Les raisons impérieuses d’intérêt général en droit de l’Union européenne sont des intérêts permettant la justification de restrictions aux différentes libertés de circulation. Ces raisons impérieuses sont donc un mode de justification. Un mode de justification essentiellement prétorien car c’est la Cour de justice qui l’a théorisé. Elle a instauré ces raisons dans l’arrêt Cassis de Dijon, étendu leur application à toutes les libertés de circulation et encadré cette application. Ainsi, ces raisons impérieuses sont soumises à la volonté de la Cour et à ses incertitudes. Par conséquent, si la jurisprudence est incertaine concernant les intérêts qualifiés de raisons impérieuses d’intérêt général voire contradictoire à propos des conditions liées aux raisons impérieuses, les raisons impérieuses d’intérêt général sont un mode de justification par essence prétorien. D’ailleurs, si certains textes de droit de l’Union européenne reprennent la théorie élaborée par la Cour de justice, ils restent vraiment fidèles à la jurisprudence. Ces textes, aussi bien de droit primaire que de droit dérivé, reprennent des éléments essentiels de la théorie des raisons impérieuses d’intérêt général et notamment les conditions élaborées par la Cour. Ces textes copient aussi les imperfections prétoriennes concernant la théorie des raisons impérieuses. On va même jusqu’à avoir une frontière entre les raisons impérieuses et les autres modes de justification tout aussi floue dans les textes que dans la jurisprudence de la Cour. Ainsi, malgré la reprise de la théorie des raisons impérieuses dans des textes, ce mode de justification reste par essence jurisprudentiel. / The mandatory requirements in the European Union law are reasons who can justify restrictions to the differents freedom of movements. So, those mandatory requirements are a justification method. An essentially jurisprudential justification method because it is the Court of justice who theorized it. It established thoses reasons in the Cassis de Dijon case, extended their application to every free movements and regulated their application. So, those mandatory requirements are also subject to the will of the Court and to its uncertainties. Therefore, if the jurisprudence is uncertain about interests named as mandatory requirements and even conflicting about its conditions, the mandatory requirements are an essentially jurisprudential justification method. Although, if some European Union law texts resume the jurisprudential made theory, they are truly loyal to the jurisprudence. Those texts, both primary and secondary law, pick up essential elements of the theory, in particular the conditions created by the Court. But those texts also copy the Courts imperfections about the theory. They even have a border between mandatory requirements and other justification methods equally blurred in the texts and in the jurisprudence. Thus, despite the retake of the theory of mandatory requirements in texts, this justification method stays essentially jurisprudential.

En France, depuis plus d’une soixantaine d’années, la médiatisation des affaires pénales s’est nettement accentuée. Ce constat s'explique en raison de la multiplication des supports (presse, radio, télévision, internet), et de l'intérêt croissant que les journalistes portent aussi bien aux simples faits divers, qu'aux affaires politico-judiciaires. Le public se passionne pour cette actualité sans cesse renouvelée, tout en ignorant la plupart du temps les règles juridiques techniques et complexes du droit pénal et de la procédure pénale. Au-delà du principe de publicité du procès pénal qui autorise, dans une certaine mesure, sa médiatisation par le relais de la presse écrite et audiovisuelle, l’information s’étend dorénavant avec force aux phases secrètes de la procédure. Non sans difficulté, le Droit s’est adapté aux réalités d’une société de la communication, en créant des fenêtres de publicité au cours de la procédure. L’Institution judiciaire se plie aussi aux nécessités de la communication en transmettant des messages aux citoyens par le vecteur des médias. Les enjeux diffèrent. Les médias remplissent une mission de service public en informant le peuple. L’urgence du travail journalistique – et la recherche d’informations inédites ou spectaculaires – s’opposent aux lenteurs nécessaires du temps de la justice qui n’est pas le même que celui de la presse moderne, surtout quand elle est mue par une logique concurrentielle. La justice pénale entend valoriser le bon fonctionnement du système judiciaire à travers les informations qu’elle diffuse. Les dérives tendant à transformer la médiatisation de la justice pénale en une justice pénale « médiatique » se multiplient. La confrontation de ces objectifs distincts est source de