Honors Project--Smith College, Northampton, Mass., 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 111-119).

A trajetória de Moçambique desde a independência, ocorrida em 1975, até 2009 foi marcada pela transição de uma economia centralmente planificada (socialista) para uma economia de mercado (capitalista). A transição para o capitalismo abriu espaço para financiamentos de Ajuda Externa ao Desenvolvimento das Instituições de Bretton Woods (Banco Mundial – BM e Fundo Monetário Internacional – FMI) e Investimentos Estrangeiros Diretos em forma de mega-projetos das corporações multinacionais em Zonas Francas Industriais e Zonas Econômicas Especiais. Entretanto, a aliança da elite nacional como o capital estrangeiro favoreceu a corrupção, a transferência de lucros das multinacionais para os países de origem, fazendo com que a Ajuda Externa ao Desenvolvimento e os Investimentos Estrangeiros Diretos não produzissem desenvolvimento econômico e bem-estar social, com se pretendia que fosse. Este estudo identificou o Ajustamento Estrutural, a Ajuda Externa ao Desenvolvimento, a corrupção e as Zonas Francas Industriais como os principais vilões da situação de pobreza em que Moçambique se encontra e concluiu que Moçambique nunca irá reduzir a pobreza de forma significativa, contando apenas com ajuda externa, mega-projetos, investimentos estrangeiros e ZFI. O que se pensava que seria o remédio para a saída do marasmo do subdesenvolvimento de Moçambique, (portanto, a ajuda, mega-projetos e ZFI) tornou-se um obstáculo ao desenvolvimento do país. / The trantion from socialism to capitalism characterized the Mozambican trajectory after its independence, held in 1975. This transition gave place to external aid by Bretton Woods (World Bank and International Monetary Fund) and direct investments from multinational corporations mega-projects in special economic free zones. The alliance between the national elite with foreign capital brought corruption, transference of profits from the multinational corporations in Mozambique to its countries of origin. Because of this, the external aid and foreign investments did not develop the Mozambican economy and also did not bring the social well being to the people in Mozambique. This research, identified the structural adjustment, external aid, corruption and special economic free zones as the factories of poverty in Mozambique, and concluded that Mozambique will never reduce poverty looking to external aid, mega-projects, direct foreign investments and special economic free zones. What where thought it was an elixir (mega-projects, external aid, foreign direct investments and special economic free zones) became an obstacle to development.

A trajetória de Moçambique desde a independência, ocorrida em 1975, até 2009 foi marcada pela transição de uma economia centralmente planificada (socialista) para uma economia de mercado (capitalista). A transição para o capitalismo abriu espaço para financiamentos de Ajuda Externa ao Desenvolvimento das Instituições de Bretton Woods (Banco Mundial – BM e Fundo Monetário Internacional – FMI) e Investimentos Estrangeiros Diretos em forma de mega-projetos das corporações multinacionais em Zonas Francas Industriais e Zonas Econômicas Especiais. Entretanto, a aliança da elite nacional como o capital estrangeiro favoreceu a corrupção, a transferência de lucros das multinacionais para os países de origem, fazendo com que a Ajuda Externa ao Desenvolvimento e os Investimentos Estrangeiros Diretos não produzissem desenvolvimento econômico e bem-estar social, com se pretendia que fosse. Este estudo identificou o Ajustamento Estrutural, a Ajuda Externa ao Desenvolvimento, a corrupção e as Zonas Francas Industriais como os principais vilões da situação de pobreza em que Moçambique se encontra e concluiu que Moçambique nunca irá reduzir a pobreza de forma significativa, contando apenas com ajuda externa, mega-projetos, investimentos estrangeiros e ZFI. O que se pensava que seria o remédio para a saída do marasmo do subdesenvolvimento de Moçambique, (portanto, a ajuda, mega-projetos e ZFI) tornou-se um obstáculo ao desenvolvimento do país. / The trantion from socialism to capitalism characterized the Mozambican trajectory after its independence, held in 1975. This transition gave place to external aid by Bretton Woods (World Bank and International Monetary Fund) and direct investments from multinational corporations mega-projects in special economic free zones. The alliance between the national elite with foreign capital brought corruption, transference of profits from the multinational corporations in Mozambique to its countries of origin. Because of this, the external aid and foreign investments did not develop the Mozambican economy and also did not bring the social well being to the people in Mozambique. This research, identified the structural adjustment, external aid, corruption and special economic free zones as the factories of poverty in Mozambique, and concluded that Mozambique will never reduce poverty looking to external aid, mega-projects, direct foreign investments and special economic free zones. What where thought it was an elixir (mega-projects, external aid, foreign direct investments and special economic free zones) became an obstacle to development.

