Studiens mål är att undersöka hur läroplanens hänvisningar om att demokratiska värden ska genomsyra undervisningen påverkar läroböckernas innehåll kring demokratibegreppet. Studien bygger på en diskursanalytisk metod och resultatet bygger på läroböcker för samhällskunskap på gymnasiet som material. Den teoretiska utgångspunkten i studien grundar sig i diskursteori men även teori kring begrepp demokrati. Chantal Mouffe, William Connolly och Mats Lundström har alla en del i den teoretiska bakgrund mot analysen är gjord. Resultatet påvisar att de analyserade läroböcker tenderar att använda sig av demokratiska fri- och rättigheter för att förklara hur en demokrati konstrueras. Genom detta kommunicerar läroböckerna de demokratiska värdena i termer av vilka fri- och rättigheter det demokratiska samhället ska ha. Det har även påvisats att de demokratiska värdena är odefinierade och därmed görs tolkningar av vad de kan innefatta. / This study aims to present how the democratic values in the curriculum are exposed in the education and content about the democratic concept in textbooks. The study is based on and uses a discourse analysis as a method. The results of the study is based on textbooks for social science in the upper secondary high school. The theoretical point of view for this study is based on discourse theory but also theories about democracy as a concept. Chantal Mouffe, William Connolly and Mats Lundström have contributed to the theoretical background for the analysis in the study. The result showed that textbooks have a tendency to use democratic right and freedoms to legitimize and explain how the idea of democracy is constructed. Through this the textbooks tend to communicate the democratic values in terms of which democratic freedom and rights a society will have. It has also been demonstrated that democratic values ​​are undefined and thus interpreted by what they can include.

L’influence du droit issu de la Convention européenne des droits de l’homme sur le droit interne n’est plus à démontrer. Ce texte offre aux justiciables une protection accentuée de leurs droits fondamentaux. Cette affirmation ne doit pas être limitée aux droits que la Convention EDH contient expressément ou encore à ceux que la Cour de Strasbourg a elle-même dégagés grâce à son interprétation dynamique et évolutive. Entendues comme les moyens permettant de contester un acte juridictionnel, les voies de recours ne correspondent pas, en tant que telles, à un droit protégé par le système européen des droits de l’homme. Ce n’est pas pour autant qu’elles sont ignorées de ce dernier. Au contraire, elles bénéficient de toute l’attention des juges européens. Construite à partir des décisions et arrêts rendus par les organes de contrôle européens, la thèse met en évidence les relations entretenues entre la Convention EDH et les voies de recours. Il est alors indispensable d’identifier précisément le type de relations dont il s’agit. Si ces deux mécanismes ont en point commun l’idée de contrôle, les juges européens n’interviennent qu’à l’issue de la procédure interne à laquelle participent les voies de recours. Cette organisation permet de mettre pleinement en lumière le regard que la Cour de Strasbourg porte sur les voies de recours au moment de réaliser son propre contrôle. Il faut alors observer que son appréhension des voies de recours n’est pas univoque. La Cour ne fait pas que contrôler la mise en œuvre par les voies de recours des garanties procédurales contenues dans la Convention. Ces dernières sont également un moyen utilisé par la Cour européenne afin de s’assurer du respect de l’ensemble des droits conventionnels. La découverte de ces dimensions pose la question d’une qualification globale des relations entre la Convention européenne des droits de l’homme et les voies de recours. L’utilisation des voies de recours au cœur du contrôle de conventionnalité, en qualité d’instrument ou d’objet, montre que ces relations favorisent un renforcement mutuel des voies de recours comme du système de protection des droits conventionnels. / The influence of the law stemming from the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms no longer need to be demonstrated. This text provides people with an increased protection of their fundamental rights. This assertion can not be restricted to the rights that are clearly stated in the Convention or those that are drawn by the European Court of Human Rights thanks to its dynamic and evolutional interpretation. Remedies constitute a way to contest a judicial decision. On account of this definition, they do not correspond to a right directly protected by the European human rights system. That does not mean they are ignored by this system. On the contrary, European judges give their full attention to them. This thesis built up from the European decisions and judgments underscores the relations between the European Convention and remedies. It is therefore necessary to determine what kind of relations. If those two mechanisms have the idea of control in common, the European judges intervene only when the domestic proceedings in which remedies are brought is ended. This organization allows to highlight the way the European Court looks upon remedies when it carries out its own control. The way it grasps remedies is then not univocal. The European Court does not only control the enforcement of procedural guarantees of the Convention by remedies. These guarantees also are a means used by the European Court to ascertain the respect of all Convention rights. The discovery of these two aspects asks for a global qualification of the relations between the European Convention and remedies. Remedies’ use in the heart of the review of conventionality, as an instrument or an object, shows that these relations favour a mutual strengthening of remedies as well as the Convention rights system of protection.