conflits dont la résolution repose sur la quête perpétuelle d’un équilibre entre les grands principes démocratiques et les libertés fondamentales consacrés par le droit national et supranational. / In France, the last 60 years or so have seen a sharp increase in the media profile of the criminal justice system. The explanation lies in the massive growth in media outlets (press, radio, television, internet) and in the increasing interest shown by journalists, not only in run-of-the-mill crime stories but in cases of corruption at the top of the political system. Public interest in such doings is huge, although with mostly little regard to the legal and technical complexities of the criminal law and its processes. The justice system in principle allows some media reporting by press and broadcasters, but the present-day appetite for information extends far deeper, into its more secret workings. The Law has adjusted, not without difficulty, to the realities of the communication society. In criminal proceedings, some windows have been thrown open on aspects of previously hidden processes. The judiciary, as an institution, has had to bow to popular pressure, has become more communicative, and has learned to use the media to keep people better informed. Different issues are at stake. The media, as a provider of information, perform a public service. But the urgency of the rush to print – and the pressure to publish undisclosed information including the most sensational – conflict with the justice system, that acts according to a more deliberate legal process than journalism, particularly when the latter’s logic is financial. The criminal justice system disseminates information to enhance its own value as a working institution. Even so, it may slip from being media-sensitive to being media-dependent or “mediatic”—and increasingly so. Different objectives give rise to unresolved conflicts, whose resolution relies on a balancing act that seeks to reconcile the principles of an open democratic society, with the fundamental freedoms guaranteed by national and supranational legal systems.

The imminent recognition of an inherent Aboriginal right to selfgovernment signals the beginning of the reversal of a colonization process which threatened the cultural survival of a people. The Report of the Aboriginal Justice Inquiry of Manitoba , hereinafter referred to as the Inquiry, advocates an autonomous Aboriginal criminal justice system as a significant component of this cultural revitalization. This Aboriginal criminal justice system would differ markedly from the conventional system in giving priority to collective rights over conflicting individual rights. The Inquiry rejects the Charter as alien to Aboriginal values and advocates a “tailor-made” Aboriginal charter that would incorporate “only those fundamental freedoms and civil liberties that do not violate the beliefs and paramount collective rights of the Aboriginal peoples.” The conventional justice system’s paramount concern for individual rights is premised on the potential of punishment. The Inquiry’s starkly contrasting paramount emphasis on collective rights is premised on an Aboriginal view of justice which this thesis refers to as the “harmony ethos”: The underlying philosophy in Aboriginal societies in dealing with crime was the resolution of disputes, the healing of wounds and the restoration of social harmony… Atonement and restoration of harmony were the goals - not punishment. The tension between individual and collective rights apparent in the proposal of the Inquiry is the specific focus of this thesis. The colonization process may justify a separate Aboriginal justice system. However, the harmony ethos premise, while appropriate to the mediation-reconciliation communitarian model of justice advocated by the Inquiry, blinds the Inquiry to the additional, and crucially different, adjudicative-rights imperatives of the contemporary Aboriginal society. Actually existing Indianism reveals conflict-generating fault lines in the harmony premise which challenge the sufficiency of the Inquiry’s group-based justice paradigm and indicate a need and desire for an adjudication justice component and concomitant Charter values. This adjudication hiatus in the Inquiry position is a reflection of a similar void in historical Aboriginal justice which challenges the asserted rationale of cultural survival for the paramountcy of collective rights in the contemporary Aboriginal justice system. This historical adjudication hiatus does not preclude a separate Aboriginal justice system, but favours the inclusion of Charter values to strengthen an adjudication cultural foundation which is frail relative to its reconciliation-mediation strength. This thesis is a modest attempt to address the interface between two systems; one mature, but in need of change, the other, fledging and in need of assistance. The Charter provides a ready and flexible framework to join the Aboriginal community both to the larger society and to the unlanded Aboriginal diaspora by principled standards of justice. These fundamental indicia of fairness, recognized by all civilized self-governing units, constitute no significant threat to the cultural survival of the Aboriginal mediation justice heritage, while buttressing its inherent adjudication frailty. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate

