This study is an attempt to understand strategy-making in the European Union (EU). By targeting the strategy-making process of the European Union Global Strategy (EUGS), the stydy aims to reveal the legal provisions and the in-practice procedures of strategy-making in the area of EU foreign policy. The thesis presents two theories, liberal intergovernmentalism and neofunctionalism, from which it constructs two contrasting ideal types of policy-making. By applying the theoretical ideal types on the targeted case, that is the strategy-making process of the EUGS, the study reflects on the relationships between Member states and the EU, as well as on the inter-institutional dynamics that would come to characterize the progress and development of the EUGS.  Despite difficulties in rejecting any of the theoretical ideal types, the study finds the policy-formulation of the EUGS to be more coherent with the neofunctional ideal type than that of liberal intergovernmentalism. This is due to the central role of the European External Action Service (EEAS) which would come to conduct an innovative policy-formulation phase of the strategy and to the lack of bargaining between the Member States on the textual provisions of the strategy. The neofunctional ideal type does yet fall short in explaining for the EUGS as an initial concept and partly for the implementation of the strategy, favoring a liberal intergovernmental interpretation of how the instruments of the EUGS would come to be initiated. The study also reflects on if the experience of making the EUGS may provide for an argument to review the presumed centrality of Member States being the ultimate drivers of EU foreign policy.

The purpose of this study is to examine if the existing theories within the field of Euroscepticism is sufficient to help us reach a deeper understanding of the changes in party positions and the publics opinion towards the EU and European integration in France between 2016 and 2018. To reach a deeper understanding of the case and the existing theories two research questions have been designed. One that seeks to examine on how we can understand the changes in voter opinion towards the EU. The other one seeks to examine how we can understand how the parties En Marche! and Front National has acted from 2016 to 2018. The method used in this study is a theory-consuming case study. Five theories where generated from the existing body of literature where crucial elements from seven different articles where derived to build a theoretical framework that examines different aspects of the voter vs. party dynamic. Most of the theories where applicable to the case at some point within the examined timeframe and helped us reach a deeper understanding of the case. Although one of the theories stood out and helped us reach a deeper understanding of the case during the entire period. That was the theory regarding that the French publics opinion about the EU seems to have been affected by a wider information-environment more than anything else. Although further research focused on that theory would be necessary to substantiate the findings in this thesis.

The last decade has witnessed an exponential interest in land investments across numerous industries in the developed countries. Africa has been particularly targeted for investments, increasingly for biofuel production. Though land investments can boost local economies when realized in an equitable manner, many reports also point to large-scale displacements and loss of land for local landowners. There remain empirical unclarities on the subject, and theoretical and analytical frameworks are underdeveloped in explaining the conditions and factors that determine outcomes.   This thesis is exploring the effects of land investments on land tenure security through the lens of credible commitment and neo-patrimonial theory, with a focus on biofuel production in Tanzania as the chosen qualitative case study. The analysis is based on two specific jatropha investments in Tanzania: Sun Biofuels and Diligent Ltd.   The research contribution of the thesis is in merging two theoretical approaches, CCT and Neo-patrimonialism, and applying it to a new research area of land investments in order to establish an understanding of their effects on local land tenure security.

The purpose with this study is to investigate, scrutinize and to understand the current political situation in Ukraine and why it has not been progressed. The disastrous democratic process and the country´s existing and indefatigable problems are studied through dynamics that deals with the country’s ethnic divisions and the conflict with Russia regarding several regions in Ukraine. In this paper, a case study is used as the method, and by applying Anna Jarstads dilemmas of democracy process and Arend Lijpharts Consociational democracy is as well, the investigation shows that this system of democracy model can be successful Ukraine if they take regards to Anna Jarstads four dilemmas. The conclusion of this study means that it is important to take regards into the dilemmas of democracy and therefore must be regarded to when a country is trying to build a state based on democracy and that no improvement can be done without it. And the process of democracy should take impression of the Consociational democracy model, otherwise it´s more likely that the political volatility will remain and further increase.