[pt] O modelo de controle de constitucionalidade francês, devido à sua especificidade, serviu por anos como exemplo do único sistema no qual o exame de compatibilidade entre normas infraconstitucionais e o texto da Constituição era realizado pelo Conselho Constitucional - órgão político - e de maneira preventiva, ou seja, antes das disposições legislativas entrarem em vigor e produzirem efeitos. Com o passar do tempo verificou-se na prática, a perda da supremacia da Constituição da República Francesa de 1958, como resultado da ausência de proteção a direitos e liberdades constitucionais. Por este motivo, no final dos anos 80 operadores do direito começaram a se mobilizar e a vislumbrar uma proposta de mudança e reforma. Em 2008 foi aprovada uma Lei Constitucional, que tem status de Emenda Constitucional, com o intuito de modernizar as instituições políticas da França. Dentre as medidas modernizadoras estava incluída a criação da Questão Prioritária de Constitucionalidade, mecanismo que tem como principal objetivo conferir aos particulares a prerrogativa de contestarem a constitucionalidade de uma disposição legislativa que julguem atentar contra direitos e liberdades garantidos constitucionalmente. Esta pesquisa analisou os fatores que antecederam e influenciaram a reforma supracitada, além das consequências e dos efeitos gerados pela introdução da QPC no ordenamento jurídico francês. / [en] The French system of constitutional review is very specific and was used for years as an example of the only system in which the compatibility exam between laws and the Constitution was performed by the Constitutional Council - which is a politic institution - preventively. In other words, this exam happened before the legal provisions come into force and take effect. As a result of the lack of protection of the constitutional rights and freedoms, the French Constitution was gradually losing its supremacy. That is why jurists during the 80 s started to discuss a proposal of change and reform. When in 2008, a constitutional amendment was approved, creating a mechanism which gave individuals the right to contest the constitutionality of whichever legal provision they deemed to be violating their constitutional rights and freedoms. This research examined the factors that preceded and influenced the reform, and above all the effects and consequences generated by the Priority Question of Constitutionality in French Law.

L’action collective des travailleurs - qu’on désigne ordinairement en France par le terme de grève - fait l’objet d’un traitement juridique diversifié, aussi bien au niveau national que supranational. A la suite des arrêts Viking et Laval, rendus en 2007 par la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne, les régimes nationaux et supranationaux de l’action collective sont amenés à évoluer du fait de leur rencontre avec les libertés économiques, au premier rang desquelles figurent la liberté d’établissement et la libre prestation de services. L’étude de ces évolutions requiert la combinaison de deux perspectives. Dans une perspective historique et descriptive, il s’agit d’examiner ces régimes pour en saisir la construction. A cette fin, l’outil choisi est celui de la comparaison juridique, comparaison qui s’effectue à un double niveau : national (droit français et droit anglais) et supranational (droit de l’OIT et droit du Conseil de l’Europe). C’est dans une perspective plus dynamique que l’étude porte ensuite sur les interactions de ces régimes avec les libertés économiques. / Collective action of workers - ordinarily designated by the term of “strike” or “grève” in France - is subject to a diverse legal understanding at national and supranational level. Following the Viking and Laval judgments, made in 2007 by the Court of Justice of the European Union, national and supranational regimes of collective action are likely to evolve as a result of their encounter with the economic freedoms, the first among which are freedom of establishment and freedom to provide services. The study of these changes requires a combination of two perspectives. In a historical and descriptive perspective, the aim is first to understand the structure of these regimes. To this end, the chosen tool is that of legal comparison, made at a double level, national (French law and English law) and supranational (ILO Law and Law of the Council of Europe). It is in a more dynamic perspective that the study then focuses on the interactions of these regimes with economic freedoms.