This dissertation analyses the use of the word “religion” in Canadian law and theorises the consequences of its use for the legal protection of religious movements in Canada. Chapter One establishes the problems of the word “religion” in academic discourse by providing an overview of work in the field of critical religion. This dissertation considers whether the critiques of the term “religion” by scholars working within critical religion are equally relevant when considering the role of religion in human rights law. Chapter Two turns an investigative eye toward Canadian case law using the word “religion”, from Chaput v Romain (1959) to Alberta v Hutterian Brethren of Wilson Colony (2009). The analysis highlights how the use of “religion” in Canadian law does indeed reflect academic concerns. Chapter Three uses queer theory to speculate the consequences of an unstable concept of religion for the protection of religious freedom, especially as it pertains to new religious movements. Judith Butler’s notions of performativity and drag are applied to theorise the performance of “religion” and its outcomes. Some suggestions for how to proceed conclude the dissertation.

La pratique et les usages issus du cyberespace démontrent que l'imbrication entre ces deux sujets d'étude - l'internet d'une part et les droits fondamentaux d'autre part - est permanente : par sa nature transcendantale, le réseau des réseaux irradie tous les corps de la société et donc, directement ou indirectement, tous les droits et libertés fondamentaux, qu'ils soient politiques, économiques ou sociaux. Partant de ce postulat, il s'agit de déterminer le plus objectivement et précisément possible si l'internet impacte positivement ou négativement ce corpus de droits dits « suprêmes » : accroît-il leur protection et leur rayonnement ou, au contraire, participe-t-il à leur érosion, mettant ainsi en exergue une éventuelle incompatibilité d'un droit théorique confronté à une réalité dématérialisée ? La réponse à cette problématique, reposant largement sur une analyse scientifique quantitative, permettra d'établir qu'une majorité de droits et libertés fondamentaux est encensée voire sublimée par le net ; dans le même temps, une minorité de droits et libertés, jugés essentiels au sein de la hiérarchie des droits fondamentaux, pâtissent de cette rencontre. De facto, l'ambivalence de ce constat amènera naturellement à s'interroger sur l'opportunité pour la théorie des droits fondamentaux d'influer, par des principes en adéquation avec la nature technique du net, sur la construction et la pérennisation du cadre juridique d'un internet difficilement appréhendable par les branches « classiques » du droit. / The practice and customs from cyberspace demonstrates that the overlap between these two topics of study - internet on one hand and human rights on the other part - is permanent : by its very transcendental nature, the network of networks irradiates all the bodies of the society and therefore either directly or indirectly, all the basics Rights and Freedom, be they political, economic or social.Based on this premise, one has to identify with the most objective and accurate manner if the internet has a positive or negative impact on this body of law called « highest » : does that increases its protection and influence or, on the contrary, contributes to erosion, thus emphasizing the possible incompatibility of a theoretical right faced to a dematerialized reality? The answer to this problem, relying largely on a quantitative scientific analysis will establish that a majority of Fundamental Rights and Freedom is praised and even sublimated by the net ; at the same time, a minority of rights and freedoms, deemed to be essential within the hierarchy of basic rights, suffer from this meeting. De facto, the ambivalence of this finding will naturally lead to wonder whether it is appropriate that the theory of fundamental rights can affect, through principles in line with the technical nature of the net, the construction and sustainability of the legal framework of an internet hardly apprehandable within the « traditional » branches of the of law.

