atténuant le caractère séparatif des frontières européennes en engageant les pays voisins dans une coopération mutuellement avantageuse avec l’UE. La thèse étudie le volet oriental de la PEV qui couvre des Etats de l’Est (Ukraine, Biélorussie, Russie). Ces pays occupent aujourd’hui une place croissante dans la stratégie internationale de l’UE. L’adhésion des nouveaux pays membres de l’Europe centrale en 2004 a apporté une nouvelle fragilité, tout en créant un fort groupe de pression qui demandait un engagement direct de l’Union européenne dans les affaires concernant don voisinage immédiat. Disposant d’une parfaite connaissance de la situation économique de cette région et d’une grande expérience de coopération avec la Biélorussie, la Russie et l’Ukraine, ces pays cherchaient à orienter la politique étrangère de la Communauté vers de nouvelles voies d’actions. L’objectif de recherche concerne l’évaluation globale du rôle et de la contribution des nouveaux pays membres, et plus particulièrement de la Pologne, dans l’élaboration commune de la politique orientale de l’Union européenne dans les années 2004-2007. / The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) was developed in order to insure a zone of stability and prosperity on the borders of the European Union (EU). It aims at strengthening political, economic, cultural, and security cooperation between the EU and its neighbours. Its objective is to engage neighbouring States into a mutually beneficial cooperation with the EU. The present doctorate thesis focuses on the Eastern dimension of the ENP which includes Eastern States like Ukraine, Belarus and Russia. These countries have an important role to play in the EU international straetegy. New Eastern European countries adhering in 2004 brought in a new frailty yet creating a strong pressure group asking for a strong commitment of the EU in matters related to immediate neighbourhood. Those countries are thoroughly aware of the economic situation of the region and have a wide experience cooperating with Belarus, Russia and Ukraine; they sought to have an influence on the Community's foreign affairs policy by means of new paths of action. The aim of this research concerns the global evaluation of the new Members States' - and Poland's in particular - part in and the contribution to jointly elaborating the Eastern European Union's eastern policy for the years 2004-2007.