Com o objetivo de identificar e discutir as inter-relações que aproximam os problemas de restrição de capacidades e liberdades humanas da questão da vulnerabilidade socioambiental, esta pesquisa buscou analisar indicadores de desenvolvimento, previamente selecionados, que refletissem as desigualdades sociais, econômicas e ambientais relativas aos noventa e seis distritos do município de São Paulo. Para discorrer sobre a questão das capacidades e liberdades humanas, a pesquisa bibliográfica levou em conta principalmente, os trabalhos do economista indiano Amartya Sen, em especial seus escritos sobre a abordagem das capacidades na teoria da justiça e do desenvolvimento como liberdade. O estudo de caso utilizou indicadores secundários separados em duas grandes dimensões: vulnerabilidade que corresponde aos indicadores de: condição de... e desenvolvimento que corresponde aos indicadores de: acesso a.... As categorias segundo as quais os indicadores foram classificados são: demografia, habitação, violência, condições de saúde e assistência social, educação, renda e susceptibilidade ao risco ambiental, na dimensão vulnerabilidade; e transportes, infraestrutura em saúde e assistência social, cultura e lazer, infraestrutura em educação, emprego, abastecimento e saneamento, e áreas verdes na dimensão desenvolvimento. Através do agrupamento dos indicadores e transformação das variáveis pela média, obtiveram-se valores de índices tanto para vulnerabilidade, quanto para desenvolvimento. Por meio da utilização de mapas e tabelas, o estudo mostra de que forma a vulnerabilidade e o desenvolvimento estão dispostos no território paulistano. O resultado da pesquisa quantitativa mostrou que cerca de 50% dos distritos paulistanos apresentaram índices de alta vulnerabilidade ou vulnerabilidade extrema, a grande maioria em áreas periféricas. Ao mesmo tempo, apenas dez distritos dos noventa e seis, apresentaram resultados bons de desenvolvimento, sete dos quais inseridos na porção sudoeste do município de São Paulo, área nobre e extremamente valorizada da cidade. Este resultado da análise mostrou que a capital paulista é extremamente desigual dos pontos de vista social, ambiental e econômico, e que os problemas associados à vulnerabilidade se expressam no próprio território do município, de forma que as periferias são o reflexo de espaços altamente segregados, com graves problemas sociais, riscos ambientais iminentes e ainda, baixos níveis de desenvolvimento devido, em especial, à insuficiente atuação do Estado como promotor de políticas públicas. A constatação da vulnerabilidade deveu-se, entre outros fatores, à precariedade de acesso a serviços como transporte, saúde e educação, incluindo demais equipamentos, sobretudo públicos, de acesso ao saneamento básico, lazer e cultura. Além disso, há baixa oferta de empregos locais com boa remuneração e níveis consideráveis de violência e pobreza características que limitam o empoderamento dos grupos sociais residentes, sobretudo dos mais vulneráveis como as mulheres, os jovens, os negros e os idosos. A todo este conjunto de características, atribui-se a responsabilidade pela restrição das capacidades e liberdades elementares dos indivíduos. Dessa forma verificou-se que as desigualdades de vulnerabilidade e desenvolvimento existentes representam as diferenças de capacidades e liberdades entre as populações, e que o enfrentamento desses problemas deve considerar princípios de justiça que levem em conta a construção das capacidades das populações mais desfavorecidas a fim de se promover justiça social e igualdade de oportunidades. / With the objective to identify and discuss the interrelations that approximate the problems of human capabilities e freedoms restriction of issue social and environmental vulnerability, this study examined indicators, previously selected, that reflect the social, economic and environmental inequalities relative to ninety-six districts of the city of São Paulo. To discuss the issue about human capabilities and freedoms, the bibliographic research took into account, mainly, the works of the Indian economist Amartya Sen, in particular his writings about the capability approach, in the theory of justice, and the development as freedom. The case study used secondary indicators separated into two major dimensions: vulnerability, that corresponds to the indicators of \"condition of...\", and development that refers to the indicators of \"access to...