L’approche de la qualification en droit pénal se fait traditionnellement sous l’angle d’une opération intellectuelle dominée par le principe de légalité et, en particulier, par le principe de l’interprétation stricte de la loi pénale. Une telle approche occulte la dimension procédurale de la qualification en droit pénal qui est, pourtant, essentielle à la sauvegarde des libertés individuelles. La conjugaison de ces deux aspects de la qualification en droit pénal aboutit à faire émerger une forme statique de qualification : la qualification pénale des faits. Située entre l’incrimination et l’infraction, la qualification pénale des faits offre un statut intermédiaire où la nature des faits pénaux va être représentée intellectuellement en tenant compte de l’évolution du procès pénal. Plus précisément, la qualification pénale des faits s’analyse en une représentation encadrée et appliquée de la nature pénale des faits. Encadrée doublement par le principe de légalité et le principe du procès équitable, la qualification pénale des faits offre une représentation légaliste et équitable de la nature pénale des faits. Mais l’encadrement de la qualification pénale ne suffit pas à lui seul à l’élaboration de la qualification pénale des faits. Son élaboration commence bien en amont, alors que la qualification pénale des faits n’est que pure présomption dans l’esprit de l’autorité qualifiante. C’est au cours d’une application répressive et symbolique que la qualification pénale des faits se concrétise, faisant ainsi apparaître la qualification pénale des faits comme un objet juridique. D’une opération particulière au droit pénal, la qualification pénale des faits devient, à l’analyse, un concept proposant à l’esprit une manière de concevoir la nature pénale des faits. / The approach of the characterization of the facts in criminal law is generally treated as an intellectual operation ruled by the principle of legality and more particularly by the principle of the strict interpretation of criminal law. Such an approach hides the procedural dimension of the characterization of facts in criminal law which is, however, essential to the protection of individual freedoms. The union of these two aspects of the characterization leads to a static form: the characterization of facts. Situated between the incrimination and the offense, it proposes an intermediate status where the nature of the criminal facts will be represented intellectually taking into consideration the evolution of the criminal trial. More precisely, the characterization of facts is analyzed as a framed and applied representation of the nature of the criminal facts. Framed by the principles of legality and of the right to a fair trial, the criminal characterization of facts offers a legalist and fair image of the criminal nature of the facts. But the frame alone is not sufficient to elaborate the notion of characterization of facts. Its elaboration begins upstream when it is a sheer presumption in the mind of the qualifying authority. It is during the process of a repressive and symbolic application that the characterization of the facts materializes, thus becoming a judicial object. In a manner peculiar to criminal law, the characterization of the facts becomes a concept which suggests a way to apprehend the criminal nature of the facts.

Com o objetivo de identificar e discutir as inter-relações que aproximam os problemas de restrição de capacidades e liberdades humanas da questão da vulnerabilidade socioambiental, esta pesquisa buscou analisar indicadores de desenvolvimento, previamente selecionados, que refletissem as desigualdades sociais, econômicas e ambientais relativas aos noventa e seis distritos do município de São Paulo. Para discorrer sobre a questão das capacidades e liberdades humanas, a pesquisa bibliográfica levou em conta principalmente, os trabalhos do economista indiano Amartya Sen, em especial seus escritos sobre a abordagem das capacidades na teoria da justiça e do desenvolvimento como liberdade. O estudo de caso utilizou indicadores secundários separados em duas grandes dimensões: vulnerabilidade que corresponde aos indicadores de: condição de... e desenvolvimento que corresponde aos indicadores de: acesso a.... As categorias segundo as quais os indicadores foram classificados são: demografia, habitação, violência, condições de saúde e assistência social, educação, renda e susceptibilidade ao risco ambiental, na dimensão vulnerabilidade; e transportes, infraestrutura em saúde e assistência social, cultura e lazer, infraestrutura em educação, emprego, abastecimento e saneamento, e áreas verdes na dimensão desenvolvimento. Através do agrupamento dos indicadores e transformação das variáveis pela média, obtiveram-se valores de índices tanto para vulnerabilidade, quanto para desenvolvimento. Por meio da utilização de mapas e tabelas, o estudo mostra de que forma a vulnerabilidade e o desenvolvimento estão dispostos no território paulistano. O resultado da pesquisa quantitativa mostrou que cerca de 50% dos distritos paulistanos apresentaram índices de alta vulnerabilidade ou vulnerabilidade