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This study aims at contributing to the studies of political implementation. The theory of implementation claims that local implementation that meets the demands of national policies is close to none existing. By examining the implementation of industrial policy in two Swedish municipalities that differs in location, prosperity and political believes I am putting the theory to the test. If the test were to show that the implementation is rather well executed in these two cases, where the risk of failure is great, the questions about whether the theory is valid or not will rise. By interviewing the two local government employees in charge of the work with industrial policy, and studying their strategic documents I got my answers. This by looking at their work but also their attitudes towards the national policy in terms of understanding the policy, being able to work with it, and wanting to work with it. The study shows that the implementation is rather well executed in both municipalities. However, it also showed that this was not an intentional aim from the municipalities who are mostly interested in working with their own agenda and consequently I could not find adequate proof that the theory was incorrect.

The Swedish Moderate Party had for a long time varied widely in election results. This essay emerges that the theory of dealignment and realignment explains the variation. Dealignment meaning that contemporary voters in western democracies don’t establish relations with political parties in a wide form as traditional. This essay show that the traditional ways of political identity and later voting acts are not important in the same way as before. The Moderate party has in the public eye been a party that people tend to have strong feelings about. The established explanation, the right left scale and class, were found to be less likely to explain why people like or don ́t like the Moderate Party. It is part of a major social change that has been established in most Western democracies. Essentially, this is about new post material value based parties. This study shows that it also affects a large established party like the Moderate Party and a part of a realignment in Swedish politics where new patterns are established. Also that it is an ongoing development were social background and political scale of the traditional values are becoming more and more ineffective in the cause of contemporary voters' behavior.

For almost two decades Sweden has been a part of NATO: s missions in Afghanistan to create security and ensure that the country will not become a safe haven for terrorist organisations. The discussion how to counter terrorism and insurgency in the 21st century is today a topic where the foundation of modern counterinsurgency is questioned. Critiques against counterinsurgency strategy states that counterinsurgency does not work but merely is a utopia. This essay has studied two periods of the ISAF mission in Afghanistan by testing Zambernardis theory of counterinsurgency trilemma, with the purpose to contribute with new information of conditions within counterinsurgency to the discussion. The theory aims to show that of the three main goals of all counterinsurgency’s; force protection, distinction between enemy combatants and non-combatants and the physical elimination of insurgents, only two can be achieved simultaneously. The study compared the two cases differences regarding casualties to reach the conclusions.The result of the study shows that ISAF achieved two goals simultaneously during the two periods in line with Zambernardis theory. The result of the study shows that when discussing counterinsurgency operations, the relationship between casualties in counterinsurgency’s ought to be included.

This essay examines the international relationship of Sweden and Russia in the period after the Cold war and the dissolution of the Sovietunion. Focusing on the period before and after the annexation of Crimea. The essay examines different documents from the Swedish government and uses Realistic thery of international relations to illustrate how the relationship has changed. I conclude that the Swedish relationship to Russia has worsened and that the area in Sweden’s proximity has entered a decline of safety and security with increased chance of aggression from Russia after they have showed being willing to use military force in an offensive capacity in Crimea.