\". The categories under which the indicators were classified are: demographics, housing, violence, health and social care, education, income and susceptibility to environmental risk, in the vulnerability dimension; and transport, health and social care infrastructure, culture and recreation, education infrastructure, employment, water and sanitation, and green areas in the development dimension. With the transformation of variables and the grouping of indicators, were obtained values for both indexes: vulnerability and development. Through the use of maps and tables, the study showed how the vulnerability and development are arranged in the São Paulo city. The result of the quantitative survey showed that nearly fifty percent of São Paulo districts have high levels of vulnerability or extreme vulnerability, the large majority in outskirts. At the same time, only ten of the ninety-six districts showed good results of development, seven of which inserted in the southwest portion of city the prime area and extremely rich. This showed that São Paulo is extremely unequal in the points of views social, environmental and economic, and that the problems associated with vulnerability are expressed in the territory, such that the outskirts are the reflection of highly segregated spaces, with serious social problems, imminent environmental risks, and yet, low levels of development, due to, in particular, the inadequate performance of the State as promoter of public polices. The verification of vulnerability is due, among other factors, to the limited access to public services as transport, health and education, including other equipment for access to basic sanitation, recreation and culture. In addition, there is low offer of local jobs with a good salary, and considerable levels of violence and poverty features that limited the empowerment of specific social groups, especially the most vulnerable like as women, younger, blacks and elderly. The whole this package of characteristics is attributed the responsibility for restricting the capabilities and freedoms of the individuals. Therefore, it was found that the inequalities of vulnerabilities and developing represent the difference of capabilities and freedoms between the populations and that for facing these issues, is necessary consider the principles of justice concerning the capacities construction of vulnerable groups, in order to promote social justice and equal opportunities.

<p>Предмет истраживања ове дисертације су притужбе грађана против полицијског<br />службеника ако сматра да су му незаконитом или неправилном радњом полицијског<br />службеника повређена права или слободе, односно притужбени поступак који се<br />спроводи у Министарству унутрашњих послова, у циљу утврђивања тачног чињеничног стања и предузимања мера одговорности према полицијском<br />службенику, за кога се утврди да је повредио права и слободе грађана.</p><p>Основни циљ истраживања предметне проблематике је у функцији утврђивања<br />целисходности вођења притужбеног поступка са позиције грађана, који се<br />притужује да су му повређена права или слободе. Други циљ је приказивање значаја<br />улоге коју има контрола рада полиције путем решавања притужби на заштити и<br />остварењу људских права и слобода, као и да се са проблемски орјентисаног аспекта сагледа начин вођења притужбеног поступка и презентују одређене тешкоће и специфичности које отежавају његово спровођење, уз предлагање мера за њихово<br />превазилажење.</p> / <p>Predmet istraživanja ove disertacije su pritužbe građana protiv policijskog<br />službenika ako smatra da su mu nezakonitom ili nepravilnom radnjom policijskog<br />službenika povređena prava ili slobode, odnosno pritužbeni postupak koji se<br />sprovodi u Ministarstvu unutrašnjih poslova, u cilju utvrđivanja tačnog činjeničnog stanja i preduzimanja mera odgovornosti prema policijskom<br />službeniku, za koga se utvrdi da je povredio prava i slobode građana.</p><p>Osnovni cilj istraživanja predmetne problematike je u funkciji utvrđivanja<br />celishodnosti vođenja pritužbenog postupka sa pozicije građana, koji se<br />pritužuje da su mu povređena prava ili slobode. Drugi cilj je prikazivanje značaja<br />uloge koju ima kontrola rada policije putem rešavanja pritužbi na zaštiti i<br />ostvarenju ljudskih prava i sloboda, kao i da se sa problemski orjentisanog aspekta sagleda način vođenja pritužbenog postupka i prezentuju određene teškoće i specifičnosti koje otežavaju njegovo sprovođenje, uz predlaganje mera za njihovo<br />prevazilaženje.</p> / <p>The subject of the research of this thesis are citizens&rsquo; complaints against police officers if they deem that their rights or freedoms have been violated as a result of illegal or irregular work of a police officer, i.e. complaint procedure that is conducted in the Ministry of Interior in order to determine the facts and take measures against the police officer who has violated rights and freedoms of a citizen.</p><p>The main goal of the research of the subject issue is to determine the purpose of conducting the complaint procedure from the position of a citizen, who complaints that his or her rights or freedoms have been violated. The second goal is to show the role that the control of the police work by resolving complaints has in protecting and achieving human rights and freedoms, as well as reviewing, from a problem-solving aspect, the manner of conducting the complaint procedure, and to showcase certain difficulties and characteristics that hinder its implementation,</p>