The intention of this master-thesis is a critical assessment of the European Union´s (EU) approach to external democracy promotion in Morocco. The study follows a comparative approach and compares the approach pursued by the EU within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), incepted in 2004, with the approach that it had developed up until then under the framework of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP). The comparison is done with the intention to analyse, to what degree it is justified to speak of a new impetus for democratisation through the ENP in partner countries. The analysis takes into consideration the range of possible instruments for external democracy promotion in the categories „diplomacy“, „conditionality“ and „positive instruments“. For the comparison of democracy promotion under the EMP and the ENP it is suggested to compare the implemented measures in respect to three distinct dimensions: As a first dimension, instruments of democracy promotion are analysed with respect to the focus on indirect vs. direct instruments, e.g. those which aim at establishing socio-economic preconditions favourable to successful democratisation, vs. those which immediately intervene in the processes of political reform. As a second dimension, it is asked whether there has been a shift in the democracy promotion approach on a continuum between consensual cooptation and coercive intervention. As a third dimension, finally, it is analysed whether the approach has undergone a general intensification of efforts, e.g. whether the approach to democracy promotion has become a more active one. The analysis in this master-thesis comes to the conclusion that since the inception of the ENP the EU is indeed pursuing a slightly more direct and certainly a more active approach to democracy promotion in Morocco, while no significant change can be observed in comparison to the strictly partnership-oriented and consensual approach of the EMP. It can be argued that, under the ENP, relations to Morocco have indeed become somewhat more “political”, although at the same time they are still not pro-actively oriented at a political liberalisation of the political regime. Reforms promoted by the EU in Morocco are modest and largely in line with the reform agenda of the Morrocan government itself – e.g. a still largely authoritarian monarchy. Concrete reform steps directed at an opening of the political space, which is largely reserved to the king and its administration, are neither demanded nor supported by democracy promotion instruments, also under the ENP. / Die vorliegende Diplomarbeit untersucht den Ansatz der Europäischen Union (EU) zur Demokratieförderung in Marokko. Die Arbeit folgt einem vergleichenden Ansatz und vergleicht die Strategie der EU, die unter der 2004 ins Leben gerufenen „Europäischen Nachbarschaftspolitik“ (ENP) verfolgt wird, mit der, die sich bis dahin unter der „Euro-Mediterranen Partnerschaft“ (EMP) herauskristallisiert hatte. Der Vergleich wird mit dem Ziel durchgeführt herauszuarbeiten, inwiefern es berechtigt ist, neue Triebkraft und neue Anstöße für Demokratisierung durch die ENP zu erwarten. In der Arbeit werden alle Instrumente der Demokratieförderung berücksichtigt, die in die Kategorien Diplomatie, Konditionalität und positive Unterstützungsleistungen fallen. Die durchgeführten Maßnahmen werden auf drei Ebenen verglichen: Auf der ersten Ebene wird untersucht, ob sich der Schwerpunkt verschoben hat zwischen indirekten Maßnahmen, die insbesondere darauf zielen, die sozioökonomischen Voraussetzungen für erfolgreiche Demokratisierung zu schaffen, und direkten Maßnahmen, die unmittelbar in politische Reformprozesse eingreifen. Auf einer zweiten Ebene wird gefragt, ob sich der Ansatz der Demokratieförderung auf einem Kontinuum zwischen Konsens und Zwang verschoben hat. Auf einer dritten Ebene schließlich wird untersucht, ob sich das Engagement generell intensiviert hat und der Ansatz der Demokratieförderung aktiver geworden ist. Die Analyse in dieser Arbeit führt zu dem Ergebnis, dass seit der Initiierung der ENP tatsächlich ein leicht direkterer und aktiverer Ansatz verfolgt wird, während sich an dem streng partnerschaftlichen und auf Konsens ausgerichteten Ansatz der EMP nicht signifikant etwas verändert hat. Es wird jedoch auch deutlich, dass politische Reformen von Instrumenten der Demokratieförderung zwar häufiger anvisiert werden. Die Reformen, die von der EU gefördert werden, sind jedoch ausschließlich Teil des von der marokkanischen Regierung eingeleiteten und begrenzten Reformprozesses. Reformen die eine signifikante Öffnung des politischen Raumes bewirken könnten, der für die autoritäre Monarchie reserviert ist, werden auch im Rahmen der ENP von der EU weder gefördert noch gefordert.

The Diploma is focused on the EU's external borders impact on the border area of Lviv. Both local and regional level of social and economic development of the border area and its relations with Poland and EU are examined in the context of political development from the beginning of independent Ukraine until presents. Mixed-Methods approach has been applied as it allows case studies to be set in a wider context. Structural and regional disparities of the development are observed by methods of quantitative analysis and Descriptive Statistics. Qualitative Research is applied to analyse a cognitive role of the border. From the political point of view, the development of Eastern European border area is controlled by European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) and related EU regional political initiative. In the Western Ukrainian regions these are mainly represented by micro-projects focused on local problems and their solutions and intensification of the local cross-border cooperation development. Statistical analysis states that remarkable economic development has not reached the required level yet. However, the increasing social and infrastructural potential ushers in its rise in the future. Key words: Ukraine, border area of Lviv, border impact, cross-border cooperation, European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP)

Abstract The thesis investigates how the European Union promotes stability and security in the Mediterranean region. The aim is to analyse the European Union’s security ambitions with Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, the Barcelona Process. An analytical framework with five sectors (military, political, economic, environmental and societal), based on the Copenhagen School’s theories about security sectors and securitization, is used for the analysis. Within the framework threats, objectives and methods are categorized into each security sector. Then it is possible to distinguish if any sector is more prioritised by the EU. Qualitative text analysis is used to examine relevant EU-documents. The result of the analysis shows that the European Union prioritizes the economical and societal sector in promoting peace and security within the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. Through economical integration and cultural dialogue, the EU tries to enhance security and stability. The EU emphasises the importance of global governance and international law for a stable peace. The study concludes that the widened concept of security, within the Copenhagen School, can help to explain the European Union’s work inside the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership.