extrema, a grande maioria em áreas periféricas. Ao mesmo tempo, apenas dez distritos dos noventa e seis, apresentaram resultados bons de desenvolvimento, sete dos quais inseridos na porção sudoeste do município de São Paulo, área nobre e extremamente valorizada da cidade. Este resultado da análise mostrou que a capital paulista é extremamente desigual dos pontos de vista social, ambiental e econômico, e que os problemas associados à vulnerabilidade se expressam no próprio território do município, de forma que as periferias são o reflexo de espaços altamente segregados, com graves problemas sociais, riscos ambientais iminentes e ainda, baixos níveis de desenvolvimento devido, em especial, à insuficiente atuação do Estado como promotor de políticas públicas. A constatação da vulnerabilidade deveu-se, entre outros fatores, à precariedade de acesso a serviços como transporte, saúde e educação, incluindo demais equipamentos, sobretudo públicos, de acesso ao saneamento básico, lazer e cultura. Além disso, há baixa oferta de empregos locais com boa remuneração e níveis consideráveis de violência e pobreza características que limitam o empoderamento dos grupos sociais residentes, sobretudo dos mais vulneráveis como as mulheres, os jovens, os negros e os idosos. A todo este conjunto de características, atribui-se a responsabilidade pela restrição das capacidades e liberdades elementares dos indivíduos. Dessa forma verificou-se que as desigualdades de vulnerabilidade e desenvolvimento existentes representam as diferenças de capacidades e liberdades entre as populações, e que o enfrentamento desses problemas deve considerar princípios de justiça que levem em conta a construção das capacidades das populações mais desfavorecidas a fim de se promover justiça social e igualdade de oportunidades. / With the objective to identify and discuss the interrelations that approximate the problems of human capabilities e freedoms restriction of issue social and environmental vulnerability, this study examined indicators, previously selected, that reflect the social, economic and environmental inequalities relative to ninety-six districts of the city of São Paulo. To discuss the issue about human capabilities and freedoms, the bibliographic research took into account, mainly, the works of the Indian economist Amartya Sen, in particular his writings about the capability approach, in the theory of justice, and the development as freedom. The case study used secondary indicators separated into two major dimensions: vulnerability, that corresponds to the indicators of \"condition of...\", and development that refers to the indicators of \"access to...\". The categories under which the indicators were classified are: demographics, housing, violence, health and social care, education, income and susceptibility to environmental risk, in the vulnerability dimension; and transport, health and social care infrastructure, culture and recreation, education infrastructure, employment, water and sanitation, and green areas in the development dimension. With the transformation of variables and the grouping of indicators, were obtained values for both indexes: vulnerability and development. Through the use of maps and tables, the study showed how the vulnerability and development are arranged in the São Paulo city. The result of the quantitative survey showed that nearly fifty percent of São Paulo districts have high levels of vulnerability or extreme vulnerability, the large majority in outskirts. At the same time, only ten of the ninety-six districts showed good results of development, seven of which inserted in the southwest portion of city the prime area and extremely rich. This showed that São Paulo is extremely unequal in the points of views social, environmental and economic, and that the problems associated with vulnerability are expressed in the territory, such that the outskirts are the reflection of highly segregated spaces, with serious social problems, imminent environmental risks, and yet, low levels of development, due to, in particular, the inadequate performance of the State as promoter of public polices. The verification of vulnerability is due, among other factors, to the limited access to public services as transport, health and education, including other equipment for access to basic sanitation, recreation and culture. In addition, there is low offer of local jobs with a good salary, and considerable levels of violence and poverty features that limited the empowerment of specific social groups, especially the most vulnerable like as women, younger, blacks and elderly. The whole this package of characteristics is attributed the responsibility for restricting the capabilities and freedoms of the individuals. Therefore, it was found that the inequalities of vulnerabilities and developing represent the difference of capabilities and freedoms between the populations and that for facing these issues, is necessary consider the principles of justice concerning the capacities construction of vulnerable groups, in order to promote social justice and equal opportunities.