Over the last couple of decades or so, comparative public law scholars have been reporting a dramatic increase in the power and influence of judicial institutions worldwide. One obvious effect of this “judicialization of politics” is to highlight legitimacy concerns associated with the exercise of judicial power. Indeed, how do courts attain and retain their legitimacy particularly in the context of their increasing political relevance? To answer this question I develop a novel theory of strategic legitimacy cultivation. The theory is developed through an application of the institutionalist branch of the rational choice theory which suggests that institutional structures, rules, and imperatives provide behavioural incentives and disincentives for relevant actors who respond by acting strategically in order to attain favourable outcomes. The theory shows that courts cultivate legitimacy by exhibiting strategic sensitivities to factors operating in the external, political environment. In particular, legitimacy cultivation requires courts to devise decisions that are sensitive to the state of public opinion, that avoid overt clashes and entanglements with key political actors, that do not overextend the outreach of judicial activism, and that employ politically sensitive jurisprudence. The theory is tested in the context of the Supreme Court of Canada through a mixed-method research design that combines a quantitative analysis of a large number of cases, case-study approaches, and cross-policy comparisons. One of the central findings of the dissertation is that understanding judicial institutions and judicial policymaking influence requires taking close accounts of external contexts within which courts operate.

Over the last couple of decades or so, comparative public law scholars have been reporting a dramatic increase in the power and influence of judicial institutions worldwide. One obvious effect of this “judicialization of politics” is to highlight legitimacy concerns associated with the exercise of judicial power. Indeed, how do courts attain and retain their legitimacy particularly in the context of their increasing political relevance? To answer this question I develop a novel theory of strategic legitimacy cultivation. The theory is developed through an application of the institutionalist branch of the rational choice theory which suggests that institutional structures, rules, and imperatives provide behavioural incentives and disincentives for relevant actors who respond by acting strategically in order to attain favourable outcomes. The theory shows that courts cultivate legitimacy by exhibiting strategic sensitivities to factors operating in the external, political environment. In particular, legitimacy cultivation requires courts to devise decisions that are sensitive to the state of public opinion, that avoid overt clashes and entanglements with key political actors, that do not overextend the outreach of judicial activism, and that employ politically sensitive jurisprudence. The theory is tested in the context of the Supreme Court of Canada through a mixed-method research design that combines a quantitative analysis of a large number of cases, case-study approaches, and cross-policy comparisons. One of the central findings of the dissertation is that understanding judicial institutions and judicial policymaking influence requires taking close accounts of external contexts within which courts operate.

The imminent recognition of an inherent Aboriginal right to selfgovernment signals the beginning of the reversal of a colonization process which threatened the cultural survival of a people. The Report of the Aboriginal Justice Inquiry of Manitoba , hereinafter referred to as the Inquiry, advocates an autonomous Aboriginal criminal justice system as a significant component of this cultural revitalization. This Aboriginal criminal justice system would differ markedly from the conventional system in giving priority to collective rights over conflicting individual rights. The Inquiry rejects the Charter as alien to Aboriginal values and advocates a “tailor-made” Aboriginal charter that would incorporate “only those fundamental freedoms and civil liberties that do not violate the beliefs and paramount collective rights of the Aboriginal peoples.” The conventional justice system’s paramount concern for individual rights is premised on the potential of punishment. The Inquiry’s starkly contrasting paramount emphasis on collective rights is premised on an Aboriginal view of justice which this thesis refers to as the “harmony ethos”: The underlying philosophy in Aboriginal societies in dealing with crime was the resolution of disputes, the healing of wounds and the restoration of social harmony… Atonement and restoration of harmony were the