A half century long civil war was fought in Colombia during 1964 and 2016, during these years there have been numerous peace negotiations between the state and the leftist guerrilla FARC-EP. The two enemies had big ideological differences but despite this, they managed to strike a peace deal in the end. These negotiations can be connected with the theory of rationality, where each partner will act with a goal for maximum profitable purpose. This study will primarily focus on the FARC-EP ideological alteration and its rational behaviour during negotiations during 2012-2016 and that concluded with the peace deal signed in Cartagena, Colombia. This study will also give a perspective in how FARC-EP has acted post- the peace negotiations on its way with peace and reconciliation in mind. With the ideological aspect and rationality in remembrance this study will analyse the change of method that the FARC-EP went through, from a violent guerrilla towards a political party with its primary goal still in mind, of an equal marxist nation, and the participation in its first democratic election in 2018.

Det finns flera teorier som försöker beskriva och förstå doktriner. Flera av dem har identifierat den kommunikativa aspekten av doktrin, men ingen av teorierna har ett utvecklat ramverk för att kunna analysera detta. Denna studie ställer frågan hur doktrin kan förstås utifrån teori om strategisk kommunikation och syftar till att se om Høibacks teori om doktrin går att komplettera med aspekten kommunikation. Studiens frågeställning besvaras genom en idéanalys av Militärstrategisk Doktrin 2011 (MSD12) och Militärstrategisk Doktrin 2016 (MSD16). För att genomföra analysen används teori om strategisk kommunikation. Slutsatsen är att båda doktrinerna går att beskriva och förstås utifrån teori om strategisk kommunikation och att strategisk kommunikation med fördel kan användas för att komplettera Høibacks teori.

The Swedish Moderate Party had for a long time varied widely in election results. This essay emerges that the theory of dealignment and realignment explains the variation. Dealignment meaning that contemporary voters in western democracies don’t establish relations with political parties in a wide form as traditional. This essay show that the traditional ways of political identity and later voting acts are not important in the same way as before. The Moderate party has in the public eye been a party that people tend to have strong feelings about. The established explanation, the right left scale and class, were found to be less likely to explain why people like or don ́t like the Moderate Party. It is part of a major social change that has been established in most Western democracies. Essentially, this is about new post material value based parties. This study shows that it also affects a large established party like the Moderate Party and a part of a realignment in Swedish politics where new patterns are established. Also that it is an ongoing development were social background and political scale of the traditional values are becoming more and more ineffective in the cause of contemporary voters' behavior.

I vår uppsats har vi analyserat Systembolaget och Svenska Spels styrdokument samt två av deras reklamfilmer i syfte att förstå hur tvetydiga demokratiska och ekonomiska värden kan uttryckas. Med utgångspunkt i ekonomistiska resonemang om att det i offentlig verksamhethar skett en förskjutning av vilka värden som prioriteras, ofta på bekostnad av de demokratiskavärdena, har vi undersökt hur värden gestaltas i två hybridorganisationer, en organisationsform som enligt teorin är särskilt utsatta för intressekonflikter sprungna ur offentliga och privata styrlogiker. Genom att kvalitativt studera bolagens styrdokument hur värden uttrycks samt hur dessa återspeglas i bolagens kommunikation fann vi att motstridiga ekonomiska och demokratiska värden var representerade men inte på ett sådant sätt att det finns anledning att anta att ekonomiska intressen tränger undan demokratiska värden. Slutsatsen är att hybridorganisationer har en särskild utmaning i att tillgodose konkurrerande intressen men att det går att nå en balans mellan dessa.

An analyse of the local actors involvement of the international peacebuilding in the Republic of the Congo. How international actors as the United Nations cooperate with local peacebuilders.

In a globalized world, the constant mobilization of people highlights the relevance of citizenship as the mean for full membership in the state. Considering that, in practice, the population of modern states does not only consist of citizens, this thesis presents a theoretical analysis on the principles and policies for the inclusion of non-citizens. This discussion considers two concerns: first, who should be included as members of the state qua citizens, and second, how should non-citizens be enfranchised. In the first part, I review models that discuss if membership in the state should be more restrictive or more inclusive; the second part analyzes formal mechanisms for the inclusion of non-citizens, in particular integration and citizenship policies. The conclusions drawn from this discussion suggest that integration is the core requirement for citizenship, thus it is arbitrary to condition either citizenship acquisition or enfranchisement with other requirements. Specifically, the thesis offers a normative critique against universal time requirements and bureaucratic burdens as unjustified obstacles to citizenship. As an illustration for the arguments given, I study the policy for the acquisition of citizenship in Sweden.