La lutte contre le terrorisme implique, entre autres, la mise en œuvre de mesures législatives préventives et punitives pour gérer les menaces auxquelles le Canada est exposé. Dans cet ordre d’idée, l’État et ses agents ont recours à plusieurs outils, dont « les technologies de sécurités » (reconnaissance faciale, la vidéo surveillance, l’empreinte digitale, etc.), pour réaliser leurs différents mandats. Le fonctionnement de ces mécanismes suscite des questionnements quant à la protection de la vie privée. Le partage des renseignements personnels entre différents ministères, le consentement relatif à la collecte des renseignements, le droit d’accès des parlementaires aux secrets d’État, etc. sont des enjeux qui surgissent lorsque le pouvoir exécutif déploie ses actions sécuritaires. Nous constatons que les modifications législatives pour lutter contre le terrorisme créent un déséquilibre par rapport à la protection de la vie privée. En effet, contrairement à la lutte contre le terrorisme, la vie privée jouit d’une protection constitutionnelle selon la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés. L’un des défis qui s’imposent au pouvoir exécutif, législatif et judiciaire est de mener leurs actions dans le respect de la primauté du droit dans un contexte de sécurité nationale. / The fight against terrorism implies, amongst others, the execution of preventative and punitive legislation to manage the threats from which Canada is exposed. In this context, the state and its agents have access to many tools, such as “security technology” (facial recognition, video surveillance, fingerprinting, etc.), to achieve their different mandates. The operation of these mechanisms raises questions and concerns in regards to privacy protection. The sharing of personal information between different ministries, the consent pertaining to the collection of personal information, and legislators’ right of access to state secrets, etc., are issues that arise when the executive power undertakes security measures. It’s found that the legislative changes to fight against terrorism create an imbalance with respect to privacy protection. Indeed, unlike the fight against terrorism, the right to privacy is constitutionally protected under the Canadian Charter of rights and freedoms. One of the challenges that must be recognized by the executive, legislative and judiciary authorities is to conduct their actions according to the rule of law in the context of national security.