This study examines the European Unions (EU) promoting of regional cooperation, included in its programme, the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). The thesis is based upon the agreed activities in the EU/Ukraine relation concerning regional cooperation. The aim for this thesis is to visualise the policy outcome of the ENP concerning the EU/Ukraine relation and regional cooperation. The following questions are posed: What are the goals for the EU; what are the achievements and planned actions and what instruments are used by the EU in the ENP concerning the EU/Ukraine relation and regional cooperation? The theoretical approach assumes that the Union is a power in international relations. It’s well suited promoting its policies in an asymmetric power environment, where the EU is the supremacy. This study is conducted with a qualitative research method, based on text analysis on the European Unions official documents. The result shows that the goals for the Union are the protection of its prosperity and its energy supply. Ukraine shall assist the EU, reaching these goals. In exchange, is the EU promising integration to the Unions internal market for Ukraine. But the EU has problems when this contravenes to Russia’s interests. This confirms the theory.

L’exportation des normes de l’UE vers les pays voisins dans le domaine de la régulation des marchés gaziers et de leurs infrastructures est devenue le leitmotiv de la politique énergétique européenne extérieure. Cette thèse analyse les défis énergétiques auxquels est confrontée l’UE ; elle évalue également la politique européenne en matière de sécurité énergétique vis-à-vis de l’Azerbaïdjan et de l’Algérie ainsi que l’influence transformatrice de l’Union dans ces pays. L’analyse cherche à comprendre si, et dans quelle mesure, l’UE peut exporter ses normes vers les deux fournisseurs gaziers dans le cadre de sa gouvernance énergétique extérieure. La démarche méthodologique met en évidence les limites des explications dominantes de convergence fondées sur l’institutionnalisme rationnel et constructiviste et se propose de les enrichir en s’appuyant sur les cadres analytiques des études de diffusion et du « decentring ». Sur la base d’ouvrages spécialisés, de documents officiels et de 85 entretiens avec des acteurs publics de l’UE, d’Azerbaïdjan et d’Algérie et avec des acteurs privés à Bruxelles, Bakou et Alger, l’analyse cherche à expliquer la plus ou moins grande convergence des normes de l’UE. L’analyse s’attache à la coopération énergétique avec l’UE, les secteurs énergétiques et les projets d’infrastructures des deux pays au travers de six études de cas. La thèse se propose d’élargir la portée des études existantes en intégrant les influences de la situation géopolitique et du marché qui pèsent souvent de manière plus importante que les contraintes européennes et soutient dès lors que la gouvernance énergétique extérieure est seulement durable, si elle est « décentrée ». / The export of EU norms to regulate gas markets and transnational infrastructure has become the leitmotif of EU external energy policy in the neighbourhood. This thesis unpacks the underlying energy policy challenge of the EU, before analysing its approach to ensure energy security towards Azerbaijan and Algeria and examining the Union’s transformative influence. The major question of the research is: How and to which extent can the EU export its energy norms and policies towards both strategic neighbouring suppliers of natural gas, which represent least likely cases of EU external energy governance? The analytical framework sheds light on the limits of major rationalist and constructivist institutionalist explanations in accounting for convergence with EU energy norms and addresses them by drawing on insights from diffusion studies and the decentring framework. Relying on qualitative document and data analysis as well as extensive fieldwork and 85 interviews carried out with EU, Azerbaijani and Algerian officials as well as representatives of energy companies in Brussels, Baku, and Algiers, the research accounts for a varying degree of convergence as the result of an unstable and conflictual process. Examining energy cooperation with the EU, domestic energy sectors and major infrastructure projects within six case studies, the analysis sheds light on EU norm export from a bottom-up perspective of neighbouring public actors. The thesis broadens the scope of existing studies by factoring in geopolitical and market-based constraints and influences, which often outweigh EU coercion and depicts that EU external energy governance can only be sustainable, if it is ‘decentred’.