A trajetória de Moçambique desde a independência, ocorrida em 1975, até 2009 foi marcada pela transição de uma economia centralmente planificada (socialista) para uma economia de mercado (capitalista). A transição para o capitalismo abriu espaço para financiamentos de Ajuda Externa ao Desenvolvimento das Instituições de Bretton Woods (Banco Mundial – BM e Fundo Monetário Internacional – FMI) e Investimentos Estrangeiros Diretos em forma de mega-projetos das corporações multinacionais em Zonas Francas Industriais e Zonas Econômicas Especiais. Entretanto, a aliança da elite nacional como o capital estrangeiro favoreceu a corrupção, a transferência de lucros das multinacionais para os países de origem, fazendo com que a Ajuda Externa ao Desenvolvimento e os Investimentos Estrangeiros Diretos não produzissem desenvolvimento econômico e bem-estar social, com se pretendia que fosse. Este estudo identificou o Ajustamento Estrutural, a Ajuda Externa ao Desenvolvimento, a corrupção e as Zonas Francas Industriais como os principais vilões da situação de pobreza em que Moçambique se encontra e concluiu que Moçambique nunca irá reduzir a pobreza de forma significativa, contando apenas com ajuda externa, mega-projetos, investimentos estrangeiros e ZFI. O que se pensava que seria o remédio para a saída do marasmo do subdesenvolvimento de Moçambique, (portanto, a ajuda, mega-projetos e ZFI) tornou-se um obstáculo ao desenvolvimento do país. / The trantion from socialism to capitalism characterized the Mozambican trajectory after its independence, held in 1975. This transition gave place to external aid by Bretton Woods (World Bank and International Monetary Fund) and direct investments from multinational corporations mega-projects in special economic free zones. The alliance between the national elite with foreign capital brought corruption, transference of profits from the multinational corporations in Mozambique to its countries of origin. Because of this, the external aid and foreign investments did not develop the Mozambican economy and also did not bring the social well being to the people in Mozambique. This research, identified the structural adjustment, external aid, corruption and special economic free zones as the factories of poverty in Mozambique, and concluded that Mozambique will never reduce poverty looking to external aid, mega-projects, direct foreign investments and special economic free zones. What where thought it was an elixir (mega-projects, external aid, foreign direct investments and special economic free zones) became an obstacle to development.

Orientador: Ricardo Luiz Coltro Antunes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T17:41:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Desrosiers_Michaelle_D.pdf: 6022319 bytes, checksum: efa4c2be78a2a71667bbc64331b336b5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Através deste trabalho, procuramos analizar o significado ideo-politico e economico do "empresariado humanitario" em movimento no plano de "desenvolvimento-reconstrução", atualizado em 2004 e em 2010 apos o terremoto, para as mulheres "negras" operárias na zona franca CODEVI na contemporaneidade. Essa busca nos conduz à analisar as condições historicas de produção da dependencia neocolonial haitiana e de pauperização das mulheres "negras", ou seja, de sua transformação em forca de trabalho subremunerada para as necessidades da reprodução do capital. Assim, analisamos a função social real das zonas francas industriais de exportação (ZFE) vista por muitos como obra "humanitária" para um país em constante estado de emergencia como o Haiti. Destarte, defendemos as seguintes hipoteses: as ZFE, pelas suas caracteristicas fundamentais, incluindo as ZEI (Zonas Economicas Integradas)-extraterritorialidade, liberdade total de produção e de repatriamento dos lucros-, desempenham na contemporaneidade a função de neoplantações, constituindo-se como obstaculos à soberania popular, alimentar e territorial do Haiti e, portanto, ao fim da sua dependencia neocolonial ou "subdesenvolvimento". O carater "humanitário" da obra capitalista realizada na zona franca CODEVI traduz-se no real em um processo hierarquico de exploração segundo o sexo, a "etnia", a nacionalidade e, potencialmente destruidor da saúde fisica e sexual das/dos operárias/os. O trabalho de pesquisa é realizado primariamente em base de relatos dos próprios e das proprias trabalhadoras bem como de representantes da CODEVI e dos orgãos oficiais haitianos de apoio ao desenvolvimento das zonas francas / Abstract: Through this work, we seek to analyze the ideo- political and economic meaning of the "humanitarian entrepreneurship" in motion in Haiti`s "development-reconstruction" plan, updated in 2004 and in 2010 after the earthquake, for "black" women workers in free zone