On observe au plan national comme international une augmentation de la consommation de certains produits, singulièrement de drogues illicites, voire d’une poly consommation (alcool, médicament, cannabis,…). Du fait de cette tendance générale, mais aussi en raison des évolutions propres au travail, les lieux d’activité professionnelle sont aujourd’hui de plus en plus confrontés à la question. En effet, des risques peuvent être encourus au travail par le consommateur, ses collègues ou des tiers. Alors même que les obligations patronales concernant la santé et la sécurité des travailleurs sont aujourd’hui substantielles, l’employeur est tenu dans sa gestion de la question au respect des libertés et droits fondamentaux de la personne salariée. En évitant toute approche généralisante, dénonciatrice du salarié-consommateur nécessairement pourvoyeur de risques pour l’entreprise, il convient, dans une démarche constructive, de ne pas nier un phénomène porteur de mises en cause potentielles de la santé ou de la sécurité de travailleurs, de difficultés de gestion et de responsabilités de l’entreprise. Quelles réponses juridiques sont disponibles, pertinentes, imaginables, dans une perspective à la fois de sécurisation juridique des entreprises mais aussi de respect des libertés et droits fondamentaux des personnes, de prévention des risques professionnels et de prise en charge du salarié consommateur ? L’approche juridique entend ici prendre en compte les réalités du terrain, les acquis et questionnements d’autres disciplines ainsi qu’un éclairage de droit comparé. / At both national and international levels we can observe an increase in the use of certain substances, particularly illicit drugs and even poly consumption (alcohol, medication, cannabis,…). Due to this general trend, and because of evolutions inherent to work itself, the work place is now more and more confronted to these issues. Indeed, such behavior exposes the user, his or her colleagues and even third parties to a number of risks. Even though employer's duties on matters concerning employee's health and safety are substantial nowadays, the employer is held to respecting the fundamental rights and freedom of the worker when dealing with such issues. While avoiding a general approach that would simply denounce the user-employee that is necessarily a cause of risk exposure for the firm, it is necessary, in a constructive approach, to not deny a phenomenon that puts in question the health and safety of the workers, and generates managerial and liability problems for the firm. Which are the available juridical responses that are pertinent and imaginable, that would protect legal certainty, respect the fundamental human rights of the people involved, help prevent professional risks and take care of the employee-user? The juridical approach intends to take into account the realities of the field, the insights of other scientific disciplines and a comparative contribution.

Notion centrale des rapports entre l’État et les individus, l'ordre public mis en œuvre par la police administrative est traditionnellement identifié comme étant matériel. Essentiel à l'équilibre entre maintien de la paix sociale et garantie des droits et libertés individuels, il y est particulièrement fait recours lorsqu'est en cause la sécurité. La législation (lato sensu) récente en matière d'état d'urgence le rappelle. Mais l'ordre public n'est pas uniquement matériel, limité à la sécurité, à la tranquillité et à la salubrité publiques. Notion classique du droit public, l'ordre public ne cesse d'évoluer. Il est en effet possible de tirer de divers phénomènes épars l'existence d'un ordre public immatériel dont l'émergence et l'utilisation visent à répondre à des déséquilibres apparus dans l'État de droit. Permettant notamment la protection de valeurs objectives à partir desquelles la société est ordonnée, l'ordre public immatériel vise à rééquilibrer les rapports entre le collectif et l'individuel. Il est en ce sens une notion fonctionnelle. Il est ainsi possible de définir l'ordre public immatériel et de construire un régime juridique qui lui soit adapté. Impuissant à restreindre les libertés dans la vie privée, il s'exprime dans le cadre de l'espace public auquel il est cantonné, ce qui limite d'autant les risques d'intrusion de l'État. Il peut être vu comme une notion autonome. Cette formalisation permet d'identifier plus facilement l'ordre public immatériel. Surtout, elle laisse entendre qu'il pourrait s'imposer durablement dans l'ordre juridique français. / A key notion in the relationship between the State and individuals, public order implemented by the administrative authorities is normally considered as material. Essential to the balance between maintaining social peace and ensuring respect for individual rights and freedoms, public order is implemented especially where security is involved. Recent legislation (in the broad sense) introducing the state of emergency is a case in point. However, public order is not merely material or restricted to matters of public security, peace or health. Public order, a traditional notion in public law, continues to evolve. From the various different phenomena, it is indeed possible to deduce the existence of an immaterial public order, the emergence and implementation of which are intended to offset the disequilibrium arising from the rule of law. The purpose of immaterial public order, which ensures the protection of objective values around which society is organised, is to restore the balance between the public and the individual. In that sense, it is a functional notion. It is therefore possible to define immaterial public order and build a legal system adapted to it. Immaterial public order, which is powerless to restrict freedoms in private life, expresses itself in the public domain to which it is confined, thereby limiting the risks of State intervention. lt can be seen as a notion in its own right. As a result of this formalisation, immaterial public order can be more readily identified. Above all, formalisation suggests that it could become a permanent feature of the French legal system.