goals - not punishment. The tension between individual and collective rights apparent in the proposal of the Inquiry is the specific focus of this thesis. The colonization process may justify a separate Aboriginal justice system. However, the harmony ethos premise, while appropriate to the mediation-reconciliation communitarian model of justice advocated by the Inquiry, blinds the Inquiry to the additional, and crucially different, adjudicative-rights imperatives of the contemporary Aboriginal society. Actually existing Indianism reveals conflict-generating fault lines in the harmony premise which challenge the sufficiency of the Inquiry’s group-based justice paradigm and indicate a need and desire for an adjudication justice component and concomitant Charter values. This adjudication hiatus in the Inquiry position is a reflection of a similar void in historical Aboriginal justice which challenges the asserted rationale of cultural survival for the paramountcy of collective rights in the contemporary Aboriginal justice system. This historical adjudication hiatus does not preclude a separate Aboriginal justice system, but favours the inclusion of Charter values to strengthen an adjudication cultural foundation which is frail relative to its reconciliation-mediation strength. This thesis is a modest attempt to address the interface between two systems; one mature, but in need of change, the other, fledging and in need of assistance. The Charter provides a ready and flexible framework to join the Aboriginal community both to the larger society and to the unlanded Aboriginal diaspora by principled standards of justice. These fundamental indicia of fairness, recognized by all civilized self-governing units, constitute no significant threat to the cultural survival of the Aboriginal mediation justice heritage, while buttressing its inherent adjudication frailty.

„Informacinės visuomenės kūrimo kliūtys ir perspektyvos Afrikos šalyse“ Darbo objektas – Afrikos šalys lokalios, regioninės ir pasaulinės Informacinės visuomenės kontekste. Darbo tikslas – atskleisti Informacinės visuomenės kūrimo kliūtis bei perspektyvas Afrikos šalyse. Darbo uždaviniai: atskleisti Globalios Informacinės visuomenės apibrėžimą, vystymo kryptis ir kūrimo prioritetus; pateikti Afrikos šalių IV kūrimo ištakas ir iniciatyvas; įvertinti dabartinę Afrikos kontinento padėtį Informacinės visuomenės sudedamųjų dalių kontekste; atlikti Afrikos šalių IV lyginamąjį tyrimą. Naudojantis duomenų analizės ir lyginamuoju šalių sugretinimo metodais prieita prie išvados, kad Informacinės visuomenės kūrimas Afrikos šalyse taps evoliuciniu judėjimu pirmyn, jei šalys įveiks Tūkstantmečio plėtros tikslais konstatuotas vystimosi kliūtis ar bent jau pradės produktyviai dirbti jų įveikimo link. Informacinės visuomenės sąvoka yra kompleksiška, ji paima demokratinius principus, žmogiškuosius išteklius ir Informacijos Komunikacijos technologijų situaciją bei naudojimą šalyje. Jei vienos iš šių sudedamųjų dalių nėra, nepavyks sukurti pilnavertės Informacinės visuomenės. Tyrimo rezultatai rodo, kad Afrikai trūksta harmoningo vystimosi, nes daugelyje šalių stinga vieno, dviejų ar net visų Informacinės visuomenės sudedamųjų dalių. Viena pagrindinių kliūčių harmoningam vystimuisi – lokaliniai karai ir konfliktai. Šalys, kurios per paskutinius dešimtmečius patyrė lokalinius karus ar konfliktus... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Towards Information society in Africa: obstacles and prospects (summary) One of the main strategic goals for every country in Information age, or probably the main – is building Information society, as achievements in this area are the main, which separate one state from another. Depending on it, all states are divided as most developed, developing and least developed. Therefore underlying goal for every state is not only to catch developing speed, but more – to seek for its own contribution in the work of creating new value society. Recently, Global community initiated building “Information society for all”. It means, for all states, regions and individuals. These goals invite to eliminate Digital Divide, helping “information poor” to take advantages of “Digital opportunity”. Main purpose of this work is to look at the situation of “information poor” in Africa continent as building of Information society is seen as opportunity to foster their development. Work theme is “Towards Information society in Africa countries: obstacles and prospects”. Main goal is to highlight obstacles and prospects of building Information Society in Africa. Tasks: to highlight definition, development trends and priorities of Global Information society; to present Information society building origins and initiatives of Africa countries; to measure present status of Information society in Africa regarding complex Information society concept; to carry a comparative research of Africa Information... [to full text]