CODEVI in contemporary times. This search leads us to analyze the historical conditions of production of the Haitian neocolonial dependence and pauperization of "black" women, i.e. its transformation into underpaid labour force for the needs of the reproduction of capital. Thus, we analyze the social function of export processing zones (EPZ) seen by many as "humanitarian" work for a country in a constant state of emergency as Haiti. Thus, we support the following hypothesis: the EPZ, for its fundamental characteristics, including the ZEI (Integrated Economic Zones)-extraterritoriality, total freedom of repatriation of profits and production-play in contemporary times the function of neo-plantation, constituting themselves as obstacles to popular, political and territorial sovereignty of Haiti and, therefore, to the end of its colonial dependence or "underdevelopment". The "humanitarian" character of the work carried out in the capitalist free zone CODEVI translates at real in a hierarchical process of exploitation according to the sex, " ethnicity", nationality and potentially destructive for physical and sexual health of the workers. The research work is carried out primarily on the basis of reports of the workers themselves as well as representatives of the CODEVI and the Haitian officers in support of the development of free zones / Doutorado / Sociologia / Doutora em Sociologia

Les zones franches illustrent de manière remarquable l’ouverture du monde aux échanges internationaux, comme en témoigne leur multiplication au cours des quatre dernières décennies. La zone franche n’est pas un phénomène statique, mais dynamique. Dynamique dans le sens où ses activités sont passées d’activités intensives en travail à celles plus sophistiquées de la technologie. Leur développement est classé en 4 générations : la 1ère génération (zones franches commerciales), la 2ème génération (zones franches industrielles et zones économiques spéciales), la 3ème génération (zones franches de service) et la 4ème génération (zones franches scientifiques). Basé sur le critère de performance en termes d’exportations et d’emplois, on peut classer les pays en quatre groupes selon le niveau de développement de leur zone franche. Les zones franches sont fortement concentrées dans les deux premiers groupes à savoir : les pays asiatiques (du Sud et du Sud-Est) et les grands pays d’Amérique latines (le Mexique). En effet, les plus importantes et les plus nombreuses sont implantées dans les pays où il existe une forte dynamique industrielle, là où se concentrent les trafics et où se déploient les stratégies des firmes étrangères. Plusieurs formes de firmes sont en effet présentes dans la zone franche : les sociétés entièrement étrangères, les sociétés conjointes (Joint-Venture). Les firmes des zones franches peuvent être une usine d’assemblage, une usine-atelier ou une usine intégrée pour fournir les produits à leur maison- mère dans certain cas. Dans d’autre elles vendent leurs produits aux autres entreprises ou grands distributeurs en tant que firmes indépendantes (sous-traitance). En effet, les firmes étrangères qui s’y trouvent installées ont un comportement stratégique vertical ou global.Il n’est pas étonnant que les zones franches de la 2ème génération soient créées au Cambodge où le démarrage du développement industriel est juste entamé. L’objectif du gouvernement est d’exploiter les avantages comparatifs (naturels et artificiels), d’étendre les échanges régionaux et mondiaux. Aussi, l’établissement des zones économiques spéciales marque vraiment un engagement du gouvernement royal du Cambodge dans le développement de son pays par l’industrialisation d’extraversion : les industries exportatrices sont privilégiées. Deux types d’avantages sont mis en place au Cambodge : Les avantages « hors coût » : Facilité de l’accès aux marchés internationaux (surtout le marché américain, européen et canadien), bénéfice du label social de leurs produits et aussi les effets des accords préférentiels commerciaux sont considérées comme un des éléments très attractif des investisseurs étrangers. Le deuxième est les avantages « coût » à caractère naturel (l’abondance d’offre de main d’œuvre à bon marché) et artificiel (meilleure mesure d’incitations, politique d’attractivité). Fondé sur ces avantages, les ZES cambodgiennes peuvent être développées en trois phases : Phase initiale : Usine d’assemblages, Phase intermédiaire : Usine de production, Phase finale : Usine totalement intégrée. Dans ce sens, les ZES cambodgiennes, étant en complémentarité avec les zones franches de la région asiatique du Sud-Est, semblent être un lieu privilégié de l’implantation des firmes à activité intensive en travail : le textile, l’habillement et l’électronique. / Free zones are a striking illustration of the opening of the world to the international trade. In the last four decades, tremendously increased, Free zones are not static phenomenon, but dynamic ones. The dynamic is in the sense of which their industrial activities are started from labor intensive industry to the most sophisticated activities. We propose a classification of free zones into four generations: 1st generation (free trade zones), 2nd generation (export processing zones and special economic zones), 3rd generation (services based zones) and 4th generation (science-based zones). Based on performance criteria in term of exportation and employment, four groups of countries were classified to design the level of development of free zones. The first two groups of countries, such as the Est and the South-Est Asian countries and Latin American countries, are considered as the most dynamic countries in term of free zones’ development. In fact, the most important zone is located in the countries where there are a strong industrial dynamics with participating actively to the international trade and to foreign firms’ strategy. Having invested in free zones, enterprises are totally foreign firms or Joint- venture. In this regard, firms installed in free zones could be: assembled factory, production factory, totally integrated factory. These firms aimed to supply the product to parent company or to sell the product to another enterprises or distribution companies as they are outsourcing. In this case, the firm’s strategic behaviors are considered as “verticals” or “global”. It’s not surprising that the free zones of 2nd generation are established in Cambodia at the stage of industrial development. The objective of the Royal Government of Cambodia is to exploit efficiently its comparative advantages (natural and artificial ones) and to catch its opportunities to the regional and global trade. Thus, the establishment of special economic zones (SEZ) shows the commitment of the government in the process of the export-led industrialization in Cambodia. The Cambodian SEZ provides two kinds of advantages : The non Cost advantages includes international market privileged access (to American and European market), the benefit of social label of Cambodian manufactured products and others Cambodian preferential trade agreements, which are considered as the most attractive factors of foreign direct investment to Cambodian SEZ. The Cost Advantages has a natural caracteristic (the abundance of labor forces at low cost) and artificial (better incentive measures and attractive policy). Based on theses advantages, the Cambodian SEZ could be developed in three phases: initial phase (assembly factory), second phase (production factory) and finally the third phase (totally integrated factory). In this context, the Cambodian SEZ could, at a complementary position with free zones of the South-East Asian region, be a privileged location of the labor intensive industries- textile, garments and electronic industry.

This thesis analyzes how compulsory heterosexuality is present in Polish legislation on women* and trans* people’s reproductive and sexual rights. The aim of this study is to increase an understanding of how compulsory heterosexuality’s presence in legislation regarding reproductive and sexual rights can consequently affect women* and trans* people in practice. By the means of qualitative content analysis and the operationalization of compulsory heterosexuality through the lens of queer feminism, this thesis analyzes three Polish legislations on reproductive and sexual rights, namely the Constitution of Poland, the Family Planning, Human Embryo Protection and Conditions of Permissibility of Abortion Act, and the Family and Guardianship Code. Adrienne Rich’s theory of compulsory heterosexuality suggests that heterosexuality is not natural, but a violent institution enforced in society through e.g. law. This thesis found that compulsory heterosexuality was present in all three legislations, and presented itself through: erasure of women* and trans* people, denial of their sexuality, idealization of heterosexuality, rape and violence, control of their bodies, robbing of their children, punishment for being LGBTQIA+, diminishing their aspirations, restricting their self-fulfillment to parenthood and marriage, keeping them from seeking reproductive care, erasure of their traditions, objectification, and dismissive language. Possible consequences identified were: invalidation and invisibilization of queer and trans* people, increased oppression, the social norm being a negative bias against LGBTQIA+ people, criminalization of LGBTQIA+ people, more deaths at the hands of the law, more parentless children, making women* and trans* people question their body or intuition, and an increase in illegal unsafe abortions or abortion tourism.